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<v Speaker 1>Welcome. This is Rebeccah Shore for RADIOI, and today I

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<v Speaker 1>would be reading from a special edition of Smithsonian Magazine

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<v Speaker 1>America at two fifty. As a reminder, RADIOI is a

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<v Speaker 1>reading service intended for people who are blind or have

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<v Speaker 1>other disabilities that make it difficult to read printed material.

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<v Speaker 1>Please join me now for the first article titled Editor's

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<v Speaker 1>Note The Revolutionary Spark by Gebra Rosenberg, Executive Editor. On

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<v Speaker 1>the morning of January eighth, seventeen ninety, the first President

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<v Speaker 1>of the United States strode into Federal Hall in New

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<v Speaker 1>York City to deliver a speech that would become known

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<v Speaker 1>as the State of the Union Address. Dressed in an

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<v Speaker 1>elegant dark suit, George Washington outlined his priorities for the

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<v Speaker 1>young nation, calling on Congress to establish a standing army,

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<v Speaker 1>a national currency, a post office, and an educational system,

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<v Speaker 1>and he urged lawmakers to reward Americans for their quote

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<v Speaker 1>exertions of skill and genius by adopting a system to

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<v Speaker 1>protect new inventions, a power entrusted to Congress by the

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<v Speaker 1>newly ratified Constitution. After Washington signed the Patent Act of

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<v Speaker 1>seventeen ninety, he personally affixed his signature to each of

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<v Speaker 1>the one hundred fifty six patents granted during his presidency,

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<v Speaker 1>sending a profound message innovation was so important to the

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<v Speaker 1>fledgling Republic that the President himself was invested in its success.

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<v Speaker 1>This special issue of Smithsonian, published on the two hundred

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<v Speaker 1>and fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, celebrates that

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<v Speaker 1>revolutionary spark, the visionary impulse driving the dreamers and discoveries

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<v Speaker 1>that have shaped our nation from the start. Of course,

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<v Speaker 1>it's impossible to contain them all in one magazine. More

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<v Speaker 1>than ten million patents have been issued since those that

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<v Speaker 1>Washington signed, to say nothing of the inventive thinking that

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<v Speaker 1>birthed the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, the poetry

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<v Speaker 1>of Emily Dickinson, or the music of Chuck Berry. We

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<v Speaker 1>approached a wide range of writers, historians, photographers, and artists

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<v Speaker 1>to share the breakthroughs they view as most significant. The

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<v Speaker 1>resulting collection is often celebratory, sometimes surprising, inevitably eclectic. Smithsonian

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<v Speaker 1>Secretary Lonnie G. Bunch the third considers what has made

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<v Speaker 1>America such fertile ground for experimentation. Historian H. W. Brand's

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<v Speaker 1>shines a light on Benjamin Franklin's greatest innovation. Novelist Geraldine

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<v Speaker 1>Brooks evaluates the extraordinary impact of a radical work of fiction.

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<v Speaker 1>Chef and culinary historian Michael Twiddy uncovers the birth of

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<v Speaker 1>American regional cuisine. Historian and Frederick Douglas biographer David Blight

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<v Speaker 1>explores the most potent speech of America's premi orator. Peter

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<v Speaker 1>Salk reflects on his father's determination to find a vaccine

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<v Speaker 1>for a devastating disease. We also examined lesser known insights, epiphanies,

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<v Speaker 1>and efforts that transformed life in America and beyond. How

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<v Speaker 1>did we learn to fly safely through thunderstorms? Who enabled

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<v Speaker 1>the first surgery under anesthesia? What inspired Georgia O'Keefe to

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<v Speaker 1>perfect the Great American painting? Where did Muddy Waters hear

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<v Speaker 1>his own voice recorded for the first time? Why are

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<v Speaker 1>so many cultural trends driven by teenagers? And who invented

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<v Speaker 1>the teenager? Anyway? You'll also learn about groundbreaking inventions housed

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<v Speaker 1>in the Smithsonian's collections. Additionally, the issue showcases strikingly original artwork.

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<v Speaker 1>Victoria Maxfield captures Franklin's alter egos. Tim O'Brien conjures the

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<v Speaker 1>genius of folklorist Alan Lomax Addison Green celebrates the allure

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<v Speaker 1>of the soap opera. Ibrahim Ryan Takoth evokes Thomas Paine's

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<v Speaker 1>celestial inspiration. In sections broadly organized according to the founding

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<v Speaker 1>American principles of life, liberty, and happiness, we explore many

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<v Speaker 1>other miraculous advances in science, medicine, conservation, space exploration, education, journalism,

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<v Speaker 1>civil rights, music, literature, technology, comics, film, sports, and so

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<v Speaker 1>much more. We hope you enjoy the issue next. The

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<v Speaker 1>American Revolutions overlooked influence physics, how common sense spelled out

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<v Speaker 1>astronomical expectations for a new nation. The Manifesto leaned heavily

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<v Speaker 1>on Isaac Newton's theories in making a case for independence,

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<v Speaker 1>and fellow founders drew on the notion to build a

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<v Speaker 1>new system of government by Joe Marchant. In politics, as

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<v Speaker 1>in nature, tensions can take years to build, but it

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<v Speaker 1>takes just one stone to unleash an avalanche, one spark

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<v Speaker 1>to ignite a wild fire. For many historians of the

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<v Speaker 1>American Revolution, that spark was a pamphlet of fewer than

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<v Speaker 1>one hundred pages written by a newly arrived English immigrant

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<v Speaker 1>named Thomas Paine. Throughout seventeen seventy five, violent clashes between

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<v Speaker 1>British troops and colonist rebels protesting onerous taxes inspired little

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<v Speaker 1>talk of outright revolution. Most rebels aimed to force better

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<v Speaker 1>terms with Britain, not sever the link. Then, in January

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<v Speaker 1>seventeen seventy six, Pain changed everything with Common Sense, a

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<v Speaker 1>manifesto so radical that at first he didn't even dare

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<v Speaker 1>to sign it. It was an immediate sensation, selling one

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<v Speaker 1>hundred twenty thousand copies in three months in Pain's estimation,

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<v Speaker 1>and a colonial population of just two and a half million,

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<v Speaker 1>and that was not counting handwritten copies and knock editions

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<v Speaker 1>that swept not only through America but all over Europe.

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<v Speaker 1>In his plea for American independence from Britain, Paine made

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<v Speaker 1>vivid appeals to nature. Strikingly, he envisioned global politics as

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<v Speaker 1>an astronomical system, arguing that America, rather than orbiting the

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<v Speaker 1>central sun of England, was large and mature enough to

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<v Speaker 1>provide its own center of gravity. In no instance hath

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<v Speaker 1>nature made the satellite larger than its primary planet, he wrote,

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<v Speaker 1>and as England and America with respect to each other,

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<v Speaker 1>reversed the common order of nature. It is evident that

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<v Speaker 1>they belonged to different systems. He described the gravitating force

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<v Speaker 1>binding Americans, urging them to work together to determine their

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<v Speaker 1>own fate. We have it in our power, he wrote,

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<v Speaker 1>to begin the world over again. Payne's astronomical vision was

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<v Speaker 1>taken further that April in a remarkable response published in

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<v Speaker 1>the weekly newspaper The Pennsylvania Ledger, The writer, whose identity

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<v Speaker 1>is lost to time, imagined taking a trip with pain

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<v Speaker 1>into outer space, leaving the Solar system and the dull,

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<v Speaker 1>beaten tracts of monarchy far behind. The space travelers discovered

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<v Speaker 1>a vast cosmos, not ruled by one dominant sun, but

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<v Speaker 1>studded with innumerable suns. The universe thus revealed the blueprint

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<v Speaker 1>for a different kind of nature. Quote a republic amidst

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<v Speaker 1>the stars. This was the first known expression of a

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<v Speaker 1>symbol now instantly recognizable around the world, the United States

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<v Speaker 1>of America as a constellation of equal stars. The imagery

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<v Speaker 1>has since become so ubiquitous as to be almost drained

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<v Speaker 1>of meaning, but it was borne from a radical and

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<v Speaker 1>unprecedented shift in cosmology, a revolutionary system of the universe

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<v Speaker 1>that Americans didn't just picture on their flag, but wove

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<v Speaker 1>deep into the framework of their republic. Many historical threads

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<v Speaker 1>contributed to the making of the United States, from the

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<v Speaker 1>democracies of ancient Greece to the religious rebels of the

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<v Speaker 1>Protestant Reformation. But one idea often overlooked to day, despite

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<v Speaker 1>hiding in plain sight, was completely new. In building their government,

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<v Speaker 1>the Founders aimed to mirror the equality, balance and unifying

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<v Speaker 1>laws that they saw in the heavens. Cosmology has always

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<v Speaker 1>shaped politics for millennia. From the dawn of written history,

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<v Speaker 1>and probably before, people looked up to the shining orbs

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<v Speaker 1>in the sky and saw an eternal realm populated by

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<v Speaker 1>spirits and powerful gods. Rulers consolidated their power by cloaking

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<v Speaker 1>themselves in celestial imagery. In Imperial China, the emperor was

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<v Speaker 1>the son of Heaven, responsible for keeping society and harmony

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<v Speaker 1>with the sky. The Babylonian king Nebekenezzer the Second styled

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<v Speaker 1>himself as the earthly representative of the planet Jupiter, known

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<v Speaker 1>as Marduk, King of the Gods. The Maya chief Lord

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<v Speaker 1>Schak identified himself with the planet Venus, whose appearance coincided

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<v Speaker 1>with the rainy season, thus crediting him with bringing the

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<v Speaker 1>reins that kept every one alive. Many rulers associated themselves

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<v Speaker 1>with our nearest star, in a practice dating at least

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<v Speaker 1>as far back as the Egyptian pharaohs, who were seen

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<v Speaker 1>as the Sun's embodiment on Earth. In ancient Rome, Nero

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<v Speaker 1>was portrayed wearing a crown that emanated sun rays. A

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<v Speaker 1>few centuries later, Constantine adopted a solar persona with a

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<v Speaker 1>new religious spin, the Sun as a channel for the

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<v Speaker 1>Christian God. The Polish astronomer Nicholas Copernicus began to write

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<v Speaker 1>The Principles that Ruled the Universe in fifteen forty three,

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<v Speaker 1>when he argued that the Earth, rather than being the

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<v Speaker 1>fixed center of the cosmos, hurdles perpetually around the Sun.

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<v Speaker 1>He used royal imagery to support this radical idea, as

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<v Speaker 1>though seated on a royal throne, he wrote, the Sun

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<v Speaker 1>governs the family of planets revolving around it. At first,

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<v Speaker 1>Europe's kings used this heliocentric revolution to boost their standing.

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<v Speaker 1>There is basically no European monarch during the sixteenth and

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<v Speaker 1>seventeenth century who was not seen as a Sun or

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<v Speaker 1>depicted in solar metaphors. Iran Shalev, a historian of ideas

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<v Speaker 1>at the University of Haifa in Israel and the author

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<v Speaker 1>of last year's The Star Spangled Republic, a cultural history

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<v Speaker 1>of Early America, told me recently that tradition continued into

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<v Speaker 1>the eighteenth century, with Britain's kings George the Second and

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<v Speaker 1>the Third described as shining sovereigns spread their superior rays.

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<v Speaker 1>Even after Copernicus, the heavens still seemed to support divinely

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<v Speaker 1>mandated rulers, but a revolution in understanding planetary motion would

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<v Speaker 1>blow this view apart. In sixteen eighty seven, Isaac Newton

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<v Speaker 1>and Principia, still perhaps the most influential scientific work ever written,

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<v Speaker 1>had used mathematics to show that everything in the universe,

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<v Speaker 1>from apples and planets to grains of sand and the

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<v Speaker 1>Sun itself, is governed by the attracting force of gravity. Yes,

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<v Speaker 1>the Sun is in the center, but every other body

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<v Speaker 1>attracts back on the Sun and on each other body

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<v Speaker 1>as well, explains Mordecai Feinegeld, a historian of science at

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<v Speaker 1>Caltech and the author of the Newtonian Moment. Newton revealed

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<v Speaker 1>the workings of the universe as a finely balanced and

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<v Speaker 1>interdependent system bound by rational, predictable laws. And he did

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<v Speaker 1>did it not by appealing to the authorities of the past,

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<v Speaker 1>ancient scholars, or the Church, but through his own observations

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<v Speaker 1>and ingenuity. The physicist's ideas swept through enlightenment Europe. He

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<v Speaker 1>was seen as an almost divine messenger, able to unlock

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<v Speaker 1>the mysteries of the natural world. Nature and Nature's laws

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<v Speaker 1>lay hid in the night. The poet Alexander Pope wrote

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<v Speaker 1>around seventeen thirty, God said, let Newton be, and all

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<v Speaker 1>was light. Newton's ideas transformed not only his scientific field,

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<v Speaker 1>but also society as a whole. His discovery of the

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<v Speaker 1>law of gravity meant everything is equal, everything operates according

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<v Speaker 1>to the same law. Nicholas Campion, a historian of cosmology

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<v Speaker 1>and culture at the University of Wales Trinity Saint David,

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<v Speaker 1>says philosophers and political theorists, considering what these natural laws

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<v Speaker 1>might mean for human affairs, began to act. Shouldn't people,

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<v Speaker 1>even kings be bound by common laws? Io As this

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<v Speaker 1>new unifying order in the universe was emerging, with it

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<v Speaker 1>came a new idea that through laws and logic, people

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<v Speaker 1>might glean the best way to govern themselves. In Europe,

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<v Speaker 1>this still largely meant tinkering with existing structures by defining

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<v Speaker 1>or limiting the monarch's power. It was thousands of miles

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<v Speaker 1>away in America that a new cosmic system would take flight.

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<v Speaker 1>Thomas Paine, the son of a corset maker in Norfolk, England,

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<v Speaker 1>had already failed at several careers tax collector, tobacconist, teacher

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<v Speaker 1>before he set sail for Philadelphia in November seventeen seventy four.

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<v Speaker 1>When he arrived in December, he was carrying little more

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<v Speaker 1>than a letter of introduction from Benjamin Franklin, whom he'd

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<v Speaker 1>met in London, and a bad case of typhoid fever.

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<v Speaker 1>He found work as editor of the new Pennsylvania magazine

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<v Speaker 1>With Common Sense. He soon became one of the best

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<v Speaker 1>selling authors the world had ever seen. Payne's ideas were

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<v Speaker 1>not wholly original. Franklin, John Adams, and Samuel Adams were

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<v Speaker 1>already discussing American independence in private, but pain brought revolution

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<v Speaker 1>to the masses, giving the idea a shape and precision

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<v Speaker 1>it had lacked. It made clear to people that a

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<v Speaker 1>choice was available to them, says Mark Philp, a historian

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<v Speaker 1>at the University of Warwick in the United Kingdom and

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<v Speaker 1>a Pain biographer. In clear persuasive language, Payne told his

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<v Speaker 1>fellow colonists that they could control their own future. We

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<v Speaker 1>have every opportunity and every encouragement before us, he wrote,

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<v Speaker 1>to form the noblest, purest constitution on the face of

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<v Speaker 1>the earth. Most colonists had been reluctant to rebel. They

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<v Speaker 1>still saw themselves as English, regardless of which side of

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<v Speaker 1>the Atlantic they lived on. Pain reframed the conflict, working

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<v Speaker 1>a powerful change in the minds of many men. As

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<v Speaker 1>George Washington put it, the revolutionaries weren't traders or tax

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<v Speaker 1>of waiters. They were building a better kind of nation.

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<v Speaker 1>As the Boston minister Andrew Elliot wrote to an acquaintance

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<v Speaker 1>in London, independence a year ago could not have been

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<v Speaker 1>publicly mentioned with impunity. Now nothing else is talked of,

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<v Speaker 1>and I know not what can be done by Great

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<v Speaker 1>Britain to prevent it. Pain wasn't the type to cite

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<v Speaker 1>his sources, but biographers have seen Newtonian influences. He became

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<v Speaker 1>hooked on astronomy as a young man in London when

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<v Speaker 1>Newton's science and its political implications were widely discussed in

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<v Speaker 1>coffee houses and debating clubs. Paine later wrote that when

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<v Speaker 1>he returned from six months aboard a privateer in seventeen

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<v Speaker 1>fifty seven, he spent his earnings on a pair of

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<v Speaker 1>globes representing the Earth and the sky, and set about

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<v Speaker 1>mastering their use. He attended lectures on astronomy, and he

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<v Speaker 1>met Franklin, a fellow Newtonian, who encouraged him to sail

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<v Speaker 1>to America. In Philadelphia, Payne attended lectures at the American

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<v Speaker 1>Philosophical Society and drank and debated at an intellectual club

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<v Speaker 1>called the Indian Queen, and he began to write. He

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<v Speaker 1>would have had many influences, from John Locke's discussion of

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<v Speaker 1>natural rights to Martin Luther's rejection of papal authority. But

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<v Speaker 1>Philip says there's no doubt that he's aware of the

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<v Speaker 1>Newtonian picture and that it shapes the way he thinks

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<v Speaker 1>and writes. At the time, America was often described as

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<v Speaker 1>a planet or satellite orbiting the central Sun of England. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>Payne used that same Newtonian imagery to argue that America

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<v Speaker 1>was better understood as its own gravitational system. Americans announced

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<v Speaker 1>their independence that July, invoking the separate and equal station

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<v Speaker 1>to which the laws of Nature and of Nature's God

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<v Speaker 1>entitled them in the declaration, originally drafted by Thomas Jefferson.

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<v Speaker 1>Scholars endlessly debate the sources of the declaration's self evident truths,

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<v Speaker 1>equality and the universal right to life, liberty, and the

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<v Speaker 1>pursuit of happiness. In addition to Locke in England, the

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<v Speaker 1>founders certainly drew on French Enlightenment thinkers such as Jean

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<v Speaker 1>Jacques Rousseau, Baron de Matesquieu, and Voltaire, Classical authors including

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<v Speaker 1>Aristotle and Cicero, the thirteenth century Magna Carta, and England's

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<v Speaker 1>sixteen eighty nine Bill of Rights. Several historians have pointed

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<v Speaker 1>out that principles of limited government and citizens' rights were

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<v Speaker 1>compatible with Protestant Calvinism. Others that Franklin and the other

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<v Speaker 1>founders were keen observers of Native American self governance, as

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<v Speaker 1>demonstrated by the Iroquois Confederacy. But scholars familiar with Newton's

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<v Speaker 1>work say that Declaration's debt to physics is often overlooked.

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<v Speaker 1>The founders internalized the legacy of Newton into something much

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<v Speaker 1>more pragmatic and political. Fine Gold of Caltech argues every

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<v Speaker 1>Western philosopher of the time was working in Newton's shadow,

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<v Speaker 1>and many Founders were immersed in Newtonian thought. John Adams

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<v Speaker 1>had an education in celestial mechanics. Franklin and Jefferson were

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<v Speaker 1>prominent scientists in their own right. Franklin, who as a

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<v Speaker 1>young man frequented Newton's favorite London tavern in the hope

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<v Speaker 1>of meeting him, was famous for his investigations of electricity. Jefferson,

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<v Speaker 1>who pioneered everything from archaeological excavations to meteorurological studies, had

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<v Speaker 1>an evident and deep knowledge of principia, and he declared

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<v Speaker 1>Newton one of the greatest men that have ever lived.

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<v Speaker 1>Joyce Chaplin, a historian of early America at Harvard University,

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<v Speaker 1>says that while the founders may not have been divining

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<v Speaker 1>mathematical laws of motion, they saw themselves as continuing the

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<v Speaker 1>search for universal principles of nature. If you were arguing

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<v Speaker 1>from nature, she says, you were arguing truth after the

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<v Speaker 1>revolution had been won. The same Newtonian ingenuity that helped

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<v Speaker 1>the founders conceive of independence became woven into the new

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<v Speaker 1>American government. In the seventeen eighties, representatives to the Continental

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<v Speaker 1>Congress debated how the newly independent states should be bound together.

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<v Speaker 1>It was an unprecedented challenge for such a large, populous,

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<v Speaker 1>and regionally heterodox territory. Democracy had thrived in ancient Greece,

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<v Speaker 1>but only in small city states, and this is not

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<v Speaker 1>a country of small city states, Philip says. Instead, America's

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<v Speaker 1>founders imagined a new system combining a strong collective identity

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<v Speaker 1>with the autonomy of independent states. Seeking a balanced structure

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<v Speaker 1>that would prevent weak bonds and thus disintegration on the

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<v Speaker 1>one hand, and collapsed toward a tyrannical center on the other,

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<v Speaker 1>The delegates drew on the celestial mechanics seen in nature. Delawares.

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<v Speaker 1>John Dickinson argued that the states, like the planets, ought

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<v Speaker 1>to be left to move freely in their proper orbits,

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<v Speaker 1>whereas James Madison worried they would continually fly out of

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<v Speaker 1>those orbits without stronger ties. John Adams, commenting from London

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<v Speaker 1>as the U. S Ambassador to Britain, feared that without

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<v Speaker 1>a properly balanced government, America would resemble a chaotic sky

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<v Speaker 1>filled with fiery comets. Citing Newton's third law of motion,

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<v Speaker 1>to every action there is always opposed an equal reaction,

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<v Speaker 1>he argued that a firm constitution was needed to control

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<v Speaker 1>quote those attractions and repulsions by which the balance of

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<v Speaker 1>nature is preserved. For Adams, that meant dividing the government

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<v Speaker 1>into independent branches with executive, legislative, and judicial arms that

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<v Speaker 1>would prevent any single entity from dominating the whole. The

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<v Speaker 1>resulting separation of powers and legislature are still at the

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<v Speaker 1>heart of American governance, a model of democracy inspired in

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<v Speaker 1>no small part by scientific principles of equality and interconnectedness,

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<v Speaker 1>and the Founder's federal system, has since been implemented in

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<v Speaker 1>countries from Canada and Australia to Switzerland, Malaysia, India, and Brazil.

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<v Speaker 1>As the Australian constitutional historian Winston Mackinn once put it,

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<v Speaker 1>all modern federal polities, whether their people like to be

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<v Speaker 1>reminded of it or not, are the spiritual children of

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<v Speaker 1>the founding fathers of the Philadelphia Convention. The new political

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<v Speaker 1>cosmology wasn't yet complete, however, As Shalev writes in The

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<v Speaker 1>Star Spangled Republic, the early Americans would alter transcend the

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<v Speaker 1>old celestial imagery of planets orbiting a massive sun, at last,

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<v Speaker 1>replacing it with the new symbolism. To do it, the

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<v Speaker 1>founders combined Newtonian principles with another astronomical innovation, the telescope.

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<v Speaker 1>Throughout the eighteenth century, as astronomers focused increasingly powerful lenses

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<v Speaker 1>on the sky, more stars and galaxies kept coming into view.

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<v Speaker 1>Space stretched deeper and farther than they had ever imagined,

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<v Speaker 1>revealing that the Sun was not, in fact the center

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<v Speaker 1>of the universe. It was one star among many. This

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<v Speaker 1>was the idea expressed by the anonymous correspondent who wrote

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<v Speaker 1>to the Pennsylvania Ledger in seventeen seventy six. The writer

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<v Speaker 1>mused that although the Sun might seem to mortals in

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<v Speaker 1>its immediate orbit as quote the Grand Monarch of the

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<v Speaker 1>heavenly Bodies, zooming out to a wider view revealed that

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<v Speaker 1>the sky was filled with such stars forming constellations quote,

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<v Speaker 1>united upon the principles of perfect equality, instead of conceiving

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<v Speaker 1>the universe, and in microcosm, the nation as arranged around

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<v Speaker 1>a single gravitational center. This view showed a system governed

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<v Speaker 1>by laws that spread authority among balanced equal actors. For

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<v Speaker 1>shalev that symbolism represents a remarkable intellectual reconfiguration. This stellar

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<v Speaker 1>architecture was most strikingly expressed, of course, in the new

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<v Speaker 1>nation's flag. A resolution of the Continental Congress on June fourteenth,

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<v Speaker 1>seventeen seventy seven had to creed that the states were

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<v Speaker 1>to be known as quote thirteen stars white in a

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<v Speaker 1>blue field end quote. Today, around half of the world's

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<v Speaker 1>national flags include cosmic imagery, mostly five pointed stars. America

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<v Speaker 1>was the first. The very word revolution, long before it

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<v Speaker 1>was applied to human affairs, was an astronomical concept derived

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<v Speaker 1>from the cycles of stars. Newton's ideas traced the same journey,

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<v Speaker 1>first rewriting physics and astronomy and then helping reshape politics too.

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<v Speaker 1>And it was in the American Revolution that these ideas

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<v Speaker 1>came to fruition, cultivated on a new understanding of the

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<v Speaker 1>principles that should govern heaven and Earth, and inspiring a

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<v Speaker 1>model of democratic republicanism that has since been exported around

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<v Speaker 1>the world. A quarter of millennium on, our gaze has narrowed.

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<v Speaker 1>We see the stars on the flag, but perhaps forget

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<v Speaker 1>what they once meant for citizens of the eighteenth century living.

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<v Speaker 1>Before the harnessing of electric power, the starry sky would

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<v Speaker 1>have been a magnificent nightly remar of the grander order

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<v Speaker 1>and harmony of existence. To day, earthly lights have dimmed

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<v Speaker 1>the sky, and science has moved on from the universal

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<v Speaker 1>truths of the Newtonian cosmos too. Charles Darwin transformed our

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<v Speaker 1>conception of living beings from fixed creatures to mutable species.

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<v Speaker 1>Albert Einstein showed that even space and time depend upon

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<v Speaker 1>our perspective. Quantum physics has cast doubt on whether there

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<v Speaker 1>is any solid landscape beyond us at all. These are

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<v Speaker 1>the cosmological currents that now surround us. We live in

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<v Speaker 1>a messier, more dynamic, and more unpredictable reality than Jefferson

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<v Speaker 1>and Franklin hoped for, and the consequences of these intellectual

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<v Speaker 1>changes are still playing out. But the challenge for society

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<v Speaker 1>in America as elsewhere remains the same to maintain a

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<v Speaker 1>stable path without hurtling apart into anarchy or collapsing toward

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<v Speaker 1>a draconian center. How do we balance our creativity, our chaos,

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<v Speaker 1>our plurality of truths and realities, with our collective humanity

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<v Speaker 1>and a shared vision that makes us more than the

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<v Speaker 1>sum of our parts. The founders anticipated such a challenge,

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<v Speaker 1>and they crafted a government, with its checks and balances,

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<v Speaker 1>its safeguards and separations, that has so far proved uniquely

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<v Speaker 1>well prepared to face it. And accompanying this article, did

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<v Speaker 1>you know? A brief timeline of astronomical discovery leading to Newton. First,

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<v Speaker 1>in fifteen forty three, Nicholas Copernicus published six books on

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<v Speaker 1>the Revolutions of the Heavenly Spheres, which established a comprehensive

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<v Speaker 1>heliocentric model of the universe. Then, in sixteen o nine

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<v Speaker 1>to sixteen nineteen, Johannes Kepler described major new laws of

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<v Speaker 1>planetary motion, including elliptical and varied orbits. In sixteen ten,

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<v Speaker 1>Galileo's Siderius Nuncius kicked off the era of telescopic discovery,

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<v Speaker 1>describing new observations such as Jupiter's moons and many stars

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<v Speaker 1>not visible to the naked eye. And finally, in sixteen

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<v Speaker 1>eighty seven, Isaac Newton published Principia, still perhaps the most

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<v Speaker 1>influential scientific work ever written. This concludes readings from the

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<v Speaker 1>Smithsonian Magazine for to day. Your reader has been Rebecca Shore.

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<v Speaker 1>Thank you for listening and have a great day.
