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<v Speaker 1>Chapter eighteen B of Considerations on Representative Government. This LibriVox

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<v Speaker 1>recording is in the public domain. Considerations on Representative Government

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<v Speaker 1>by John Stuart Mill, Chapter eighteen B. The government of

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<v Speaker 1>a people by itself has a meaning and reality, But

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<v Speaker 1>such a thing as government of one people by another

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<v Speaker 1>does not and cannot exist. One people may keep another

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<v Speaker 1>as a warren, or preserve for its own use a

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<v Speaker 1>place to make money in a human cattle farm, to

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<v Speaker 1>be worked for the profit of its own inhabitants. But

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<v Speaker 1>if the good of the governed is the proper business

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<v Speaker 1>of a government, it is utterly impossible that a people

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<v Speaker 1>should directly attend to it. The utmost they can do

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<v Speaker 1>is to give some of their best men a commission

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<v Speaker 1>to look after it, to whom the opinion of their

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<v Speaker 1>own country can neither be much of a guide in

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<v Speaker 1>the performance of their duty, nor a competent judge of

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<v Speaker 1>the mode in which it has been performed. N One

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<v Speaker 1>consider how the English themselves would be governed if they

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<v Speaker 1>knew and cared no more about their own affairs than

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<v Speaker 1>they know and care about the affairs of the Hindus.

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<v Speaker 1>Even this comparison gives no adequate idea of the state

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<v Speaker 1>of the case. For people thus indifferent to politics altogether

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<v Speaker 1>would probably be simply acquiescent and let the government alone,

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<v Speaker 1>whereas in the case of India, a politically active people

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<v Speaker 1>like the English, amid habitual acquiescence, are every now and

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<v Speaker 1>then interfering, and almost always in the wrong place. The

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<v Speaker 1>real causes which determine the prosperity or wretchedness, the improvement

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<v Speaker 1>or deterioration of the Hindus are too far off to

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<v Speaker 1>be within their ken. They have not the knowledge necessary

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<v Speaker 1>for suspecting the existence of those causes, much less for

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<v Speaker 1>judging their operation. The most essential interests of the country

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<v Speaker 1>may be well administered without obtaining any of their approbation,

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<v Speaker 1>or mismanaged to almost any excess without attracting their notice.

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<v Speaker 1>The purposes for which they are principally tempted to interfere

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<v Speaker 1>and control the proceedings of their delegates are of two kinds.

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<v Speaker 1>One is to force English ideas down the throats of

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<v Speaker 1>the natives, for instance, by measures of proselytism or acts

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<v Speaker 1>intentionally or unintentionally offensive to the religious feelings of the people.

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<v Speaker 1>This misdirection of opinion in the ruling country is instructively exemplified.

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<v Speaker 1>The more so because nothing is meant but justice and fairness,

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<v Speaker 1>and as much impartiality as can be expected from persons

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<v Speaker 1>really convinced by the demand now so general in England

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<v Speaker 1>for having the Bible taught at the option of pupils

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<v Speaker 1>or of their parents in the government schools. From the

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<v Speaker 1>European point of view, nothing can wear a fairer aspect

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<v Speaker 1>or seem less open to objection on the score of

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<v Speaker 1>religious freedom. To Asiatic eyes, it is quite another thing.

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<v Speaker 1>No Asiatic people ever believes that a government puts its

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<v Speaker 1>paid officers and official mischie maenery into motion unless it

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<v Speaker 1>is bent upon an object, And when bent on an object,

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<v Speaker 1>no Asiatic believes that any government, except a feeble and

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<v Speaker 1>contemptible one, pursues it by halves. If government schools and

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<v Speaker 1>schoolmasters taught Christianity, whatever pledges might be given of teaching

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<v Speaker 1>it only to those who spontaneously sought it, no amount

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<v Speaker 1>of evidence would ever persuade the parents that improper means

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<v Speaker 1>were not used to make their children Christians or at

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<v Speaker 1>all events outcasts from Hinduism. If they could, in the

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<v Speaker 1>end be convinced of the contrary, it would only be

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<v Speaker 1>by the entire failure of the schools so conducted to

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<v Speaker 1>make any converts. If the teaching had the smallest effect

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<v Speaker 1>in promoting its object, it would compromise not only the

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<v Speaker 1>utility and even existence of the government education, but perhaps

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<v Speaker 1>the safety of the government itself. An English Protestant would

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<v Speaker 1>not be easily induced by disclaimers of proselytism to place

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<v Speaker 1>his children in a Roman Catholic seminary. Irish Catholics will

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<v Speaker 1>not send their children to schools in which they can

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<v Speaker 1>be made Protestants. And we expect that Hindus, who believe

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<v Speaker 1>that the privileges of Hinduism can be forfeited by a

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<v Speaker 1>merely physical act, will expose theirs to the danger of

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<v Speaker 1>being made Christians. Such is one of the modes in

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<v Speaker 1>which the opinion of the dominant country tends to act

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<v Speaker 1>more injuriously than beneficially on the conduct of its deputed governors.

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<v Speaker 1>In other respects, its interference is likely to be oftenest

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<v Speaker 1>exercise where it would be most pertinaciously demanded, and that

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<v Speaker 1>is on behalf of some interest of the English settlers.

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<v Speaker 1>English settlers have friends at home, have organs, have access

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<v Speaker 1>to the public, They have a common language and common

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<v Speaker 1>ideas with their countrymen. Any complaint by an Englishman is

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<v Speaker 1>more sympathetically heard, even if no unjust preference is intentionally

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<v Speaker 1>accorded to it. Now, if there be a fact to

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<v Speaker 1>which all experience testifies, it is that when a country

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<v Speaker 1>holds another in subjection, the individuals of the ruling people

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<v Speaker 1>who resort to the foreign country to make their fortunes are,

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<v Speaker 1>of all others, those who most need to be held

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<v Speaker 1>under powerful restraint. They are always one of the chief

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<v Speaker 1>difficulties of the government. Armed with the prestige and filled

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<v Speaker 1>with the scornful overbearingness of the conquering nation, they have

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<v Speaker 1>the feelings inspired by absolute power without its sense of responsibility.

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<v Speaker 1>Among a people like that of India, the utmost efforts

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<v Speaker 1>of the public authorities are not enough for the effectual

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<v Speaker 1>protection of the weak against the strong, And of all

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<v Speaker 1>the strong, the European settlers are the strongest. Wherever the

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<v Speaker 1>demoralizing effect of the situation is not in a most

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<v Speaker 1>remarkable degree corrected by the personal character of the individual,

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<v Speaker 1>they think the people of the country mere dirt under

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<v Speaker 1>their feet. It seems to them monstrous that any rights

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<v Speaker 1>of the natives should stand in the way of their

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<v Speaker 1>smallest pretensions. The simplest act of protection to the inhabitants

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<v Speaker 1>against any act of power on their part which they

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<v Speaker 1>may consider useful to their commercial objects, they denounce and

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<v Speaker 1>sincerely regard as an injury. So natural is this state

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<v Speaker 1>of feeling in a situation like theirs, that, even under

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<v Speaker 1>the discouragement which it has hitherto met with from the

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<v Speaker 1>ruling authorities, it is impossible that more or less of

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<v Speaker 1>the spirit should not perpetually break out. The government itself,

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<v Speaker 1>free from this spirit, is never able sufficiently to keep

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<v Speaker 1>it down in the young and raw, even of its

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<v Speaker 1>own civil and military officers, over whom it has so

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<v Speaker 1>much more control than over the independent residence. As it

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<v Speaker 1>is with the English in India, So according to trustworthy testimony,

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<v Speaker 1>it is with the French in Algiers, so with the

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<v Speaker 1>Americans and the countries conquered from Mexico. So it seems

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<v Speaker 1>to be with the Europeans in China, and already even

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<v Speaker 1>in Japan. There is no necessity to recall how it

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<v Speaker 1>was with the Spaniards in South America. In all these cases,

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<v Speaker 1>the government to which these private adventurers are subject is

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<v Speaker 1>better than they and does the most it can to

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<v Speaker 1>protect the natives against them. Even the Spanish government did

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<v Speaker 1>this sincerely and earnestly, though ineffectually, as is known to

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<v Speaker 1>every reader of mister Help's instructive history. Had the Spanish

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<v Speaker 1>government been directly accountable to Spanish opinion, we may question

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<v Speaker 1>if it would have made the attempt, For the Spaniards,

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<v Speaker 1>doubtless would have taken part with their Christian friends and

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<v Speaker 1>relations rather than with Pagans. The settlers, not the natives,

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<v Speaker 1>have the ear of the public at home. It is

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<v Speaker 1>they whose representations are likely to pass for truth, because

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<v Speaker 1>they alone have both the means and the motive to

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<v Speaker 1>press them perseveringly upon the inattentive and uninterested public mind.

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<v Speaker 1>The distrustful criticism with which Englishmen, more than any other

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<v Speaker 1>people are in the habit of scanning the conduct of

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<v Speaker 1>their country towards foreigners, they usually reserved for the proceedings

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<v Speaker 1>of the public authorities. In all questions between a government

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<v Speaker 1>and an individual, the presumption in every Englishman's mind is

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<v Speaker 1>that the government is in the wrong, and when the

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<v Speaker 1>resident English bring the batteries of English political action to

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<v Speaker 1>bear upon any of the bulwarks erected to protect the

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<v Speaker 1>natives against their encroachments. The executive, with their real but

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<v Speaker 1>faint viliities of something better, generally find it safer to

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<v Speaker 1>their parliamentary interest, and at any rate less troublesome to

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<v Speaker 1>give up the disputed position than to defend it. What

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<v Speaker 1>makes matters worse is that when the public mind is

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<v Speaker 1>invoked as to its credit, the English mind is extremely

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<v Speaker 1>open to be in the name of justice and philanthropy,

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<v Speaker 1>in behalf of the subject community or race, there is

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<v Speaker 1>the same probability of its missing the mark. For in

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<v Speaker 1>the subject community also there are oppressors and oppressed powerful

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<v Speaker 1>individuals or classes and slaves prostrate before them. It is

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<v Speaker 1>the former, not the latter, who have the means of

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<v Speaker 1>access to the English public. A tyrant or sensualist who

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<v Speaker 1>has been deprived of the power he had abused, and

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<v Speaker 1>instead of punishment, is supported in as great wealth and

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<v Speaker 1>splendor as he ever enjoyed. A knot of privileged landholders

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<v Speaker 1>who demand that the state should relinquish to them its

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<v Speaker 1>reserved right to a rent from their lands, or who

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<v Speaker 1>resent as a wrong any attempt to protect the masses

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<v Speaker 1>from their extortion. These have no difficulty in procuring interested

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<v Speaker 1>or sentimental advocacy in the British Parliament and press, the

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<v Speaker 1>silent myriads obtain none. The preceding observations exemplify the operation

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<v Speaker 1>of a principle which might be called an obvious one,

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<v Speaker 1>were it not that scarcely anybody seems to be aware

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<v Speaker 1>of it. That while responsibility to the governed is the

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<v Speaker 1>greatest of all securities for good government, responsibility to somebody

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<v Speaker 1>else not only has no such tendency, but is as

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<v Speaker 1>likely to produce evil as good. The responsibility of the

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<v Speaker 1>British rulers of India to the British nation is chiefly

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<v Speaker 1>useful because when any acts of the government are called

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<v Speaker 1>in question, it insures publicity and discussion, the utility of

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<v Speaker 1>which does not require that the public at large should

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<v Speaker 1>comprehend the point at issue. Provided there are any individuals

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<v Speaker 1>among them who do for a merely moral responsibility, not

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<v Speaker 1>being responsibility to the collective people, but to every separate

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<v Speaker 1>person among them who forms a judgment, opinions may be

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<v Speaker 1>weighed as well as counted, and the approbation or disapprobation

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<v Speaker 1>of one person well versed in the subject may outweigh

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<v Speaker 1>that of thousands who know nothing about it at all.

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<v Speaker 1>It is doubtless a useful restraint upon the immediate rulers,

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<v Speaker 1>that they can be put upon their defense, and that

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<v Speaker 1>one or two of the jury will form an opinion

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<v Speaker 1>worth having about their conduct, though that of the remainder

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<v Speaker 1>will probably be several reads worse than none. Such as

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<v Speaker 1>it is, this is the amount of benefit to India

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<v Speaker 1>from the control exercised over the Indian government by the

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<v Speaker 1>British Parliament and people. It is not by attempting to

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<v Speaker 1>rule directly a country like India, but by giving it

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<v Speaker 1>good rulers, that the English people can do their duty

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<v Speaker 1>to that country, and they can scarcely give it a

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<v Speaker 1>worse one than an English cabinet minister who is thinking

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<v Speaker 1>of English not Indian politics, who does not remain long

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<v Speaker 1>enough in office to acquire an intelligent interest in so

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<v Speaker 1>complicated a subject upon whom the factitious public opinion got

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<v Speaker 1>up in Parliament, consisting of two or three fluent speakers,

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<v Speaker 1>acts with as much force as if it were genuine,

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<v Speaker 1>while he is under none of the influences of training

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<v Speaker 1>and position which would lead or qualify him to form

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<v Speaker 1>an honest opinion of his own. A free country which

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<v Speaker 1>attempts to govern a distant dependency inhabited by a dysmo

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<v Speaker 1>people by means of a branch of its own executive

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<v Speaker 1>will almost inevitably fail. The only mode which has any

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<v Speaker 1>chance of tolerable success is to govern through a delegated

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<v Speaker 1>body of a comparatively permanent character, allowing only a right

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<v Speaker 1>of inspection and a negative voice to the changeable administration

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<v Speaker 1>of the state. Such a body did exist in the

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<v Speaker 1>case of India, and I fear that both India and

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<v Speaker 1>England will pay a severe penalty for the short sighted

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<v Speaker 1>policy by which this intermediate instrument of government was done

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<v Speaker 1>away with. It is of no avail to say that

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<v Speaker 1>such a delegated body can not have all the requisites

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<v Speaker 1>of good government. Above all, cannot have that complete and

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<v Speaker 1>over operative identity of interest with the governed, which it

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<v Speaker 1>is so difficult to obtain. Even where the people to

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<v Speaker 1>be ruled are in some degree qualified to look after

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<v Speaker 1>their own affairs. Real good government is not compatible with

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<v Speaker 1>the conditions of the case. There is but a choice

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<v Speaker 1>of imperfections. The problem is so to construct the governing

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<v Speaker 1>body that, under the difficulties of the position, it shall

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<v Speaker 1>have as much interest as possible in good government and

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<v Speaker 1>as little in bad now. These conditions are best found

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<v Speaker 1>in an intermediate body. A delegated administration has always this

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<v Speaker 1>advantage over a direct one, that it has, at all

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<v Speaker 1>events no duty to perform except to the governed. It

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<v Speaker 1>has no interests to consider except theirs. Its own power

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<v Speaker 1>of deriving profit from misgovernment may be reduced. In the

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<v Speaker 1>latest Constitution of the East India Company, it was reduced

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<v Speaker 1>to a singularly small amount, and it can be kept

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<v Speaker 1>entirely clear of bias from the individual or class interests

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<v Speaker 1>of anyone else when the Home Government and Parliament are

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<v Speaker 1>swayed by such partial influences in the exercise of the

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<v Speaker 1>power reserved to them. In the last resort, the intermediate

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<v Speaker 1>body is the certain advocate and champion of the dependency

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<v Speaker 1>before the imperial tribunal. The intermediate body, moreover, is, in

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<v Speaker 1>the natural course of things, chiefly composed of persons who

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<v Speaker 1>have acquired professional knowledge of this part of their country's concerns,

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<v Speaker 1>who have been trained to it in the place itself,

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<v Speaker 1>and have made its administration the main occupation of their lives.

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<v Speaker 1>Furnished with these qualifications, and not being liable to lose

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<v Speaker 1>their office from the accidents of home politics. They identify

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<v Speaker 1>their character and consideration with their special trust, and have

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<v Speaker 1>a much more permanent interest in the success of their

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<v Speaker 1>administration and in the prosperity of the country which they administer,

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<v Speaker 1>than a member of a cabinet under a representative constitution

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<v Speaker 1>can possibly have in the good government of any country

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<v Speaker 1>except the one which he serves. So far as the

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<v Speaker 1>choice of those who carry on the management on the

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<v Speaker 1>spot devolves upon this body, their appointment is kept out

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<v Speaker 1>of the vortex of party and parliamentary jobbing, and freed

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<v Speaker 1>from the influence of those motives to the abuse of

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<v Speaker 1>patronage for the reward of adherents, or to buy off

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<v Speaker 1>those who would otherwise be opponents, which are always stronger

249
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<v Speaker 1>with statesmen of average honesty than a conscientious sense of

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00:15:15.399 --> 00:15:19.200
<v Speaker 1>the duty of appointing the fittest man. To put this

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<v Speaker 1>one class of appointments, as far as possible, out of

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<v Speaker 1>harm's way is of more consequence than the worst which

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<v Speaker 1>can happen to all other offices in the state. For

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<v Speaker 1>in every other department, if the officer is unqualified, the

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<v Speaker 1>general opinion of the community directs him in a certain

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<v Speaker 1>degree what to do but in the position of the

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<v Speaker 1>administrators of a dependency where the people are not fit

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<v Speaker 1>to have the control in their own hands. The character

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00:15:45.399 --> 00:15:49.960
<v Speaker 1>of the government entirely depends on the qualifications, moral and

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<v Speaker 1>intellectual of the individual functionaries. It cannot be too often

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<v Speaker 1>repeated that in a country like India, everything depends on

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<v Speaker 1>the person, no qualities, and capacities of the agents of government.

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<v Speaker 1>This truth is the cardinal principle of Indian administration. The

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<v Speaker 1>day when it comes to be thought that the appointment

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<v Speaker 1>of persons to situations of trust from motives of convenience,

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<v Speaker 1>already so criminal in England, can be practiced with impunity

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<v Speaker 1>in India, will be the beginning of the decline and

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<v Speaker 1>fall of our empire. There, Even with the sincere intention

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<v Speaker 1>of preferring the best candidate, it will not do to

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<v Speaker 1>rely on chance for supplying fit persons. The system must

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<v Speaker 1>be calculated to form them. It has done this hitherto,

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<v Speaker 1>and because it has done so, our rule in India

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<v Speaker 1>has lasted and been one of constant, if not very rapid,

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<v Speaker 1>improvement in prosperity and good administration. As much bitterness is

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<v Speaker 1>now manifested against this system, and as much eagerness displayed

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<v Speaker 1>to overthrow it, as if educating and training the officers

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<v Speaker 1>of government for their work were a thing utterly unreasonable

278
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<v Speaker 1>and indefensible, an unjustifiable interference with the rights of ignorance

279
00:17:04.720 --> 00:17:08.759
<v Speaker 1>and inexperience. There is a tacit conspiracy between those who

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<v Speaker 1>would like to job and first rate Indian offices for

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00:17:11.920 --> 00:17:15.519
<v Speaker 1>their connections here, and those who, being already in India,

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<v Speaker 1>claim to be promoted from the Indigo factory or the

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<v Speaker 1>attorney's office to administer justice or fix the payments due

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<v Speaker 1>to government for millions of people. The monopoly of the

285
00:17:26.240 --> 00:17:30.079
<v Speaker 1>civil service so much inveighed against, is like the monopoly

286
00:17:30.160 --> 00:17:34.079
<v Speaker 1>of judicial offices by the bar, and its abolition would

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<v Speaker 1>be like opening the bench in Westminster Hall to the

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<v Speaker 1>first comer whose friends certified that he has now and

289
00:17:39.799 --> 00:17:44.480
<v Speaker 1>then looked into Blackstone. Were the course ever adopted of

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<v Speaker 1>sending men from this country or encouraging them in going

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00:17:47.839 --> 00:17:51.200
<v Speaker 1>out to get themselves put into high appointments without having

292
00:17:51.359 --> 00:17:54.440
<v Speaker 1>learned their business by passing through the lower ones, the

293
00:17:54.519 --> 00:17:57.680
<v Speaker 1>most important offices would be thrown to Scotch cousins and

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<v Speaker 1>adventurers connected by no professional feeling with the country or

295
00:18:01.359 --> 00:18:05.039
<v Speaker 1>the work held to no previous knowledge, and eager only

296
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<v Speaker 1>to make money rapidly and return home. The safety of

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00:18:08.680 --> 00:18:11.880
<v Speaker 1>the country is that those by whom it is administered

298
00:18:11.960 --> 00:18:15.519
<v Speaker 1>be sent out in youth as candidates, only to begin

299
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<v Speaker 1>at the bottom of the latter and ascend higher or not,

300
00:18:18.799 --> 00:18:23.759
<v Speaker 1>as after a proper interval they are proved qualified. The

301
00:18:23.839 --> 00:18:26.839
<v Speaker 1>defect of the East India Company's system was that though

302
00:18:26.880 --> 00:18:29.279
<v Speaker 1>the best men were carefully sought out for the most

303
00:18:29.319 --> 00:18:33.880
<v Speaker 1>important posts, yet if an officer remained in the service, promotion,

304
00:18:34.400 --> 00:18:36.599
<v Speaker 1>though it might be delayed, came at last in some

305
00:18:36.799 --> 00:18:39.160
<v Speaker 1>shape or order to the least as well as to

306
00:18:39.200 --> 00:18:43.240
<v Speaker 1>the most competent. Even the inferior in qualifications. Among such

307
00:18:43.279 --> 00:18:46.759
<v Speaker 1>a corps of functionaries consisted. It must be remembered of

308
00:18:46.839 --> 00:18:49.359
<v Speaker 1>men who had been brought up to their duties and

309
00:18:49.440 --> 00:18:53.039
<v Speaker 1>had fulfilled them for many years at lowest without disgrace

310
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<v Speaker 1>under the eye and authority of a superior. But though

311
00:18:56.519 --> 00:19:00.720
<v Speaker 1>this diminished the evil, it was nevertheless considerable. A man

312
00:19:00.759 --> 00:19:03.519
<v Speaker 1>who never becomes fit for more than an assistant's duty

313
00:19:04.200 --> 00:19:08.000
<v Speaker 1>should remain an assistant all his life, and his juniors

314
00:19:08.160 --> 00:19:12.279
<v Speaker 1>should be promoted over him. With this exception, I am

315
00:19:12.319 --> 00:19:14.960
<v Speaker 1>not aware of any real defect in the old system

316
00:19:15.000 --> 00:19:19.519
<v Speaker 1>of Indian appointments, it had already received the greatest other improvement.

317
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<v Speaker 1>It was susceptible of the choice of the original candidates

318
00:19:22.960 --> 00:19:27.799
<v Speaker 1>by competitive examination, which besides the advantage of recruiting from

319
00:19:27.799 --> 00:19:31.640
<v Speaker 1>a higher grade of industry and capacity, as the recommendation

320
00:19:31.720 --> 00:19:35.079
<v Speaker 1>that under it. Unless by accident, there are no personal

321
00:19:35.119 --> 00:19:38.279
<v Speaker 1>ties between the candidates for offices and those who have

322
00:19:38.359 --> 00:19:41.640
<v Speaker 1>a voice in conferring them. It is in no way

323
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<v Speaker 1>unjust that public officers, thus selected and trained should be

324
00:19:45.240 --> 00:19:50.359
<v Speaker 1>exclusively eligible to offices which require specially Indian knowledge and experience.

325
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<v Speaker 1>If any door to the higher appointments, without passing through

326
00:19:54.240 --> 00:19:57.680
<v Speaker 1>the lower be opened, even for occasional use, there will

327
00:19:57.759 --> 00:20:00.799
<v Speaker 1>be such incessant knocking at it by persons of influence

328
00:20:00.920 --> 00:20:03.319
<v Speaker 1>that it will be impossible ever to keep it closed.

329
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<v Speaker 1>The only accepted appointment should be the highest one of all.

330
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<v Speaker 1>The Viceroy of British India should be a person selected

331
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<v Speaker 1>from all Englishmen for his great general capacity for government.

332
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<v Speaker 1>If he have this, he will be able to distinguish

333
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<v Speaker 1>in others and turn to his own use that special

334
00:20:21.440 --> 00:20:24.400
<v Speaker 1>knowledge and judgment in local affairs which he has not

335
00:20:24.559 --> 00:20:28.400
<v Speaker 1>himself had the opportunity of acquiring. There are good reasons

336
00:20:28.440 --> 00:20:30.680
<v Speaker 1>why the Viceroy should not be a member of the

337
00:20:30.759 --> 00:20:35.480
<v Speaker 1>regular service. All services have more or less their class

338
00:20:35.480 --> 00:20:39.160
<v Speaker 1>prejudices from which the Supreme Ruler ought to be exempt.

339
00:20:39.519 --> 00:20:42.920
<v Speaker 1>Neither are men, however, able and experienced, who have passed

340
00:20:42.960 --> 00:20:46.039
<v Speaker 1>their lives in Asia, so likely to possess the most

341
00:20:46.079 --> 00:20:51.079
<v Speaker 1>advanced European ideas in general statesmanship, which the chief ruler

342
00:20:51.119 --> 00:20:53.839
<v Speaker 1>should carry out with him and blend with the results

343
00:20:53.920 --> 00:20:57.599
<v Speaker 1>of Indian experience. Again, being of a different class, and

344
00:20:57.720 --> 00:21:00.799
<v Speaker 1>especially if chosen by a different authority, he will seldom

345
00:21:00.839 --> 00:21:04.920
<v Speaker 1>have any personal partialities to warp his appointments to office.

346
00:21:05.279 --> 00:21:09.039
<v Speaker 1>This great security for honest bestowal of patronage existed in

347
00:21:09.119 --> 00:21:12.279
<v Speaker 1>rare perfection under the mixed government of the Crown and

348
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<v Speaker 1>the East India Company. The supreme dispensers of office, the

349
00:21:16.799 --> 00:21:21.359
<v Speaker 1>Governor General and governors were appointed in fact, though not formally,

350
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<v Speaker 1>by the Crown, that is, by the general government, not

351
00:21:25.319 --> 00:21:28.319
<v Speaker 1>by the intermediate body, and a great officer of the

352
00:21:28.359 --> 00:21:31.559
<v Speaker 1>Crown probably had not a single personal or political connection

353
00:21:32.079 --> 00:21:35.279
<v Speaker 1>in the local service, while the delegated body, most of

354
00:21:35.279 --> 00:21:38.759
<v Speaker 1>whom had themselves served in the country, had and were

355
00:21:38.880 --> 00:21:43.759
<v Speaker 1>likely to have such connections. This guarantee for impartiality would

356
00:21:43.759 --> 00:21:47.240
<v Speaker 1>be much impaired if the civil servants of government, even

357
00:21:47.240 --> 00:21:50.160
<v Speaker 1>though sent out in boyhood as mere candidates for employment,

358
00:21:50.640 --> 00:21:54.200
<v Speaker 1>should come to be furnished in any considerable proportion by

359
00:21:54.200 --> 00:21:59.200
<v Speaker 1>the class of society which supplies viceroys and governors. Even

360
00:21:59.279 --> 00:22:03.960
<v Speaker 1>the initiatory or competitive examination would then be an insufficient security.

361
00:22:04.640 --> 00:22:09.119
<v Speaker 1>It would exclude mere ignorance and incapacity. It would compel

362
00:22:09.200 --> 00:22:11.720
<v Speaker 1>youths of family to start in the race with the

363
00:22:11.720 --> 00:22:15.519
<v Speaker 1>same amount of instruction and ability as other people. The

364
00:22:15.599 --> 00:22:18.880
<v Speaker 1>stupidest son could not be put into the Indian service

365
00:22:19.440 --> 00:22:22.440
<v Speaker 1>as he can be into the church, but there would

366
00:22:22.440 --> 00:22:26.519
<v Speaker 1>be nothing to prevent undue preference afterwards, No longer all

367
00:22:26.599 --> 00:22:30.000
<v Speaker 1>equally unknown and unheard of by the arbiter of their lot,

368
00:22:30.440 --> 00:22:33.119
<v Speaker 1>a portion of the service would be personally, and a

369
00:22:33.160 --> 00:22:37.880
<v Speaker 1>still greater number politically in close relation with him. Members

370
00:22:37.880 --> 00:22:41.079
<v Speaker 1>of certain families and of the higher classes and influential

371
00:22:41.079 --> 00:22:45.960
<v Speaker 1>connections generally would rise more rapidly than their competitors, and

372
00:22:46.079 --> 00:22:49.079
<v Speaker 1>be often kept in situations for which they were unfit,

373
00:22:49.759 --> 00:22:52.880
<v Speaker 1>or placed in those for which others were fitter, the

374
00:22:52.920 --> 00:22:56.599
<v Speaker 1>same influences would be brought into play which affect promotions

375
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<v Speaker 1>in the army and those alone. If such miracles of

376
00:23:00.200 --> 00:23:04.240
<v Speaker 1>simplicity there be who believe that these are impartial, would

377
00:23:04.279 --> 00:23:07.880
<v Speaker 1>expect impartiality in those of India. This evil is, I

378
00:23:07.960 --> 00:23:12.279
<v Speaker 1>fear irremediable by any general measures which can be taken

379
00:23:12.359 --> 00:23:16.000
<v Speaker 1>under the present system. No such will afford a degree

380
00:23:16.079 --> 00:23:20.559
<v Speaker 1>of security comparable to that which once flowed spontaneously from

381
00:23:20.559 --> 00:23:25.519
<v Speaker 1>the so called double government. What has accounted so great

382
00:23:25.559 --> 00:23:27.839
<v Speaker 1>an advantage in the case of the English system of

383
00:23:27.839 --> 00:23:31.880
<v Speaker 1>government at home has been its misfortune in India that

384
00:23:32.000 --> 00:23:35.359
<v Speaker 1>it grew up of itself, not from preconceived design, but

385
00:23:35.440 --> 00:23:40.359
<v Speaker 1>by successive expedients and by the adaptation of machinery originally

386
00:23:40.400 --> 00:23:44.200
<v Speaker 1>created for a different purpose. As the country on which

387
00:23:44.200 --> 00:23:47.160
<v Speaker 1>its maintenance depended was not the one out of whose

388
00:23:47.200 --> 00:23:51.079
<v Speaker 1>necessities it grew, its practical benefits did not come home

389
00:23:51.119 --> 00:23:53.480
<v Speaker 1>to the mind of that country, and it would have

390
00:23:53.559 --> 00:23:59.599
<v Speaker 1>required theoretic recommendations to render it acceptable. Unfortunately, these were

391
00:23:59.640 --> 00:24:03.119
<v Speaker 1>exactly what it seemed to be destitute of, and undoubtedly

392
00:24:03.200 --> 00:24:05.720
<v Speaker 1>the common theories of government did not furnish it with

393
00:24:05.799 --> 00:24:09.640
<v Speaker 1>such framed as those theories have been for states of circumstances,

394
00:24:09.960 --> 00:24:13.720
<v Speaker 1>differing in all the most important features from the case concerned.

395
00:24:14.640 --> 00:24:17.680
<v Speaker 1>But in government, as in other departments of human agency,

396
00:24:17.839 --> 00:24:21.799
<v Speaker 1>almost all principles which have been durable were first suggested

397
00:24:21.920 --> 00:24:25.559
<v Speaker 1>by observation of some particular case in which the general

398
00:24:25.640 --> 00:24:28.920
<v Speaker 1>laws of nature acted in some new or previously unnoticed

399
00:24:28.960 --> 00:24:34.000
<v Speaker 1>combination of circumstances. The institutions of Great Britain and those

400
00:24:34.039 --> 00:24:37.759
<v Speaker 1>of the United States have the distinction of suggesting most

401
00:24:37.799 --> 00:24:41.240
<v Speaker 1>of the theories of government, which, through good and evil fortune,

402
00:24:41.720 --> 00:24:45.920
<v Speaker 1>are now in the course of generations reawakening political life

403
00:24:45.920 --> 00:24:49.079
<v Speaker 1>in the nations of Europe. It has been the destiny

404
00:24:49.079 --> 00:24:52.000
<v Speaker 1>of the government of the East India Company to suggest

405
00:24:52.119 --> 00:24:55.160
<v Speaker 1>the true theory of the government of a semi barbarous

406
00:24:55.200 --> 00:24:59.400
<v Speaker 1>dependency by a civilized country. And after having done this

407
00:24:59.599 --> 00:25:02.759
<v Speaker 1>to pairs, it would be a singular fortune if, at

408
00:25:02.759 --> 00:25:06.359
<v Speaker 1>the end of two or three more generations, this speculative

409
00:25:06.440 --> 00:25:09.920
<v Speaker 1>result should be the only remaining fruit of our ascendancy

410
00:25:10.079 --> 00:25:14.079
<v Speaker 1>in India. If posterity should say of us that, having

411
00:25:14.160 --> 00:25:18.079
<v Speaker 1>stumbled accidentally upon better arrangements than our wisdom would ever

412
00:25:18.119 --> 00:25:21.559
<v Speaker 1>have devised, the first use we made of our awakened

413
00:25:21.599 --> 00:25:25.200
<v Speaker 1>reason was to destroy them, and allow the good which

414
00:25:25.240 --> 00:25:28.640
<v Speaker 1>had been in course of being realized, to fall through

415
00:25:28.680 --> 00:25:31.680
<v Speaker 1>and be lost from ignorance of the principles on which

416
00:25:31.680 --> 00:25:36.519
<v Speaker 1>it depended. D. Meliora. But if a fate so disgraceful

417
00:25:36.559 --> 00:25:41.200
<v Speaker 1>to England and to civilization can be averted, it must

418
00:25:41.240 --> 00:25:45.759
<v Speaker 1>be through far wider political conceptions than merely English or

419
00:25:45.799 --> 00:25:49.720
<v Speaker 1>European practice can supply, and through a much more profound

420
00:25:49.759 --> 00:25:54.039
<v Speaker 1>study of Indian experience and of the conditions of Indian government,

421
00:25:54.400 --> 00:25:58.200
<v Speaker 1>than either English politicians or those who supply the English

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<v Speaker 1>public with opinions have hid hitherto shown any willingness to undertake.

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<v Speaker 1>End of Chapter eighteen B and end of Considerations on

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<v Speaker 1>Representative Government Recording by Bill Burst
