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<v Speaker 1>In this episode, we talk about NASA's invitation to Israel

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<v Speaker 1>to join its Moon based program and the implications this

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<v Speaker 1>partnership could have for India's space ambitions.

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<v Speaker 2>We also talk.

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<v Speaker 1>About Sharkan Chief Minister Heymans Rain announcing the decision to

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<v Speaker 1>cancel the jsc CJL examination and all exams conducted by

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<v Speaker 1>Testing Agency TSR Data Processing Private Limited. But we begin

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<v Speaker 1>today by discussing the government's move to send the Foreign

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<v Speaker 1>Contribution Regulation Amendment or FCR Bill to a Joint Parliamentary Committee. Hi,

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<v Speaker 1>i am Aherri Kananda, and you are listening to three

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<v Speaker 1>things in an Express News show. Over the past few weeks,

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<v Speaker 1>the FCR bill has drawn strong objections from the opposition

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<v Speaker 1>and from church groups, especially over provisions linked to foreign

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<v Speaker 1>funded assets.

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<v Speaker 3>So, you know, there.

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<v Speaker 4>Are so many NGOs which we come across in our life.

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<v Speaker 4>Every citizen knows about some of the other angeo. Many

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<v Speaker 4>of these angos get foreign funds.

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<v Speaker 1>That's the Indian expresses Deep Timari, who has been reporting

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<v Speaker 1>on this for the paper.

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<v Speaker 4>Now, to regulate these foreign funds because you don't want

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<v Speaker 4>some ill gotten money, you know, coming into NGOs. You

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<v Speaker 4>don't want some foreign power trying to influence outcomes of

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<v Speaker 4>democratic process in India.

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<v Speaker 3>So to regulate these kinds of things.

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<v Speaker 4>There is an act called Foreign Contribution Regulation Act, and

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<v Speaker 4>this Act has been amended various times in the past

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<v Speaker 4>to suit situations or to meet.

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<v Speaker 3>New challenges of regulation.

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<v Speaker 4>Similarly, in March this year, the government brought this amendment

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<v Speaker 4>bill called Foreign Contribution Regulation Amendment built twenty twenty six.

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<v Speaker 3>Now around this bill.

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<v Speaker 4>There has been a lot of controversy since then and

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<v Speaker 4>basically what the government has been saying that this way

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<v Speaker 4>has been brought keeping in mind national security and financial transparency,

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<v Speaker 4>basically saying that foreign money can potentially be used to

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<v Speaker 4>influence activities in India. The government wants tighter security or

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<v Speaker 4>foreign contributions. It argues that organizations receive foreign funds, receiving

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<v Speaker 4>foreign funds must be accountable for how those funds are.

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<v Speaker 1>Used and so now instead of pushing it through the

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<v Speaker 1>looks ABA immediately, the government has referred it to a JPC,

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<v Speaker 1>essentially a committee made up of members from both the

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<v Speaker 1>houses of the Parliament. Now, the question that arises is

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<v Speaker 1>what such committees can actually do and whether their recommendations

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<v Speaker 1>are binding and so to understand what exactly a Joint

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<v Speaker 1>Parliamentary Committee is and why the FCRA bill's referral to

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<v Speaker 1>a JPC is politically significant. Michaeleeague Chashama talks to Deepiman

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<v Speaker 1>in this segment.

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<v Speaker 2>Ditiman, could you help us understand why the bill is

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<v Speaker 2>facing such strong opposition, like what makes it so contentious?

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<v Speaker 3>This is not just another regulatory bill.

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<v Speaker 4>Actually, this will directly affects the ability of civil society

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<v Speaker 4>organizations to receive foreign funding. That is why you know

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<v Speaker 4>there is this political and constitutional question around it, because

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<v Speaker 4>you know, there are certain provisions in this bill which

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<v Speaker 4>have come for criticism from both NGOs and religious organizations,

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<v Speaker 4>especially the minority religious organizations.

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<v Speaker 3>So basically what this bill largely.

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<v Speaker 4>Intends to do is, I mean, there is a proposed

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<v Speaker 4>power being given to the government through a designated authority

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<v Speaker 4>in the bill to deal with the assets of organizations

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<v Speaker 4>whose FCRA registration is either canceled or not renewed, or

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<v Speaker 4>you know, they just choose not to renew their FCRA,

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<v Speaker 4>And then what happens is that those assets actually get

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<v Speaker 4>vested with the designated authority, which is created by the government,

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<v Speaker 4>and then the designated authority decides what to do with

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<v Speaker 4>those assets. In fact, if the NGO does not renew

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<v Speaker 4>its FCRA, or if despite its attempts to renew its FCIRA,

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<v Speaker 4>it is not renewed by the government, then the government

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<v Speaker 4>can effectively take control of all its assets.

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<v Speaker 3>And this is not just true.

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<v Speaker 4>Of Jews who have created there as it's say in

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<v Speaker 4>terms of buildings or bank accounts or whatever, merely or

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<v Speaker 4>completely through FCIRA. You know, the contentious provisions in the

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<v Speaker 4>bill which everybody is talking about, is that even if

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<v Speaker 4>say a church is built, you know, so ten percent

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<v Speaker 4>of the funds that the church has used are you know,

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<v Speaker 4>foreign contributions. But church has raised substantial amount of money

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<v Speaker 4>domestically and ninety percent of the church is built with

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<v Speaker 4>domestic funds. Still, if the FCR registration of the organization

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<v Speaker 4>which is running the church gets canceled for whatever reason,

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<v Speaker 4>then the designated authority can take over the whole church

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<v Speaker 4>because ten percent of the church is built with foreign funds.

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<v Speaker 2>And so, given the controversial nature of the bill, how

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<v Speaker 2>do we read the government's decision to send it to

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<v Speaker 2>a joint parliamentary committee instead of simply pushing it to

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<v Speaker 2>the luks.

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<v Speaker 4>Abah Okay, So there has been considerable opposition to the

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<v Speaker 4>bill since it was introduced in Luksaba in March and

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<v Speaker 4>since then opposition parties as well as Christian organizations have

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<v Speaker 4>protested against it.

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<v Speaker 3>They have expressed their fears.

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<v Speaker 4>You know, Chief ministers from northeastern states have come and

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<v Speaker 4>met Union Home Minister am DMK MPP Wilson who also

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<v Speaker 4>heads a minority association.

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<v Speaker 3>He has come along with.

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<v Speaker 4>A delegation of church leaders and met Union Home Minister

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<v Speaker 4>and said that, you know, this bill should either be

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<v Speaker 4>withdrawn or sent to a joint parliamentary committee. So there

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<v Speaker 4>has been a sort of all encompassing demand from minority

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<v Speaker 4>organizations as well as opposition parties that this bill should

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<v Speaker 4>either be withdrawn or sent to a joint parliamentary committee.

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<v Speaker 4>And that is why, you know, the government has relented

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<v Speaker 4>and sent it. Although the simple question is as to

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<v Speaker 4>why would a government which has the numbers and only

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<v Speaker 4>needs simple majority to pass a bill, you know, relent

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<v Speaker 4>to opposition demands. It hasn't done so on many other

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<v Speaker 4>bills on which the oppositions demanded withdrawal or minority organizations

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<v Speaker 4>have you know, expressed fears. For example, on what will

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<v Speaker 4>minority organizations expressed.

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<v Speaker 3>Considerable anxiety and did not want it passed at all.

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<v Speaker 4>But that work also went to a JPC, but it

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<v Speaker 4>largely came out as the government's built. So in this

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<v Speaker 4>case the key is basically politics and there are two

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<v Speaker 4>strands of this. One is the BJP is trying very

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<v Speaker 4>hard to make in roads into Kerala. It is very

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<v Speaker 4>desirous of having electoral success in Kerala and in Kerala

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<v Speaker 4>its plans will not be successful if it cannot be

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<v Speaker 4>will if it cannot win the confidence of the Christian community. Secondly,

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<v Speaker 4>in Tamil Nadu. Again there is significant Christian population in Tamilado.

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<v Speaker 4>Also BGP is trying to make in roads, but more

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<v Speaker 4>importantly in Tamiladu, BJP is trying to win over the

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<v Speaker 4>DMK because it wants to pass the Delimitation Bill, which

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<v Speaker 4>will not pass the Master of Flow Sabha until the

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<v Speaker 4>DMK supports it because it is a constitutional amendment bill

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<v Speaker 4>and will require two third majority.

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<v Speaker 2>Right, And for our listeners hearing the term JPC for

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<v Speaker 2>the first time, could you help us understand how is

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<v Speaker 2>a JPC different from say a select committee or a

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<v Speaker 2>standing committee, Like what pass does it have?

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<v Speaker 3>Okay?

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<v Speaker 4>So the Parliament has several committees which have a specific purpose.

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<v Speaker 4>As you mentioned, standing committees are sort of permanent committees

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<v Speaker 4>which are basically department related. So there is a Home

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<v Speaker 4>Ministry Standing Committee, there, External Affairs Standing Committee is there,

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<v Speaker 4>so you know there are different departments of the government,

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<v Speaker 4>and corresponding to that, there are you know, committees which

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<v Speaker 4>look into their work. Sys there were see assess action

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<v Speaker 4>taken by the government, you know, express concerns over certain things,

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<v Speaker 4>so they do a regular assessment of the work of

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<v Speaker 4>that ministry. Then there are ad hoc committees. Ad hoc

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<v Speaker 4>committees are essentially committees which are constituted for a specific

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<v Speaker 4>purpose and then cease to exist after that. So these

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<v Speaker 4>are essentially select committees in joint parliamentary committees. The difference

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<v Speaker 4>between select committee and joint parliamentary committee is that select

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<v Speaker 4>committee is of one house, either of Luksaba or the

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<v Speaker 4>Raja Shaba. A joint parliamentary committee comprises of members from

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<v Speaker 4>both the houses Louksawa as well as Rajasaba, so it

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<v Speaker 4>is more representative, it is more comprehensive and so generally

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<v Speaker 4>politically contentious bills are generally sent to joint parliamentary committee,

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<v Speaker 4>so that everybody from Opposition as well as Treasury and

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<v Speaker 4>the views of both the houses can be taken on

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<v Speaker 4>board and it can be deliberated and discussed and debated,

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<v Speaker 4>and then a final conclusion and final set of recommendations

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<v Speaker 4>can come about.

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<v Speaker 2>And the obvious question here is if the government already

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<v Speaker 2>has a majority in Parliament and so will likely have

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<v Speaker 2>a majority inside the GPC two, so how independent can

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<v Speaker 2>the committee really be?

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<v Speaker 4>Yeah, well, that's the principal limitation of any parliamentary committee,

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<v Speaker 4>because a parliamentary committee is essentially a representation of the parliament.

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<v Speaker 4>So a party which has a majority in Parliament will

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<v Speaker 4>also have a majority in the committee. And as it happens, generally,

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<v Speaker 4>joint parliamentary committees eventually tend to have their chairperson also

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<v Speaker 4>from the ruling party. So that is a limitation which

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<v Speaker 4>is there, but that does not essentially make a joint

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<v Speaker 4>parliamentary committee useless. There are very few occasions when a

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<v Speaker 4>joint parliamentary committee has been able to alter a bay

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<v Speaker 4>in a very significant way that it completely changes the

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<v Speaker 4>legal framework imagined by the government. So generally it so

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<v Speaker 4>happens that when bills go there, they come out more

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<v Speaker 4>or less as the government has wanted it to be,

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<v Speaker 4>with certain suggestions, with certain changes included. There have been

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<v Speaker 4>some rare occasions in the past when bills or regulations

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<v Speaker 4>have seen substantial changes, but those have largely been matters

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<v Speaker 4>which have not been politically contentious or have not been

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<v Speaker 4>any ideological project of a government.

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<v Speaker 3>For example, if we look at the Works Bill.

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<v Speaker 4>You know, when Works Bill went it was a very

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<v Speaker 4>acrimonious proceeding in the GPC, and there were even incidents

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<v Speaker 4>where a bottle was broken on the table by an

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<v Speaker 4>opposition member. There were daily arguments, there were daily you know,

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<v Speaker 4>bites by your position members that this GPC has become

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<v Speaker 4>a joke or whatever. So those kinds of things were happening,

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<v Speaker 4>and eventually when the bill came out it was more

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<v Speaker 4>or less what the government had sent in. Because the

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<v Speaker 4>government had majority, it prevailed over, you know, pushing through

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<v Speaker 4>the provisions that it wanted to.

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<v Speaker 2>So then how do we see the committee's role in

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<v Speaker 2>providing recommendations for the substance of the bills.

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<v Speaker 4>It's not entirely a useless exercise because the GPC has

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<v Speaker 4>the powers to call witnesses to deliberate on a.

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<v Speaker 3>Bill clause by clause everything. You know.

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<v Speaker 4>One thing I must mention here that the whole idea

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<v Speaker 4>of creating parliamentary committees, the intent was that Parliament and

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<v Speaker 4>the floor of the House is too busy, it has

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<v Speaker 4>too many things to do. Probably when a bill comes

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<v Speaker 4>to the House, it wit grant two days three days

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<v Speaker 4>to debate it. That's not good enough when you know,

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<v Speaker 4>a bill which has far reaching consequences is brought to

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<v Speaker 4>the Parliament. So a parliamentary committee can take three months

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<v Speaker 4>six months to deliberate on a bill. That is considerable time.

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<v Speaker 4>It can call witnesses, it can call experts, it can

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<v Speaker 4>go through documents, it can call you know, government representatives

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<v Speaker 4>and take their deposition and then arrive at a conclusion

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<v Speaker 4>or a set of recommendations. So that makes the exercise

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<v Speaker 4>very comprehensive. Also different views. You know, even if the

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<v Speaker 4>JPC does not change the law, or if the bill

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<v Speaker 4>finally comes in the form that the Government had sent

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<v Speaker 4>it to the JPC, still you know, all the deliberations,

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<v Speaker 4>all the discussions and all the views of the opposition,

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<v Speaker 4>all of that will.

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<v Speaker 3>Go on record.

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<v Speaker 4>And this is a debate which cannot be squarely ignored

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<v Speaker 4>by the government, okay, because they ultimately reach public discourse,

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<v Speaker 4>so the government is bound to answer them. The government

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<v Speaker 4>is bound to clarify on your doubts and suspicions that

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<v Speaker 4>people have about provisions of a bill, right and deepayment.

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<v Speaker 2>Earlier, you spoke of how GPCs are now used mainly

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<v Speaker 2>for contentious bills, and we're also witnessing fewer and fewer

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<v Speaker 2>bills being sent to parliamentary committees at all. So how

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<v Speaker 2>do we understand this broader trend?

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<v Speaker 4>Okay, if we look at the two upa eras you know,

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<v Speaker 4>around sixty to seventy percent bills went to committees. But

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<v Speaker 4>when the more the government came its first term saw

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<v Speaker 4>only twenty five percent bills going to committees, and then

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<v Speaker 4>the second term so only sixteen percent going two committees.

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<v Speaker 4>So that shows the government's declining trust on parliamentary committees.

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<v Speaker 4>Or it feels that the parliamentary committees at the end

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<v Speaker 4>of the day delay its legislative agenda, because if a

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<v Speaker 4>bill goes to the parliamentary committee, you know, it will

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<v Speaker 4>take three months six months to come out with recommendations.

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<v Speaker 3>So somewhere one.

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<v Speaker 4>Could argue that this democratic process of you know, greater deliberations,

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<v Speaker 4>evidence seeking, questioning provisions brought in by the government and

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<v Speaker 4>forcing the government to clarify its stand is sort of declining,

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<v Speaker 4>which is not a very good sign for a parliamentary democracy,

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<v Speaker 4>because parliamentary democracy is about debate and discussion and.

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<v Speaker 2>Circling back to this bill specifically, what parts of the

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<v Speaker 2>FCRA could the JPC realistically change?

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<v Speaker 3>It is difficult to say.

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<v Speaker 4>Is the government, as I told you, the government has majority,

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<v Speaker 4>The government will have majority in the GPC as well.

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<v Speaker 3>The opposition can put for its views.

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<v Speaker 4>If the government does not want to incorporate its suggestions

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<v Speaker 4>or its recommendations, the opposition will have no choice but

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<v Speaker 4>to record.

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<v Speaker 3>Its dissent in a discent note, which is allowed in

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<v Speaker 3>a joint Parliamentary Committee. But beyond that, they can.

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<v Speaker 4>Substantially alter a bill if the government does not want

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<v Speaker 4>the bill altered.

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<v Speaker 3>Is not possible.

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<v Speaker 4>However, what it will do is it will force the

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<v Speaker 4>government to answer all the contentious questions because it can call,

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<v Speaker 4>you know, secretaries, it can call government officials, It can

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<v Speaker 4>seek clarifications from the government. It can call witnesses, it

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<v Speaker 4>can call experts who can come and depose even opposition

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<v Speaker 4>can call experts who can come and depose and say

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<v Speaker 4>what is the problem with the bill, and then the

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<v Speaker 4>government will have to answer, and all those things will

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<v Speaker 4>be recorded, will go into the JPC records.

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<v Speaker 3>What it does is it brings the whole.

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<v Speaker 4>Debate into public discourse because these matters will in some

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<v Speaker 4>or the other way sort of be reported, come out

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<v Speaker 4>in the newspapers, be discussed on television, and then you

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<v Speaker 4>know the government will have to answer them and you know,

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<v Speaker 4>inform the public as to why the bill that it

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<v Speaker 4>is bringing is in their interest or is in the

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<v Speaker 4>national interest, and why nobody needs to fear it. And

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<v Speaker 4>if it is not able to answer, probably it will

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<v Speaker 4>have to bring in or accommodate certain changes. So that

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<v Speaker 4>is the kind of impact that you know a GPC

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<v Speaker 4>can have.

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<v Speaker 1>And next we turn to an invitation from the US

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<v Speaker 1>that could have major implications for India's space program. You see,

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<v Speaker 1>NASA is currently working on its Moon based program, an

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<v Speaker 1>ambitious effort to establish a permanent research station on the

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<v Speaker 1>Moon where astronauts could live and conduct research for extended periods.

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<v Speaker 1>And now the US Space Agency has invited ISRU to

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<v Speaker 1>be a part of this program. The invitation comes at

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<v Speaker 1>a time when the India US relationship is facing a

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<v Speaker 1>number of complicated challenges, making the move particularly significant forst Row.

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<v Speaker 1>Being part of such a program could have important implications,

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<v Speaker 1>especially as India works towards projects such as the Baret

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<v Speaker 1>Antharich Station, its planted space station. But the question is

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<v Speaker 1>why does NASA need international partners for this project and

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<v Speaker 1>what would India gain from being a part of it.

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<v Speaker 1>To answer these questions, we speak to the Indian expresses

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<v Speaker 1>Amit Absina, who writes on signs for the paper. Amitab

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<v Speaker 1>firstly tell us about the Moon based project. What does

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<v Speaker 1>it involve and what are its objectives?

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<v Speaker 5>So basically around twenty eighteen, twenty nineteen, the US said, no,

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<v Speaker 5>we are going to go back to the Moon. After

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<v Speaker 5>all these fifty years, so the Apollo program had finished

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<v Speaker 5>in nineteen seventy two and no human being has ever

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<v Speaker 5>landed on the Moon after that. And now that we

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<v Speaker 5>are going back to the Moon, this is qualitatively very different.

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<v Speaker 5>We are going there not just to make a point,

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<v Speaker 5>but to make it a productive voyage in the sense

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<v Speaker 5>that now we want to sort of set up a

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<v Speaker 5>base on the Moon. Now, of course that is not

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<v Speaker 5>going to happen immediately, but the idea is that once

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<v Speaker 5>we go back to the Moon. Now we are already

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<v Speaker 5>thinking in terms of setting up a permanent research station

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<v Speaker 5>wherein you know, people astronauts and also rowboats, would you know,

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<v Speaker 5>inhabit the lunar surface for prolonged periods of time, for

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<v Speaker 5>a few months or a few weeks, No, it depends

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<v Speaker 5>on how it comes up at a later point of

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<v Speaker 5>time and then carry out research activities, possibly also indulge

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<v Speaker 5>in some sort of resource extraction from the lunar surface.

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<v Speaker 5>So now it's going to be a much more meaningful exercise,

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<v Speaker 5>and at some point in the future the idea is

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<v Speaker 5>also to use the mode as the launching pad for

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<v Speaker 5>deep space missions.

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<v Speaker 1>But Amada, why does NASA want other countries to be

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<v Speaker 1>a part of the project.

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<v Speaker 5>So, mainly because massive amount of equipment, building materials, all

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<v Speaker 5>sorts of things would have to be carried from Earth,

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<v Speaker 5>that multiple trips would have to be made to the

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<v Speaker 5>Moon and then things need to be constructed there. This

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<v Speaker 5>infrastructure needs to be set up, so it's a very

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<v Speaker 5>very challenging, time consuming exercise. Now that is the reason

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<v Speaker 5>why the United States probably would be looking at partners

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<v Speaker 5>And what is also relevant in this context is the

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<v Speaker 5>fact that while NASA has unveieled a very ambitious lunar program,

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<v Speaker 5>it has also seen under the current Donald Trump administration

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<v Speaker 5>as significant reduction in its funds. I think for the

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<v Speaker 5>last year NASA saw its budget being cut by almost

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<v Speaker 5>twenty five percent if I remember the figure correct, but

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<v Speaker 5>somewhere very significant reduction in their funds. Also, to a

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<v Speaker 5>very large part, NASA is not building most of the

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<v Speaker 5>rocket spacecraft these days. A lot of it is now outsourced,

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<v Speaker 5>at least the hardware part is outsourced to private commercial companies.

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<v Speaker 5>So NASA is seeking partnership both from the private sector

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<v Speaker 5>as well as from other countries to make this Moon

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<v Speaker 5>based program work. It realizes it's not in a position

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<v Speaker 5>to do it alone.

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<v Speaker 1>Right and when it comes to the Moon based project,

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<v Speaker 1>what significance does this invitation hold for ISROE and India's

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<v Speaker 1>ambitions in the sector.

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<v Speaker 5>So one of the things, of course is India gets

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<v Speaker 5>first hand experience and exposure to these complex projects. Right now,

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<v Speaker 5>India is doing it all on its own. Its human

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<v Speaker 5>spaceflight program, Gaganayan is in almost entirely indigenous. The Barat Antharik.

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<v Speaker 5>The station is supposed to be an entirely indigenous program,

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<v Speaker 5>and so is the Man to the Moon project that

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<v Speaker 5>is supposed to happen in twenty forty. So all these

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<v Speaker 5>are being developed indigenously. Of course, you know, some sort

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<v Speaker 5>of cooperation and help all those things keep happening, because

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<v Speaker 5>space agencies do work together, they do collaborate with each other.

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<v Speaker 5>But these are supposed to be indigenous programs. Now, if

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<v Speaker 5>India joins the Moon based program, then you know there

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<v Speaker 5>is every chance because NASA has already executed these complex

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<v Speaker 5>missions in the past. It has a running human spaceflight program.

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<v Speaker 5>It routinely sends astronauts into space to the International Space Station.

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<v Speaker 5>At least it is the only country to have landed

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<v Speaker 5>humans on the Moon. So NASA's technology and their space

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<v Speaker 5>program is fairly well developed, probably the best in the world,

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<v Speaker 5>the most advanced in the world. So India can benefit

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<v Speaker 5>from working together and that experience can actually help India

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<v Speaker 5>fast track its own indigenous program. The other thing, of course,

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<v Speaker 5>is while no it is good to have these indigenous programs,

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<v Speaker 5>and it is extremely important to have these capabilities, it

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<v Speaker 5>would also be increasingly difficult for India to operate all

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<v Speaker 5>these programs entirely on its own.

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<v Speaker 1>Right, And in that regard, how will this contribute to

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<v Speaker 1>India's plans of creating an Indian space station, that is

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<v Speaker 1>the part X station.

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<v Speaker 5>Right, So there is no way that by twenty thirty

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<v Speaker 5>five the Indian space research ecosystem would be so mature

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<v Speaker 5>as to be meeting the entire space station all for

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<v Speaker 5>itself for the entire year. Even the International Space Station

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<v Speaker 5>that is running, and the previous space stations, they have

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<v Speaker 5>usually been shared by a lot of them have been

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<v Speaker 5>some of them were like used only by Russia, some

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<v Speaker 5>of the Russian stations, but this particular one International Space

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<v Speaker 5>Station has been constantly shared by the United States and Russia.

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<v Speaker 5>So if India sets up this space station, it's very

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<v Speaker 5>unlikely that it will be able to use the entire

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<v Speaker 5>capacity on its own. Similarly, once it has demonstrated that

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<v Speaker 5>it has capabilities to launch humans into space and take

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<v Speaker 5>humans to Moon again, it would be extremely difficult to

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<v Speaker 5>sustain these programs single handed league for a prolonged period

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<v Speaker 5>of time, because you know, it's not just about cost,

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<v Speaker 5>but also whether you are getting you have the requirement

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<v Speaker 5>for sending such missions. Later on, once having demonstrated your capability.

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<v Speaker 5>So those are the other reasons why it makes a

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<v Speaker 5>lot of sense for India to actually collect and increasingly

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<v Speaker 5>it's just like the United States is seeking partners right now,

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<v Speaker 5>it makes a lot of sense for India also to

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<v Speaker 5>partner with other countries while you know, developing its indigenous

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<v Speaker 5>program and while acquiring the capabilities.

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<v Speaker 1>And finally we turn our attention to Jharkhund where Earlier

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<v Speaker 1>this week, Chief Minister him And Surain announced that the

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<v Speaker 1>State Cabinet has decided to cancel the JSSC CGL examination

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<v Speaker 1>and all examinations conducted by the testing Agency TSR Data

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<v Speaker 1>Processing Private Limited, adding that approbe had also been ordered

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<v Speaker 1>into examinations conducted by the state government since twenty fourteen.

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<v Speaker 3>Our Cabinet sc ur Tura Chada Josh.

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<v Speaker 1>For those who may not know that JSCCGL is a

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<v Speaker 1>recruitment examination conducted by the jark And Staff Selection Commission

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<v Speaker 1>for various Group B and Group C government posts. The examination,

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<v Speaker 1>originally scheduled for January twenty twenty four, was canceled following

404
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<v Speaker 1>allegations of a paper leak, and was eventually held in

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<v Speaker 1>September twenty twenty four. So Rain said the ongoing investigations

406
00:24:25.440 --> 00:24:28.960
<v Speaker 1>had uncovered shocking findings and pointed to the possibility of

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<v Speaker 1>a larger network involving companies associated with the examination process.

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<v Speaker 1>The decision comes after weeks of protests by students who

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00:24:37.240 --> 00:24:40.759
<v Speaker 1>have been demanding a CBI probe into the alleged irregularities

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00:24:40.799 --> 00:24:45.000
<v Speaker 1>in state recruitment examinations. The government's decision, however, has not

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<v Speaker 1>satisfied all those affected. The Internet expresses Shubhamtika Rights that

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00:24:49.440 --> 00:24:54.599
<v Speaker 1>students who qualified for the now canceled JSCCGL examination protested

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00:24:54.640 --> 00:24:57.839
<v Speaker 1>outside Project Bubwan, arguing that they should not lose their

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<v Speaker 1>jobs because of irregularities for which they were not responsible.

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<v Speaker 1>It is important to note that over nineteen hundred candidates

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<v Speaker 1>had already been appointed through the recruitment process, with employees

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00:25:08.359 --> 00:25:12.920
<v Speaker 1>having worked for nearly nine months now. Surain's announcement marks

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<v Speaker 1>a reversal of the government's earlier position. Earlier this month,

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<v Speaker 1>it had said that the results could not be canceled

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<v Speaker 1>because the examination process was being conducted under the monitoring

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<v Speaker 1>of the Supreme Court and.

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<v Speaker 3>The High Court.

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<v Speaker 1>Tiga writes that the protests had also drawn intervention from

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<v Speaker 1>Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, who urged Surain to meet the

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<v Speaker 1>protesting students and address their grievances. The congress and ally

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<v Speaker 1>of Suraine's Sharkan, Muktimocha, said it did not want students

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<v Speaker 1>to feel that the party was not supporting them. Also,

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<v Speaker 1>on Monday night, following Sourin's announcement, student leader Dewayn dr

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<v Speaker 1>Nat Mahto ended his sixteen day hunger strike. Mahtou described

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<v Speaker 1>the decision as a major victory for the student movement,

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<v Speaker 1>but said the agitation had also highlighted deeper problems in

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<v Speaker 1>Sharkan's recruitment system. However, protesters si they would continue their

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<v Speaker 1>agitation until their demand for a CBI probe into all

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<v Speaker 1>examinations in question was met. The state government also announced

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<v Speaker 1>measures aimed at reforming the recruitment process. It will constitute

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<v Speaker 1>a committee headed by ISS Officer Amitab Koschel to work

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<v Speaker 1>on education reforms, while a portal has been opened for students,

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<v Speaker 1>teachers and parents to submit suggestions on examination reforms. You

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<v Speaker 1>were listening to Three Things by The Indian Express. Today's

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<v Speaker 1>episode was edited and mixed by Surish Brawar and produced

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<v Speaker 1>by Ichasharma and me Niharikhananda. If you like the show,

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<v Speaker 1>then do subscribe to us wherever you get your podcasts.

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<v Speaker 1>You can also recommend the show to someone you think

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<v Speaker 1>we'll like it, share it with a friend or someone

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<v Speaker 1>get to know about us. You can also tweet us

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<v Speaker 1>at Express podcast and write to us at podcasts at

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<v Speaker 1>Indianexpress dot com.
