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<v Speaker 1>Hello and Welcome to Western SIEV Episode three hundred and twenty.

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<v Speaker 1>King and Parliament. The treasury was bear. The officers of

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<v Speaker 1>the ground were demanding their salaries, but but James had

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<v Speaker 1>no money with which to pay them. Parliament did not

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<v Speaker 1>want to vote taxes, and local officials in the counties

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<v Speaker 1>were not zealous in collecting the proper revenues from their neighbors.

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<v Speaker 1>Much of the money raised on customs duties was diverted

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<v Speaker 1>into the pockets of the men who were collecting it.

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<v Speaker 1>When Parliament reassembled in February sixteen ten, it was in

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<v Speaker 1>not the best of moods. Robert Cecil outlined the financial

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<v Speaker 1>problems of the nation, but the members of Parliament were

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<v Speaker 1>more concerned to restrain the overspending of the court rather

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<v Speaker 1>than to vote new taxes. One of them, Thomas Wentworth,

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<v Speaker 1>argued that it would be worse than useless to grant

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<v Speaker 1>new moneyes to the King if he refused to reduce

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<v Speaker 1>his expenditure. Wentworth asked, quote, to what purpose is it

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<v Speaker 1>to draw a silver stream into the Royal cistern if

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<v Speaker 1>it shall daily run out, thence by private clocks end quote.

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<v Speaker 1>Cecil was not impressed. It was his understanding that the

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<v Speaker 1>Commons had a duty to supply the needs of the King,

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<v Speaker 1>after which their grievances might be addressed. The Members, on

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<v Speaker 1>the other hand, demanded that their complaints be answered before

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<v Speaker 1>turning to the needs of the King, and so a

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<v Speaker 1>conference was called, during which Robert Cecil put forward a

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<v Speaker 1>long mediated plan, which became later known as as the

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<v Speaker 1>Great Contract. The King would give up his feudal dues

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<v Speaker 1>and ten years in exchange for a guaranteed annual sum.

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<v Speaker 1>The commons offered one hundred thousand pounds, only half of

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<v Speaker 1>the amount James required. Parliament still seemed to believe that

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<v Speaker 1>he should and could be as economical as his predecessor.

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<v Speaker 1>The negotiations therefore were suspended. On May the twenty first,

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<v Speaker 1>the King summoned both houses of Parliament into his presence,

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<v Speaker 1>and he castigated them for sitting for fourteen weeks without

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<v Speaker 1>dealing with his necessities. He would listen to what they

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<v Speaker 1>had to say about increased taxation, but he would not

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<v Speaker 1>be bound by their opinions. They must not question the

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<v Speaker 1>royal prerogative in such matters. The members answered that if

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<v Speaker 1>this were the case, then the King might lawfully claim

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<v Speaker 1>all they owned a deputation armed with a petition of right,

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<v Speaker 1>met James at his palace in Greenwich. Realizing that he

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<v Speaker 1>had probably gone too far, He welcomed them and explained

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<v Speaker 1>that he had been misunderstood. He always knew when to

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<v Speaker 1>draw back from confrontation, a lesson never learned by his

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<v Speaker 1>two sons. The debate over the Great Contract continued on

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<v Speaker 1>June the eleventh. Both sides made a series of concessions,

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<v Speaker 1>but there remained no deal in sight, so James parogued

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<v Speaker 1>Parliament in July, allowing the various members of Parliament to

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<v Speaker 1>return to their constituencies and discuss the terms of the proposal.

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<v Speaker 1>The towns and the counties were not, however, concerned with

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<v Speaker 1>the King's financial state. They were concerned with their own

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<v Speaker 1>lists of wrongs and grievances. All this whole episode proved

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<v Speaker 1>was the growing gulf between the King and his kingdom.

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<v Speaker 1>James looked increasingly out of touch with the needs and

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<v Speaker 1>desires of a modernizing England, and this was all totally

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<v Speaker 1>lost on James. In March of sixteen ten, he made

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<v Speaker 1>the situation infinitely worse when he addressed the lords at Whitehall,

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<v Speaker 1>declaring that kings were above all other men, and in

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<v Speaker 1>fact that quote by God himself, they are called gods

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<v Speaker 1>end quote. James went on to declare that kings have

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<v Speaker 1>the power of raising up and casting down of life

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<v Speaker 1>and death for all their subjects. It was, in other words,

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<v Speaker 1>a declaration of the divine right of kings, of total absolutism,

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<v Speaker 1>and it did not sit well with the men in

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<v Speaker 1>the room listening. James did not understand common law at all,

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<v Speaker 1>as his previous confrontations with Sir Edward Coke had suggested.

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<v Speaker 1>It seemed to be unaware that the principle of absolute

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<v Speaker 1>sovereignty was not one that the English would even remotely entertain.

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<v Speaker 1>One noted that quote the King speaks of France and

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<v Speaker 1>Spain what they may do end quote. He didn't realize,

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<v Speaker 1>or maybe he pretended not to realize, that the sovereigns

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<v Speaker 1>of those two countries were in a position very different

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<v Speaker 1>from his own. He maintained the theory of divine right

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<v Speaker 1>without any clear understanding of how it would operate in

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<v Speaker 1>the context of parliamentary authority and a common law. He

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<v Speaker 1>may have adopted his positions for less theoretical reasons. His

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<v Speaker 1>hatred of the Presbyterian elders of Scotland derived from the

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<v Speaker 1>fact that they directly challenged his authority. The nobility of

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<v Speaker 1>that country also had been inclined to talk to him

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<v Speaker 1>and deal with him as if he were one among equals.

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<v Speaker 1>So his statements about his own power are probably to

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<v Speaker 1>have been in response to his difficult and sometimes dangerous

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<v Speaker 1>position as King of Scotland. He had once observed that

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<v Speaker 1>quote the highest bench is the slidriiest to sit upon.

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<v Speaker 1>End quote. Now to be fair, also, James only said

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<v Speaker 1>these things, he never acted on them. That was a

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<v Speaker 1>key difference between James and his son. James was never

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<v Speaker 1>arbitrary or erratic with his power. In return, Parliament never

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<v Speaker 1>made any major move to question or undermine his sovereignty.

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<v Speaker 1>For the moment, this was all a war of words.

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<v Speaker 1>In June sixteen ten, James's eldest son, Henry, was formerly

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<v Speaker 1>invested as the Prince of Wales. Henry was a serious

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<v Speaker 1>young man with a pious military character. He was very

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<v Speaker 1>much cut out of the mold of another famous Henry,

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<v Speaker 1>Henry the Fifth, the Victor of Agincour. Everyone looked forward

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<v Speaker 1>to the day when Henry might rule and perhaps even

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<v Speaker 1>lead England to the successes enjoyed by his medieval predecessor.

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<v Speaker 1>But Henry was not technically the only contender for the throne.

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<v Speaker 1>There remained the king's cousin, Arabella Stuart. In Elizabeth's final days,

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<v Speaker 1>she had considered her briefly a potential heir. Now Arabella

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<v Speaker 1>was just kind of hanging around. Arabella Stuart was the

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<v Speaker 1>cousin of James, and for the first six years of

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<v Speaker 1>his reign she enjoyed all the comforts and considerations of court.

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<v Speaker 1>She had even been considered as a replacement for James

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<v Speaker 1>himself by Walter Raleigh and others. Though she had taken

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<v Speaker 1>no part in the plot, it was still of the

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<v Speaker 1>utmost importance that she married wisely and well. At the

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<v Speaker 1>beginning of sixteen ten, however, she came to a pre

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<v Speaker 1>contractual arrangement with William Seymour, who, by an extremely indirect route,

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<v Speaker 1>had some small claim to the throne. This has always

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<v Speaker 1>aroused the suspicion of James, as it always aroused the

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<v Speaker 1>suspicion of every king. The couple agreed to renounce their plans,

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<v Speaker 1>but in June they took part in a secret marriage

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<v Speaker 1>ceremony at Greenwich. On hearing the news James was absolutely furious.

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<v Speaker 1>Seymour was instantly confined to the tower while Arabella was

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<v Speaker 1>taken to Lambeth, before was decided to send her north

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<v Speaker 1>to Durham. En route at Barnett, she planned her escape.

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<v Speaker 1>She disguised herself, according to a contemporary by quote, drawing

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<v Speaker 1>a hair of great French fashioned hose over her petticoats,

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<v Speaker 1>putting on a man's doublet a man like peruke with

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<v Speaker 1>long locks over her hair, a black hat, black cloak,

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<v Speaker 1>russet boots with red tops, and a rape here by

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<v Speaker 1>her side. She took ship for France at Lee, but

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<v Speaker 1>was overtaken by a vessel from Dover to apprehend her.

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<v Speaker 1>From there she was taken to the tower, where her

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<v Speaker 1>reason ultimately gave way and she died completely insane. About

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<v Speaker 1>four years later. When a new session of Parliament opened

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<v Speaker 1>in the fall of sixteen ten, it appeared that Robert Cecil,

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<v Speaker 1>the Earl of Salisbury, was losing ground on this great

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<v Speaker 1>contract idea. Parliament simply was not going to grant James

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<v Speaker 1>the money he wanted. The King adjourned and then dissolved

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<v Speaker 1>Parliament in a matter of weeks. Now, the economic problems

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<v Speaker 1>that James was facing were not all of his own making.

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<v Speaker 1>The The English economic system had been to a large

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<v Speaker 1>extent formulated in the fourteenth century, and it simply couldn't

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<v Speaker 1>deal with the problems of the seventeenth. It didn't work,

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<v Speaker 1>especially in times of warfare. An all manner of fiscal

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<v Speaker 1>expedients had to be found to essentially plug the gaps. Thus,

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<v Speaker 1>in the spring of the following year, James offered to

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<v Speaker 1>sell hereditary titles to any knights or esquires who wanted them.

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<v Speaker 1>You could get the title of baronet for only one

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<v Speaker 1>thousand and eighty pounds in three annual payments, but the

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<v Speaker 1>overall gain to the exchequer of approximately ninety thousand pounds

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<v Speaker 1>was not enough to balance the profusion of the king's expenditure,

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<v Speaker 1>so peerages were put on the market four years later,

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<v Speaker 1>when in sixteen sixteen Sir John Roper made the sum

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<v Speaker 1>of ten thousand pounds to become Lord Tenningham, he was

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<v Speaker 1>given the name the nickname, I should say of Lord

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<v Speaker 1>ten million. A seventeenth century historian, Arthur Williams remarked of

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<v Speaker 1>the maulsiplicity of titles that quote made them cheap and invalid.

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<v Speaker 1>In vulgar opinion, for nothing is more destructive to monarchy

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<v Speaker 1>than lessening of the nobility. Upon their decline. The comments

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<v Speaker 1>rise and anarchy increases. End quote. But the king had

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<v Speaker 1>another scheme to raise money. It was proposed to him

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<v Speaker 1>that his oldest son might be married to the hand

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<v Speaker 1>of the Infanta Maria Anna, the daughter of Philip the

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<v Speaker 1>third of Spain, and James's son Henry wasn't the only

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<v Speaker 1>potential heir available. He still had his daughter Elizabeth, so

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<v Speaker 1>in the spring of sixteen eleven, James joined the Protestant Union,

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<v Speaker 1>which by and large consisted of England and various other

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<v Speaker 1>German principalities. I'm going to get a lot more into

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<v Speaker 1>the Protestant Union, by the way, when we pivot to

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<v Speaker 1>start to discuss the Thirty Years War. More importantly, he

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<v Speaker 1>decided to marry his daughter Elizabeth to Frederick of the Palatinate.

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<v Speaker 1>The Palatinate included large swaths of modern Germany and several

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<v Speaker 1>key towns, including Heidelberg. James appeared to be positioning himself

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<v Speaker 1>as a champion of Protestantism. He had the credentials. By

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<v Speaker 1>sixteen eleven, his King James Bible had supplanted both the

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<v Speaker 1>Geneva Bible and the Bishop's Bible. It had also become

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<v Speaker 1>the model for seventeenth century British prose. Its mere existence

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<v Speaker 1>prompted a new wave of Protestant religious publications throughout Europe.

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<v Speaker 1>At home, James continued to consolidate Protestantism. When Archship Bancroft

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<v Speaker 1>died in sixteen eleven, James appointed George Abbott as the

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<v Speaker 1>Archbishop of Canterbury. His main qualification for the post was

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<v Speaker 1>his ardent opposition to Catholicism. Yet James was never a

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<v Speaker 1>purest in this regard, because, as I mentioned, he was

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<v Speaker 1>while he was marrying his daughter to one of the

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<v Speaker 1>leading Protestants in Europe, trying to seek the hand of

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<v Speaker 1>the daughter of the most arch Catholic king in all

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<v Speaker 1>of Europe for his son. He was a pragmatist before

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<v Speaker 1>a theologian. In the summer of sixteen twelve, Kit and

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<v Speaker 1>James went on a progress of a monst duration taking

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<v Speaker 1>in Leicester, Nottingham and Newark. All around him he could

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<v Speaker 1>see evidence of a prosperous and tranquil nation. A piece

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<v Speaker 1>with Spain and a commercial treaty with France had encouraged trade,

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<v Speaker 1>while a series of finally good harvests maintained a happy condition.

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<v Speaker 1>Dairy produce flowed into London from Essex, Wiltshire and Yorkshire.

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<v Speaker 1>Wool for export arrived at ports from Wiltshire and North Hampshire.

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<v Speaker 1>Cattle from North Wales and Scotland, and sheep from Cotswolds

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<v Speaker 1>were herded into the Great Market at Smithfield. Other trades

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<v Speaker 1>were also rising. Coal was rapidly becoming plentiful and as

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<v Speaker 1>valuable as silver. Its production was rising rapidly each year.

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<v Speaker 1>In the one hundred years from fifteen forty. The production

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<v Speaker 1>of iron had also increased fivefold. Norwich was a safe

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<v Speaker 1>haven for exiled weavers from France or Germany, while Chester

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<v Speaker 1>dominated trade with Ireland. The struggle against monopolies, which had

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<v Speaker 1>began late in the reign of Elizabeth, played its part

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<v Speaker 1>in the increasing economic power of the country. Overall, the

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<v Speaker 1>economic conditions throughout England we could say had been improving

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<v Speaker 1>since the late sixteenth century. That is not to say

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<v Speaker 1>that there were not pockets of abject poverty. There were,

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<v Speaker 1>and hundreds were still looking to the New World as

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<v Speaker 1>a means of escape, but in general things were finally

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<v Speaker 1>starting to get better. In a material sense. Yeomen were

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<v Speaker 1>building larger houses, now with separate kitchens and divided rooms.

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<v Speaker 1>Chairs replaced benches, cutlery replaced the dagger as the principal

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<v Speaker 1>means of consuming one's meals. Life was beginning to at

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<v Speaker 1>least look a little modern. In sixteen twelve, Robert Cecil died.

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<v Speaker 1>He had been the second most important person in England

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<v Speaker 1>for decades, but his death came as a relief to James,

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<v Speaker 1>now effectively rule as he wished. Two men took Cecil's place.

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<v Speaker 1>Robert Carr, chief favorite, became the Viscount Rochester. Henry Howard

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<v Speaker 1>became the King's chief administrator in addition to Robert Cecil.

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<v Speaker 1>It was around this time that another death occurred at court,

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<v Speaker 1>this one much more consequential. All had seemed well with

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<v Speaker 1>the heir to the throne. Prince Henry was an assertive

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<v Speaker 1>and athletic youth. He excelled in masks as well as

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<v Speaker 1>Marshall sports, but at the end of October in sixteen twelve,

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<v Speaker 1>he fell ill. He was playing cards with his younger

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<v Speaker 1>brother Charles and a bystander, Sir Charles Cornwallace. Cornwallis noticed

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<v Speaker 1>that quote His Highness for all this looked ill and pale,

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<v Speaker 1>spoke hollow and somewhat strangely, with dead sunken eyes end quote.

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<v Speaker 1>A doctor was called, but over the next eleven days,

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<v Speaker 1>the doctor could do nothing to stop the slow spread

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<v Speaker 1>of a disease that has been tentatively diagnosed as more

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<v Speaker 1>likely than not toyphoid fever, but there's still a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of debate over that amongst historians. He died raving to

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<v Speaker 1>the authentic dismay and dejection of the court. He had

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<v Speaker 1>been the emblem of England's future destiny and had promised

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<v Speaker 1>an age of heroic adventure, but this time in the

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<v Speaker 1>Protestant cause. Queen Anne wept, and a year later it

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<v Speaker 1>still wasn't safe to mention her son to her James

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<v Speaker 1>mourned aloud, crying out, Henry is dead. Henry is dead.

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<v Speaker 1>The crown was now destined for Charles, a silent, shy

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<v Speaker 1>and reserved prince very much unlike his brother. Despite his

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<v Speaker 1>beloved son's death, James hated a gloomy court and insisted

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<v Speaker 1>that everyone needed to move on. When his daughter wed

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<v Speaker 1>Frederick in February sixteen thirteen, James put on a lavish

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<v Speaker 1>and celebratory ceremony and party weddings are, after all, objectively

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<v Speaker 1>more fun than funerals. As an interesting aside, it has

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<v Speaker 1>long been argued that Shakespeare added the mask in the

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<v Speaker 1>fourth act of The Tempest as a means of celebrating

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<v Speaker 1>the couple. And then it was time once more to

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<v Speaker 1>summon a new parliament. There really wasn't much of a plan.

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<v Speaker 1>B The government was now barely functioning, the ambassadors had

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<v Speaker 1>not been paid, sailors were ready to mutiny, and frankly,

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<v Speaker 1>the defenses of the kingdom were in a sorry state,

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<v Speaker 1>to say the least. But the elections did not bode

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<v Speaker 1>well for the king. Two thirds of the new members

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<v Speaker 1>of Parliament had never before held office. These were reform

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<v Speaker 1>minded new men. That was the last thing that James needed.

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<v Speaker 1>He opened Parliament on April fourth, sixteen fourteen. It was

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<v Speaker 1>a disaster from the word go. The King gave a

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<v Speaker 1>conciliatory speech promising reform while still requesting money. The commons

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<v Speaker 1>responded with wave after wave of debate on the King's

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<v Speaker 1>ability or lack thereof, to issue these impositions, or special

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<v Speaker 1>taxes as they liked to call them. The King gave

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<v Speaker 1>another speech a few days later, asking for a Parliament

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<v Speaker 1>of love. In response, he was jeered to the point

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<v Speaker 1>that he nearly did not finish his comments. It was

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<v Speaker 1>an angry, raucous House of Commons. James opened the proceedings

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<v Speaker 1>on the fifth of April sixteen fourteen with a conciliatory

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<v Speaker 1>speech and promised reform while requesting more revenue. The Commons

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<v Speaker 1>chose to ignore the message and instead complained that the

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<v Speaker 1>quote unquote undertakers had violated the freedom of election and

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<v Speaker 1>privileges of parliament. They didn't want to vote supplies to

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<v Speaker 1>the king. Instead, they wanted to challenge the King's right

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<v Speaker 1>to levy these impositions and special taxes. When the members

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<v Speaker 1>refused James's order to debate supplies alone, he quickly dissolved

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<v Speaker 1>parliament and committed five members to the Tower of London.

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<v Speaker 1>The session had lasted less than three months and not

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<v Speaker 1>one bill had received royal assent. Thus it became known

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<v Speaker 1>as the Adult or the Adult Parliament. No Assembly at

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<v Speaker 1>all met again for the next seven years, but James

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<v Speaker 1>still badly needed money, so he renewed marriage negotiations with

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<v Speaker 1>France and Spain, hoping a foreign dowry would solve his

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<v Speaker 1>financial woes, but that would take time, and James needed

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<v Speaker 1>money now. As a result, he asked London the City

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<v Speaker 1>Magistrates for a loan, but it refused, responding that James's

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<v Speaker 1>credit was too poor, which it was. The King appointed

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<v Speaker 1>Thomas Howard, the Lord Treasurer, and he immediately set himself

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<v Speaker 1>to the task of raising money by any means necessary.

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<v Speaker 1>He issued fines against any new building built within seven

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<v Speaker 1>miles of London, for example. These were never popular options,

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<v Speaker 1>but the king had little other recourse in the absence

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<v Speaker 1>of a parliament. The government was now the King and

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<v Speaker 1>his council, dominated by Somerset, his favorite. All royal patronage

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<v Speaker 1>flowed through him. As an aside, and I mentioned this previously,

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<v Speaker 1>we are again entering a period wherein royal favorites dominate

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<v Speaker 1>the crown, much to its detriment. The names might change,

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<v Speaker 1>but the problems they will not, and many around James

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<v Speaker 1>had decided it was time for him to get a

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<v Speaker 1>new favorite. In the summer of sixteen four fourteen, a

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<v Speaker 1>young man of twenty two was presented to James. George Villiers,

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<v Speaker 1>the son of a knight, had already been trained as

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<v Speaker 1>a courtier. He had become practiced in the arts of

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<v Speaker 1>dancing and offensing. He had spent three years in France,

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<v Speaker 1>where he had acquired a good manner to adorn what

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<v Speaker 1>was called quote, the handsomest bodied man in all of

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<v Speaker 1>England end quote. He also had very powerful allies, among

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<v Speaker 1>them Archbishop Abbot and the Queen. Abbot supported him in

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<v Speaker 1>the hope of diminishing the influence of Somerset and the Howards,

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<v Speaker 1>who favored Catholic Spain. The Queen, influenced by Abbot, pressed

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<v Speaker 1>her husband to show favor to the young man. Villiers

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<v Speaker 1>was accordingly appointed to be the royal cupbearer in constant

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<v Speaker 1>attendance upon his sovereign in the spring of sixteen fifteen,

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<v Speaker 1>and was knighted as a gentleman of the bedchamber. Somerset,

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<v Speaker 1>sensing arrival, decided he would try to alienate Villiers. It backfired.

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<v Speaker 1>The King liked Villiers, and he criticized Somerset for his

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<v Speaker 1>constant complaining. With numerous plots lining up against him, Somerset

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<v Speaker 1>tried to take proactive measures. He had a writ drawn

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<v Speaker 1>up for the King's signature. It was essentially a blanket

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<v Speaker 1>and proactive pardon for him and his wife Somerset was

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<v Speaker 1>pardoning himself for any in all crimes he may or

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<v Speaker 1>may not have committed. It was an audacious move, to

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<v Speaker 1>say the least. James was about to sign it, but

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<v Speaker 1>the Queen and several other counselors talked him out of it.

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<v Speaker 1>Then a bombshell hit in sixteen fifteen, a certain Thomas Overbye,

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<v Speaker 1>who was then staying in the Tower of London, was poisoned.

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<v Speaker 1>The assassins had done a sloppy job of covering it up,

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<v Speaker 1>and it didn't take authorities very long to follow the

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<v Speaker 1>trail of evidence back to missus Carr and ultimately to

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<v Speaker 1>her husband, Lord Somerset. Both husband and wife were charged

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<v Speaker 1>and found guilty of murder. Both were sentenced to death.

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<v Speaker 1>The King commuted their sentences to one of imprisonment, and

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<v Speaker 1>they remained in the Tower of London for six long years.

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<v Speaker 1>So one favorite was gone. Sadly, George Villiers was about

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<v Speaker 1>to take his place. And more, as we are going

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<v Speaker 1>to see, Villiers was about to become the most important

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<v Speaker 1>and powerful royal favored in England since the High Middle Ages.

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<v Speaker 1>And I hope I do not need to tell you this,

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<v Speaker 1>but that's not a good thing. War