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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to episode three of Crime and Deviants

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<v Speaker 1>for the Sociology Show podcast. In this episode, we will

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<v Speaker 1>look at functionist explanations for crime and deviance. We'll consider

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<v Speaker 1>how crime can have both positive and negative functions, why

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<v Speaker 1>most people do not commit crime, and how functionists explain

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<v Speaker 1>crime and deviance as a whole. So before functionism, much

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<v Speaker 1>early criminology was obsessed with finding biological explanations for crime.

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<v Speaker 1>Some criminologists even carried out empirical studies in prisons to

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<v Speaker 1>look at the physical characteristics of criminals and to determine

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<v Speaker 1>if you were born bad. Functionists discounted these biological ideas

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<v Speaker 1>and attempted to find social explanations for crime levels. As structuralists,

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<v Speaker 1>functionists believe that the structures or agents of socialization influence

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<v Speaker 1>our behavior, but they choose to believe on the whole

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<v Speaker 1>that this is positive because society is based on what

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<v Speaker 1>we call consensus. So remember, consensus refers to the shared

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<v Speaker 1>agreement that exists within society on norms and values. It's

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<v Speaker 1>not that functions don't recognize conflict. It's just that they

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<v Speaker 1>believe that the majority of the time people get along

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<v Speaker 1>for the benefit of society and do not commit crime.

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<v Speaker 1>So let's start with the main person for functionism and meal,

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<v Speaker 1>dirt Heime. Dirkhim believes that crime is inevitable in society

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<v Speaker 1>and in many ways necessary to its harmony. He argues

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<v Speaker 1>that crime can have both positive and negative aspects. Dirkheim

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<v Speaker 1>argued that at the core of society was a set

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<v Speaker 1>of shared values which guide our actions. This value consensus

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<v Speaker 1>shape society's collective conscience and distinguish between actions which are

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<v Speaker 1>acceptable and those which are not. The problem for any

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<v Speaker 1>society is that the boundaries are sometimes not clear, and

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<v Speaker 1>they can also change over time. One of the positive

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<v Speaker 1>functions of crime, according to Dirkhime, is that it reaffirms

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<v Speaker 1>social boundaries. Every time that a person breaks a law

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<v Speaker 1>and is taken to court, the resulting court ceremony and

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<v Speaker 1>the publicity in the newspapers reaffirms the public opinion and

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<v Speaker 1>the existing values. For example, in twenty twenty four, the

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<v Speaker 1>race riots in England were quickly condemned by the government

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<v Speaker 1>and national media, and those participating in what the government

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<v Speaker 1>classified as criminal behavior were quickly exposed. This publicity condemns

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<v Speaker 1>a person's actions in a public arena and broadcast the

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<v Speaker 1>boundaries of unacceptable behavior by warning others not to breach

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<v Speaker 1>the laws, therefore reaffirming society's social boundaries value, consensive and

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<v Speaker 1>collective conscience. These markers are particularly clear in societies where

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<v Speaker 1>public punishments take place, where the offender is executed or

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<v Speaker 1>even punished in public. This publicity shows everyone else where

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<v Speaker 1>society's boundaries are and what will happen when these boundaries

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<v Speaker 1>are crossed. Therefore, crime must be seen to be punished

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<v Speaker 1>to reaffirm the social boundaries for everyone. In support of Dirkham,

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<v Speaker 1>we have Albert Cohen and Cohen suggested that carrying out

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<v Speaker 1>deviant acts can be functional for members of anti school

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<v Speaker 1>subcultures because these will give each other status for deviant

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<v Speaker 1>behavior thanks to the way they have inverted the traditional

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<v Speaker 1>values of the school. For example, working class often lack

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<v Speaker 1>the status of cultural material on social capital which support

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<v Speaker 1>the educational success. This, alongside a lack of elaborated speech

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<v Speaker 1>codes that the middle class obtain and teacher of Meyer,

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<v Speaker 1>can lead working classes to being placed in the bottom

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<v Speaker 1>sets at school and suffering from what he calls status frustration. So,

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<v Speaker 1>by being deviant within an anti school subculture allows these

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<v Speaker 1>working classes to gain their own status. For example, disrespecting

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<v Speaker 1>school rules going against the teacher and other pupils heightens

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<v Speaker 1>their sense of status. Therefore, deviances functional for the individual

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<v Speaker 1>and group sense of self, but can also be a

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<v Speaker 1>major contribute to educational failure. What about the negative aspects

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<v Speaker 1>of crime, where Dirkhim does also recognize these, Dirtkiin stress

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<v Speaker 1>that a limited amount of crime performed positive functions for society,

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<v Speaker 1>but too much crime, on the other hand, has negative consequences.

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<v Speaker 1>According to Dirkheim, society is based on people sharing common

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<v Speaker 1>values what he calls the collective conscience, which form the

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<v Speaker 1>basis for actions. However, in periods of great social change

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<v Speaker 1>or stress, the collective conscience may be weakened. In this situation,

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<v Speaker 1>people may be freed from the social control imposed by

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<v Speaker 1>the collective conscience and start to look after their own

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<v Speaker 1>selfish interests rather than adhering to social values. Dirkhim called

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<v Speaker 1>this situation animey. A state of normlessness describes the brief

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<v Speaker 1>period in which norms are suspended and previously unaccepted acts

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<v Speaker 1>or behavior are displayed. For example, the London riots in

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<v Speaker 1>twenty eleven quickly escalated into looting, an arson and the

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<v Speaker 1>police had to deploy and a mass scale. Before the riots,

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<v Speaker 1>many people would have walked past these shops day in,

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<v Speaker 1>day out and not even think about stealing goods from

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<v Speaker 1>the shops. Yet, for that small period of time when

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<v Speaker 1>animey occurred, some people thought it was acceptable, and so

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<v Speaker 1>onto our next functionist theorist Robert Merton and Robert Merton

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<v Speaker 1>introduces what's called strain theory. This is where people turn

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<v Speaker 1>to crime when experiencing strain. Merton developed Dirtkhim's theory of

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<v Speaker 1>enimey to explain why some individuals are more likely to

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<v Speaker 1>turn to crime than others. Mertz suggests that people commit

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<v Speaker 1>crime because of a strain between society's goals and the

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<v Speaker 1>means of achieving them. For Merton, most people have the

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<v Speaker 1>societal goal of wanting what he called the American dream.

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<v Speaker 1>This is the nice house, the car, the family, the dog, etc. Etc.

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<v Speaker 1>The problem is not everybody has the right skills, qualifications,

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<v Speaker 1>and opportunities to achieve this legitimately. This means legally through jobs.

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<v Speaker 1>This creates what Merton calls a strain to anime meaning.

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<v Speaker 1>This strain causes people to deviate from society's norms and

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<v Speaker 1>use illegitimate means, such as committing crime, in order to

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<v Speaker 1>be successful. Merton argues that it's functional for those experiencing

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<v Speaker 1>strain to turn to deviant or criminal acts in order

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<v Speaker 1>to achieve their goal. Some groups are more likely to

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<v Speaker 1>be blocked from the American Dream, and these groups are

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<v Speaker 1>much more likely to deviate. For Merton, the response to

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<v Speaker 1>strain is individual and categorize five possible adaptations. These are

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<v Speaker 1>the different ways in which people respond to strain. Firstly,

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<v Speaker 1>we have conformity. This is most of the population who

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<v Speaker 1>want the goal of success or the American Dream and

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<v Speaker 1>achieve it legitimately or legally. We then have innovation. This

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<v Speaker 1>is a criminal approach. These are people who want the

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<v Speaker 1>goal of success but cannot achieve it legitimately, so must

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<v Speaker 1>commit crime in order to achieve the goal. Drug dealers

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<v Speaker 1>and armed robbers are good examples of this. We then

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<v Speaker 1>have ritualism, which is deviants. These people are devas because

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<v Speaker 1>they reject the goal of success but use legitimate means,

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<v Speaker 1>and a good example of this is a person who

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<v Speaker 1>is in a dead end job that they don't like

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<v Speaker 1>but isn't willing to do anything to change it. We

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<v Speaker 1>then have retreatism, which takes both a criminal and deviant approach.

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<v Speaker 1>These people are deviant because they reject the goal of

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<v Speaker 1>success and use illegitimate means. A good example of this

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<v Speaker 1>may be an alcoholic, a drug taker, or a homeless person.

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<v Speaker 1>And finally we have rebellion, again taking a deviant or

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<v Speaker 1>criminal approach. These people are deviant because they reject the

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<v Speaker 1>goal of success, but in favor of an alternative, they

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<v Speaker 1>use illegitimate means to achieve this. Carl Marx or Martin

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<v Speaker 1>Luther King are good examples because they rejected society's goals

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<v Speaker 1>for alternatives, which required using illegal methods such as protest

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<v Speaker 1>and revolution to bring these about. Another example of rebellion

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<v Speaker 1>could be something like terrorism. We can then move on

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<v Speaker 1>to Clowd and Olin and Cloud. And Olin's key term

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<v Speaker 1>is illegiti opportunity structures. And Cloud and Olin argue there

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<v Speaker 1>is a greater pressure for working class youths compared to

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<v Speaker 1>middle class US to deviate from mainstream norms and values

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<v Speaker 1>because they have less opportunity to succeed within what they

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<v Speaker 1>call legitimate opportunity structures. That means doing something legally. By this,

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<v Speaker 1>they mean using education, jobs, careers in order to move

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<v Speaker 1>up the structure in society and to get money. Cloud

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<v Speaker 1>and Olin suggest that the working class youths are more

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<v Speaker 1>likely to have access to a parallel opportunity that they

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<v Speaker 1>called illegitimate opportunity structure. By this, they mean that for

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<v Speaker 1>some subcultures in society, a regular illegal career was available

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<v Speaker 1>with recognized illegal means of obtaining society's goals. You may

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<v Speaker 1>have heard of, for example, the mafia, or in South

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<v Speaker 1>America we have the narcos. In Japan we have the yakuza,

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<v Speaker 1>or in China we have the triads. These are all

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<v Speaker 1>examples of illegal groups that many people end up working for.

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<v Speaker 1>Egal opportunity structure had three possible adaptations or subcultures. Firstly,

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<v Speaker 1>the criminal. This adaptation is where there is a thriving

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<v Speaker 1>local criminal subculture with successful role models, young offenders can

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<v Speaker 1>work their way up the ladder within the criminal hierarchy.

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<v Speaker 1>We then have conflict here there is no local criminal

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<v Speaker 1>subculture to provide a career opportunity. Groups brought up in

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<v Speaker 1>this sort of environment are far more likely to turnd

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<v Speaker 1>to violence, usually against each other or other similar groups.

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<v Speaker 1>Cloud and Olin give the example of violent gang warfare.

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<v Speaker 1>We then have the retreatise. This tends to be more

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<v Speaker 1>individual response and occurs where the individual has no opportunity

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<v Speaker 1>or ability to engage in either of the other two subcultures,

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<v Speaker 1>and so they are seen as a double failure, and

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<v Speaker 1>this may result in retreatism into something like drugs or alcohol.

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<v Speaker 1>The type of subculture individuals joined would depend on their availability.

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<v Speaker 1>If a criminal subculture existed in their neighborhood, then there

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<v Speaker 1>is an opportunity likely for that individual to join. If, however,

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<v Speaker 1>the local subculture was based on fighting, they could join

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<v Speaker 1>a conflict subculture only as a last resort. Could an

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<v Speaker 1>individual join a retreat to subculture, as this reaped the

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<v Speaker 1>least reward. Cloward and Olin are considered to be functionalist theorists,

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<v Speaker 1>as they suggest that joining a subculture can be functional

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<v Speaker 1>for the individual and it allows opportunities to develop. The

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<v Speaker 1>last functionist that we consider is severe Venkotsh and Venkotsh

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<v Speaker 1>conducted a piece of research called Gang Leader for a Day,

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<v Speaker 1>and he said that crime can be functional for individuals.

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<v Speaker 1>If you've heared a Venkotsh before, you'll know that he

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<v Speaker 1>did a piece of research in Chicago looking at gang lifestyle.

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<v Speaker 1>Studying a group called the Black Kings who were involved

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<v Speaker 1>in drug dealing, and he observed what he called outlaw capitalism,

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<v Speaker 1>by which he meant that an alternative opportunity structure existed.

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<v Speaker 1>Venkotsh argued that his sample of working classmen from ethnic

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<v Speaker 1>minoritized backgrounds had few opportunities since the level of unemployment

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<v Speaker 1>in that area of Chicago was eighty percent. Therefore, they

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<v Speaker 1>adopted a gang lifestyle since it offered an income, daily work,

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<v Speaker 1>a fraternity, a hierarchy, and possibilities for promotion just like

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<v Speaker 1>a legitimate job. So Vencatas shows that illegal drug selling

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<v Speaker 1>gangs may serve a very sensible function for gang members

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<v Speaker 1>who need these elements in order to function and just

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<v Speaker 1>to survive. Where regular services have been withdrawn e g.

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<v Speaker 1>Banks wouldn't lend anyone any money, the gang stepped in

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<v Speaker 1>to provide services such as high interest loans. So this

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<v Speaker 1>shows that some crime can actually be functional for the

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<v Speaker 1>individual and so for functionism. The key sociologists that you

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<v Speaker 1>need to know are A. Meal Dirkheim, Albert Cohen, Robert Merton,

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<v Speaker 1>Cloud and Olin, and Sdir Venkotsh. There are, of course,

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<v Speaker 1>many criticisms of the functionist viewpoint. Remember, functionism was written

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<v Speaker 1>a long, long time ago, and so much of their

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<v Speaker 1>ideas are quite outdated, particularly from a postmodern angle. Marxists

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<v Speaker 1>also say that they often ignore the problems of capitalism

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<v Speaker 1>that drive people towards crime in the first place. Likewise,

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<v Speaker 1>functionists often look at the positives of crime, but really

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<v Speaker 1>often ignore many of the major implications and problems and

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<v Speaker 1>negatives that criminality provides. Feminists also argue that functionalist theories

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<v Speaker 1>fail to explore female victimization and don't focus enough on

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<v Speaker 1>how women are disadvantaged by the criminal justice system, which

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<v Speaker 1>is dominated by men in the patriarchal society. In counter

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<v Speaker 1>argument to functionism, you should also consider other theories. So

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<v Speaker 1>we've mentioned Marxism, we've mentioned feminism, postmodernism. Also consider how

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<v Speaker 1>the new right, left realists and right realists would criticize

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<v Speaker 1>the functionist viewpoint. Thank you for listening to episode three

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<v Speaker 1>of Crime and Deviance for the Sociology Show. If you've

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<v Speaker 1>not yet listened to episodes one and two, then please

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<v Speaker 1>do go back and listen now. Thank you