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<v Speaker 1>Section eleven of the grochy Marius and Sulla by A. H. Beasley.

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<v Speaker 1>This librovox recording is in the public domain. Read by Pamelinagami,

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<v Speaker 1>Chapter nine Sulpicious, the terrible disintegration which the social war

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<v Speaker 1>had brought on Italy was faithfully reproduced in Rome. There too,

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<v Speaker 1>every man's hand was against his neighbor, creditor and debtor,

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<v Speaker 1>tribune and consul, Senate and anti senate fiercely confronted each other.

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<v Speaker 1>Personal interests had become so much more prominent, and old

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<v Speaker 1>party divisions were so confused by the schemes of Italianizing

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<v Speaker 1>politicians aristocratic in their connections, but cleaving to part at

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<v Speaker 1>least of the traditional democratic program, that it is very

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<v Speaker 1>hard to see where the views of one faction blended

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<v Speaker 1>with those of another, and where they clashed. Still harder

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<v Speaker 1>is it to dissect the character of individual rules. To decide,

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<v Speaker 1>for instance, how far a man like Sulpicius was swayed

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<v Speaker 1>by disinterested principles, and how far he fought for his

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<v Speaker 1>own hand. We need not make too much of the

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<v Speaker 1>fact that he appealed to force, because violence was the

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<v Speaker 1>order of the day, and submission to the law simply

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<v Speaker 1>meant submission to the law of force. But there are

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<v Speaker 1>some parts of his career apparently so inconsistent as almost

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<v Speaker 1>to defy explanation, which in any case can be little

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<v Speaker 1>more than guess work. Publius Sulpicious Rufus was now in

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<v Speaker 1>the prime of life, having been born in one twenty

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<v Speaker 1>four b c. He was an aristocrat, an orator of

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<v Speaker 1>great force and fire, and a friend of Drusus, whose

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<v Speaker 1>views he shared and inherited. Cicero speaks of him in

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<v Speaker 1>no grudging terms. Of all the speakers I have heard,

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<v Speaker 1>Sulpicious was the grandest, and so to speak, most tragic.

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<v Speaker 1>Besides being powerful, his voice was sweet and resonant. His

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<v Speaker 1>gestures and movements, elegant though they were, had nothing theatrical

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<v Speaker 1>about them, and his oratory, though quick and fluent, was

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<v Speaker 1>neither redundant nor verbose. The year before his tribunet had

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<v Speaker 1>been a turbulent one at Rome. The social war and

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<v Speaker 1>Asiatic disturbances had brought about a financial crisis. Debtors, hard

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<v Speaker 1>pressed by their creditors, invoked obsolete penalties against Jusury in

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<v Speaker 1>their defense, and the creditors, because the praetor Islia attempted

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<v Speaker 1>to submit the question to trial, murdered him in the

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<v Speaker 1>open forum. The debtors responded by a cry for tabulaoi,

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<v Speaker 1>or a sweeping remission of all debts. Of these debtors,

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<v Speaker 1>many doubtless, would belong to the lower orders. But from

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<v Speaker 1>a proposal of Sulpicious made the next year, it appears

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<v Speaker 1>probable that some were found in the ranks of the Senate.

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<v Speaker 1>War had made money tight, to use the phraseology of

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<v Speaker 1>our modern stock exchange, and reckless extravagance could no longer

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<v Speaker 1>be supported by borrowing. Sulpicious inherited the policy of Drusus,

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<v Speaker 1>which was to reconstruct the senatorial government on an Italian basis.

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<v Speaker 1>Like Drusus, he had to conciliate prejudices in order to

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<v Speaker 1>carry out his design. Plutarch says that he went about

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<v Speaker 1>with six hundred men of the Equestrian order, whom he

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<v Speaker 1>called his anti Senate. No doubt it was to please

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<v Speaker 1>these equitais, who would belong to the party of creditors,

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<v Speaker 1>that he proposed that no one should be a senator

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<v Speaker 1>who owed more than two thousand dinari e. No doubt, too,

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<v Speaker 1>he would have filled the vacancies thus created by the

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<v Speaker 1>expulsion of reckless anti Italian optimists from the ranks of

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<v Speaker 1>these equities, just as Drusus had done. Just like Druces, too,

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<v Speaker 1>he had to court the proletariat, and this he did

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<v Speaker 1>by proposing to enroll freedmen in the tribes. This, as

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<v Speaker 1>they were generally dependent on men of his own order,

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<v Speaker 1>he could do without prejudice to the new modeled aristocracy

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<v Speaker 1>which he was attempting to organize. He also proposed to

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<v Speaker 1>grant an amnesty to those who had been exiled by

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<v Speaker 1>the Lexvaria, hoping no doubt to gain more by the

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<v Speaker 1>adherents who would return to Rome than he would lose

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<v Speaker 1>by the return of men like Varius himself. He had

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<v Speaker 1>opposed such an amnesty before, but on such a point

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<v Speaker 1>he might have easily changed his views, especially if a

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<v Speaker 1>strong cry was being raised by the friends of the exiles.

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<v Speaker 1>He had a personal feud with the Julian family because

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<v Speaker 1>he had opposed Caesar's illegal candidature for the consulship. That

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<v Speaker 1>having fortified himself by such alliances, he proceeded to carry

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<v Speaker 1>out the main design of Drusus, namely the complete enfranchisement

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<v Speaker 1>of the Italians. This perhaps would be especially distasteful to

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<v Speaker 1>the Julie as superseding the Lex Julia and the Lex

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<v Speaker 1>Plotia Papiria, which to them no doubt seemed ample and

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<v Speaker 1>more than ample concessions. Sulpicious, on the other hand, in

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<v Speaker 1>the minority of the Senate which sided with him, saw

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<v Speaker 1>that under the cover of clemency, a grievous wrong was

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<v Speaker 1>being done. For not only were the Italians who had

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<v Speaker 1>submitted since the terms of the Lex Plaudia took effect

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<v Speaker 1>without the franchise, but from the fact of their rebellion

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<v Speaker 1>they had lost their old privileges as allied states. Even

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<v Speaker 1>those who had benefited by these concessions had benefited only

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<v Speaker 1>in name. As they voted in new tribes, their votes

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<v Speaker 1>were valueless and often would not be recorded at all,

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<v Speaker 1>for a majority on most questions would be assured long

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<v Speaker 1>before it came to their turn to vote. Two statesmen

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<v Speaker 1>imbued with the views of Drusus, such a distribution of

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<v Speaker 1>the franchise must have seemed impolitic trickery, and like Drusus,

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<v Speaker 1>Sulpicious resorted to questionable means in order to gain the

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<v Speaker 1>end on which he had set his heart. Rome was

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<v Speaker 1>thus broken up into two camps, not as of yore,

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<v Speaker 1>broadly marked off by palpable distinctions of rank, property, or privilege,

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<v Speaker 1>but each containing adherents of all sorts and conditions. Though

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<v Speaker 1>in the Senate the opponents of Sulpicius had the majority,

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<v Speaker 1>when Sulpicius proposed to enroll the Italians in the Old Tribes,

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<v Speaker 1>the consuls proclaimed astacium, or suspension of all public business

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<v Speaker 1>for some religious observances. It is said by some modern

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<v Speaker 1>writers that the object of Sulpicious in proposing to enroll

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<v Speaker 1>the Italians in the Old Tribes was to secure the

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<v Speaker 1>election of Marius to the command against Mithridatees. It is certain, indeed,

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<v Speaker 1>that Marius longed for it. Daily he was seen in

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<v Speaker 1>the campus Marcius exercising with the young men, and, though

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<v Speaker 1>old and fat, showing himself nimble in arms and active

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<v Speaker 1>on horseback, conduct which excited some men's good humored sympathy,

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<v Speaker 1>but shocked others, who thought he had much better go

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<v Speaker 1>to Bayi for the baths there, and that such an

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<v Speaker 1>exhibition was contemptible. In one of his years, Sulpicius may

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<v Speaker 1>have thought Marius quite fit for the command, and was

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<v Speaker 1>warranted in thinking so by the events of the social war.

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<v Speaker 1>But there is no more ground for supposing that the

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<v Speaker 1>election of Marius was his primary object than for considering

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<v Speaker 1>Plutarch's diatribe a fair estimate of his character. He was

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<v Speaker 1>the friend and successor of Drusus, and his alliance with

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<v Speaker 1>Marius was a means to the end, which, in common

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<v Speaker 1>with Druces, he had in view, and not the end itself.

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<v Speaker 1>This consideration is essential to a true understanding of the

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<v Speaker 1>politics of the time, and just makes the difference whether

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<v Speaker 1>Sulpicius was a petty minded adventurer or deliberately following in

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<v Speaker 1>the lines laid down for him by a succession of statesmen.

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<v Speaker 1>To the maneuver of the consul. He replied with a

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<v Speaker 1>violent protest that it was illegal. Rome was being paraded

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<v Speaker 1>by his partisans, three thousand armed men, and there was

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<v Speaker 1>a tumult in which the lives of the consuls were

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<v Speaker 1>in danger. One pompeious Rufus escaped, but his son was killed.

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<v Speaker 1>The other Sullah annulled the g justicium, but is said

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<v Speaker 1>to have got off with his life only because Marius

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<v Speaker 1>generously gave him shelter in his own house. In these occurrences,

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<v Speaker 1>it is impossible not to see that the consuls were

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<v Speaker 1>the first to act unfairly. Sulpicius had been intending to

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<v Speaker 1>bring forward his laws in the regular fashion. They thwarted

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<v Speaker 1>him by a trick. Whether he, in anger gave the

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<v Speaker 1>signal for violence, or whether, as is quite as likely,

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<v Speaker 1>his Italian partisans did not wait for his bidding, the

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<v Speaker 1>blame of the tumult lay at the door of the

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<v Speaker 1>other side. In such cases, he is not guiltiest who

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<v Speaker 1>strikes the first blow, but he who has made blows inevitable.

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<v Speaker 1>The laws of Sulpicius were carried, Sulah fled to the army,

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<v Speaker 1>And perhaps it was only now that Sulpicius, knowing or

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<v Speaker 1>thinking that he knew that Sellah would march on Rome,

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<v Speaker 1>carried a resolution in the popular Assembly for making Marius

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<v Speaker 1>commander in the east. Two tribunes were accordingly sent to

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<v Speaker 1>the camp at Nola to take the army from Sellah.

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<v Speaker 1>His soldiers immediately slew them and burning for the booty

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<v Speaker 1>of Asia, and attached to their fortunate leader. They, when,

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<v Speaker 1>without venturing to hint at the means by which he

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<v Speaker 1>could avenge it, he complained of the wrong done to him,

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<v Speaker 1>glamorously called on him to lead them to Rome. All

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<v Speaker 1>his officers except one choist door left him, but he

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<v Speaker 1>set out with six legions and was joined by Pompeius.

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<v Speaker 1>On the way, two priters met him and forbade his advance.

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<v Speaker 1>They escaped with their lives, but the soldiers broke their

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<v Speaker 1>foscuse and tore off their senatorial robes. A second and

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<v Speaker 1>a third time the Senate sent to ask his intentions

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<v Speaker 1>to release Rome from her tyrants was the grim reply.

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<v Speaker 1>Then he vouchsafed an offer that the Senate, Marius and

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<v Speaker 1>Sulpicious should meet him in the campus marshes to come

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<v Speaker 1>to terms. If this meant that he would come with

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<v Speaker 1>his army at his back, it was an absurd proposal.

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<v Speaker 1>If it meant that he would come alone, it was

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<v Speaker 1>a falsehood. In either case, it was a device to

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<v Speaker 1>fritter away time. For all the while that he was

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<v Speaker 1>bandying meaningless messages, he continued his onward marks he had sacrificed,

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<v Speaker 1>and the soothsayer Posthumius, when he saw the entrails, had

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<v Speaker 1>stretched out his hands to him and offered to be

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<v Speaker 1>kept in chains for punishment after the battle if it

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<v Speaker 1>was not a victory. He too, had himself seen a

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<v Speaker 1>vision of good Omen Bologna or another goddess had he

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<v Speaker 1>dreamed put a thunderbolt in his hands, and, naming his

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<v Speaker 1>enemies one by one, bidden him strike them, and they

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<v Speaker 1>were consumed to ashes. Again, envoys came from the Senate

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<v Speaker 1>forbidding him to come within five miles of Rome. Perhaps

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<v Speaker 1>they still felt as secure in the immemorial freedom of

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<v Speaker 1>the city from military rule as the English parliament did

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<v Speaker 1>before Cromwell's coupd'etat. Again he amused them, and no doubt himself,

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<v Speaker 1>also with a falsehood and professing compliance, followed close upon

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<v Speaker 1>their heels. With one Lesion he occupied the Chilian gate,

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<v Speaker 1>with another under Pompeius, the Colleen Gate, with a third

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<v Speaker 1>the pan Sublikius, while a fourth was posted outside as

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<v Speaker 1>a reserve. Thus, for the first time a consul commanded

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<v Speaker 1>an army in the city, and soldiers were masters of Rome.

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<v Speaker 1>Marius and Sulpicius met them on the Escolne, and, pouring

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<v Speaker 1>down tiles from the housetops, had first beat them back,

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<v Speaker 1>but Sullah, waving a burning torch, bade his men shoot

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<v Speaker 1>fiery arrows at the houses and drove the Marians from

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<v Speaker 1>the Escoline Forum. Then he sent for the legion in reserve,

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<v Speaker 1>and ordered a detachment to go round by the Siburah

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<v Speaker 1>and take the enemy in the rear. In Vain, Marius

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<v Speaker 1>made another stand at the temple of Tellus. In Vain,

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<v Speaker 1>he offered liberty to any slaves that would join him.

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<v Speaker 1>He was beaten and fled from the city. Thus Sullah,

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<v Speaker 1>having by injustice provoked disorder, quelled it by the sword

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<v Speaker 1>and began the civil war. So Ppecius, Marius, and ten

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<v Speaker 1>others were proscribed, and Sullah is said to have still

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<v Speaker 1>further stimulated the pursuit of Marius by setting a price

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<v Speaker 1>on his head. Sulpicius was killed at Laurentum, and according

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<v Speaker 1>to Wileus Petterculus, Sollah fixed up the eloquent orator's head

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<v Speaker 1>at the Rostra, a thing not unlikely to have been

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<v Speaker 1>done by a man to whose nature such grim irony

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<v Speaker 1>was thoroughly congenial. He evinced it on this occasion in

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<v Speaker 1>another way, which may have suggested to Victor Ugo his

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<v Speaker 1>episode of Lantanac and the Gunner. He gave the slave

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<v Speaker 1>who betrayed Sulpicius his freedom, and then had him hurled

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<v Speaker 1>from the Tarpeian rock. After this he set to work

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<v Speaker 1>to restore such order as would enable him to hasten

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<v Speaker 1>to the east. Various explanations have been offered to account

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<v Speaker 1>for his moderation at this conjuncture, and for his leaving

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<v Speaker 1>Italy precisely when his enemies were again gathering for an attack,

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<v Speaker 1>But the true one has never yet perhaps been suggested.

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<v Speaker 1>Who was it that had made him supreme at Rome?

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<v Speaker 1>The army? What had been the bribe which had won

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<v Speaker 1>it over a campaign in Asia? Under the fortune at Sullah.

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<v Speaker 1>Without that army he was powerless, may he was a

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<v Speaker 1>dead man. Therefore, it was absolutely necessary to execute his

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<v Speaker 1>pledge to the army, which would have no keen desire

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<v Speaker 1>to encounter its countrymen in Italy. No doubt he coveted

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<v Speaker 1>the glory and spoil of the Asiatic command, But it

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<v Speaker 1>is absurd to suppose that he would have quitted Italy

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<v Speaker 1>now of his own free will. He had no choice

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<v Speaker 1>in the matter. He was bound hand and foot by

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<v Speaker 1>his promises to the soldiers, and all that he could

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<v Speaker 1>do was by plausible moderation to win as many friends,

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<v Speaker 1>conciliate as many foes as possible, throw on Sinna, whom

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<v Speaker 1>he could not hope to keep quiet the guilt of perjury,

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<v Speaker 1>and trust to fortune for the rest. This is a

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<v Speaker 1>probable and consistent view of what now took place at Rome,

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<v Speaker 1>and every other account makes out Sulah to have been

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<v Speaker 1>either inconsistent, which he never was, for he was always

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<v Speaker 1>uniformly selfish or patriotic, which he never was. If patriotism

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<v Speaker 1>consists in sacrificing private to public considerations, or indifferent, which

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<v Speaker 1>he was in principle but never in practice, unless where

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<v Speaker 1>his own interests were not threatened and only the sufferings

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<v Speaker 1>of others involved. His first measure was to annul the

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<v Speaker 1>Sulpician laws. Secondly, to relieve the debtors, some colonies were

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<v Speaker 1>established and a law was passed about interest, the terms

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<v Speaker 1>of which we do not know. Thirdly, the Senate, thinned

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<v Speaker 1>by the social war in Navarian law was recruited by

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<v Speaker 1>three hundred optimates. Fourthly, because Sulpicious had resisted the proclamation

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<v Speaker 1>of a giustiqi, that device by which the Senate had virtually,

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<v Speaker 1>though not legally, retained in its own hands the power

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<v Speaker 1>of discussing any measure before it was submitted to the people. Therefore,

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<v Speaker 1>for the future, no measure was to be submitted to

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<v Speaker 1>the people till it had been previously discussed by the Senate.

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<v Speaker 1>In other words, the Senate was now confirmed by law

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<v Speaker 1>in a privilege which it had hitherto only exercised by

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<v Speaker 1>the employment of a fiction. Fifthly, the votes were to

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<v Speaker 1>be taken not in the Committee a Tributa, but in

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<v Speaker 1>the Committee of Centuries. Sixthly, the five classes were no

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<v Speaker 1>longer to have an equal voice, but the first class was,

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<v Speaker 1>as in the Serbian constitution, to have nearly half the votes.

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<v Speaker 1>As the first class consisted of those who had an

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<v Speaker 1>estate of one hundred thousand sasterces. This ordinance changed the

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<v Speaker 1>democracy into a democracy, transferring the power from the people

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<v Speaker 1>generally to the wealthier classes. But considering how voting had

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<v Speaker 1>been manipulated of late, it was perhaps a measure due

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<v Speaker 1>to the Senate quite as much as to Sullah. On

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<v Speaker 1>the whole, he legislated as little as he could and

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<v Speaker 1>proscribed as few as he could, but he tried to

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<v Speaker 1>get two of his partisans, Servius and Nonius, elected consuls

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<v Speaker 1>for the year eighty seven. Instead of them, however, Lucius

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<v Speaker 1>Cornelius Sinna, a determined leader of the Papulares, was elected,

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<v Speaker 1>and though Nius Octavius, his colleague, was one of the optimates.

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<v Speaker 1>He was not Sullah's creature. In another quarter, his arrangements

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<v Speaker 1>were thwarted even more unpleasantly. He had got a decree

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<v Speaker 1>framed by the people, giving the army of the North

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<v Speaker 1>to his friend Quintus Pompeius Rufus, and recalling Nius Pompeius Strabo,

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<v Speaker 1>but the latter procured the assassination of the former, and

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<v Speaker 1>remained at the head of the army. Still Sullah showed

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<v Speaker 1>no resentment. A tribune named Virguineus was threatening to prosecute him,

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<v Speaker 1>but he contented himself with making Sinna ascend the capital

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<v Speaker 1>with a stone in his hand and throwing it down

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<v Speaker 1>before a number of spectators, solemnly swear to observe the

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<v Speaker 1>new constitution. Then, leaving Metellusensamnium and Appius Claudius at Nola,

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<v Speaker 1>he hurried on to Coppua, and, embarking at Brundusium, felt

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<v Speaker 1>no doubt that if he must pay his debt to

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<v Speaker 1>the army before the army would commit fresh treasons for him.

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<v Speaker 1>It was not unpleasant now to be forced away from

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<v Speaker 1>the wasp's nest, which he had stirred up round him

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<v Speaker 1>at home, and so making a virtue of necessity, he

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<v Speaker 1>sailed with a light heart from the chance of assassination

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<v Speaker 1>at Rome to fame and fortune in the east end

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<v Speaker 1>of Section eleven.
