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<v Speaker 1>Welcome. This is Rebecca Shore for Radio Eye, and today

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<v Speaker 1>I will be reading from a Smithsonian Magazine special report

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<v Speaker 1>America at two fifty the Revolutionary Spark. As a reminder,

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<v Speaker 1>Radio I is a reading service intended for people who

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<v Speaker 1>are blind or have other disabilities that make it difficult

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<v Speaker 1>to read printed material. Please join me now for the

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<v Speaker 1>first article, titled Secretary Lonnie Bunch says the Smithsonian keeps

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<v Speaker 1>the Nation's memory. In an exclusive essay for America's two

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<v Speaker 1>hundred and fiftieth birthday, the acclaimed historian and head of

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<v Speaker 1>the institution argues that the Simequin Centennial presents the perfect

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<v Speaker 1>opportunity for Americans to consider their nation's past and future.

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<v Speaker 1>By Lonnie G. Bunch. The third. In the summer of

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen seventy six, I visited the National Mall as a

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<v Speaker 1>graduate student to attend the Smithsonian's Bison to annual folk

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<v Speaker 1>Life Festival, then called the Festival of American Folk Life.

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<v Speaker 1>It was exhilarating to sample so many foods and drinks,

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<v Speaker 1>to observe so many styles of American music, dance, arts

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<v Speaker 1>and crafts, bluegrass and glass blowing, square dancing, and Alabama

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<v Speaker 1>folk painting. I witnessed the lacrosse stick making and intricate

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<v Speaker 1>basket weaving of indigenous tribes, and I marveled at so

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<v Speaker 1>many workers representing the country's prosperity and progress. In an

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<v Speaker 1>essay for the festival program, famed anthropologist Margaret Meade responded

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<v Speaker 1>to those who criticized celebrating in the aftermath of a recession,

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<v Speaker 1>the Vietnam War, and the resignation of a disgraced president.

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<v Speaker 1>It is quite true we are living through difficult times.

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<v Speaker 1>But life does not stop for difficult times, she wrote,

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<v Speaker 1>noting the parallels to a nineteenth century America still divided

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<v Speaker 1>by the Civil War and in the midst of a

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<v Speaker 1>world wide recession. Quote the celebration of our one hundredth

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<v Speaker 1>anniversary as a nation also took place in a time

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<v Speaker 1>of trouble, Meade wrote, but taking pride was a good thing.

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<v Speaker 1>We gained strength and looked to the future. The twenty

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<v Speaker 1>twenties have been difficult too, a pandemic, economic uncertainty, the

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<v Speaker 1>proliferation of international conflict, increasing political and social strife at home.

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<v Speaker 1>It is more urgent than ever for us to remember

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<v Speaker 1>that the nation was forged by resilience and shaped by

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<v Speaker 1>those who believed in its highest ideals. The two hundred

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<v Speaker 1>and fiftieth anniversary of American Independence is the perfect time

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<v Speaker 1>to explore and explain our country, to tell its stories,

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<v Speaker 1>and to help the nation grapple with its complicated history.

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<v Speaker 1>The Smithsonian is taking this moment not simply to reflect

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<v Speaker 1>on where the nation has been, but to consider who

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<v Speaker 1>we are as a people and where we want to

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<v Speaker 1>go to gather. As the Smithsonian marks this milestone anniversary,

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<v Speaker 1>we embrace our role as keepers of the nation's memory.

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<v Speaker 1>That means we must tell the unvarnished histories of the

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<v Speaker 1>extraordinary and the ordinary, the moments of glory and infamy alike.

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<v Speaker 1>America has always been a work in progress, embodied by

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<v Speaker 1>the notion in our Constitution's preamble that seeking a more

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<v Speaker 1>perfect union is an underlying need for our democratic republic.

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<v Speaker 1>An incomplete telling of our past, with rough edges smoothed,

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<v Speaker 1>inhibits the country's ability to forge a better shared future.

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<v Speaker 1>Since its inception, the Smithsonian has worked to capture and

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<v Speaker 1>even contribute to the nation's innovative spirit. We have not

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<v Speaker 1>only collected items like Thomas Edison's light bulb, Alexander Graham

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<v Speaker 1>Bell's early sound recordings and Grace Hopper's computer code. We

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<v Speaker 1>have helped support and inspire in a like the Wright

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<v Speaker 1>brothers as they sought to expand the limits of human achievement.

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<v Speaker 1>American creativity is not constrained to the scientific or technological, though.

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<v Speaker 1>It is also woven into the cultural, social, and constitutional

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<v Speaker 1>ideas that represent our willingness to take risks and challenge

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<v Speaker 1>social norms. Think of the ways artists like impressionist painter

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<v Speaker 1>Mary Cassette, writer James Baldwin, actor Paul Robeson, dancer Isidora Duncan,

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<v Speaker 1>and boxer Muhammad Ali helped people see the world anew.

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<v Speaker 1>Musicians including jazz pioneer Ella Fitzgerald, rock and roll legend

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<v Speaker 1>Bruce Springsteen, and folk icon Woody Guthrie have influenced the

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<v Speaker 1>world in their ways as much as any inventor. As

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<v Speaker 1>documentarian Ken Burns remarked, trumpeter Louis Armstrong is to twentieth

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<v Speaker 1>century music what Einstein is to physics. Speaking of Einstein,

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<v Speaker 1>how do would our nation's innovation look were it not

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<v Speaker 1>for the immigrants who often inspire new thinking. The list

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<v Speaker 1>of Americans not by birth but by choice who profoundly

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<v Speaker 1>changed the nation is as long as it is desperate,

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<v Speaker 1>with myriad backgrounds, ethnicities, religions, and ideologies. So many who

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<v Speaker 1>emigrated here, drawn by the promise of freedom and opportunity,

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<v Speaker 1>gave rise to modernity and progress in a way that

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<v Speaker 1>would otherwise be hard to imagine. So too did many

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<v Speaker 1>who arrived on these shores not of their own free will,

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<v Speaker 1>as well as their descendants, who saw in our young

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<v Speaker 1>nation the potential to eventually become the land of freedom.

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<v Speaker 1>Perhaps the most consequential innovation of the United States is

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<v Speaker 1>the philosophy at the heart of our democracy that all

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<v Speaker 1>of us stake an equal claim to life, liberty, and

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<v Speaker 1>the pursuit of happiness. Indeed, it is foundational to our

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<v Speaker 1>form of what is innovation, if not the combination, refinement,

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<v Speaker 1>and application of ideas to create something new. Some believed

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<v Speaker 1>that when American colonists met at the Albany Congress of

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<v Speaker 1>seventeen fifty four to pursue a treaty with Native Americans

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<v Speaker 1>and to discuss centralizing the colonial governments, Benjamin Franklin took

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<v Speaker 1>inspiration from the Six Nations of the hoden Noshone Iroquois Confederacy,

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<v Speaker 1>whose representatives attended their democratic structure, separation of powers, and

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<v Speaker 1>analog to a bicameral legislature. The codifying of rights and

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<v Speaker 1>responsibilities provided a model for our founding documents and our

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<v Speaker 1>system of governance, encouragement that the colonies would be stronger

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<v Speaker 1>together than a part. One of those documents, the Declaration

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<v Speaker 1>of Independence, was created to persuade, rather than govern. Like

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<v Speaker 1>the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, it is one

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<v Speaker 1>of the world's most influential and enduring road maps. When

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<v Speaker 1>Abraham Lincoln drafted the Gettysburg Address, he echoed the Declaration,

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<v Speaker 1>noting that the nation had been conceived in liberty and

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<v Speaker 1>dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

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<v Speaker 1>He once referred to the Declaration as an immortal emblem

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<v Speaker 1>of humanity. Those ideas matter. They are the echoes of

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<v Speaker 1>our ancestors, whispering to us, urging us to embrace the

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<v Speaker 1>better angels of our nature. We are a nation founded

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<v Speaker 1>by people who rejected rule by monarchs, improved over time

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<v Speaker 1>by those who believed in the ideals and potential of

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<v Speaker 1>this bold experiment of a democratic republic governed by its citizens.

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<v Speaker 1>The fact that we are such a disparate group of individuals,

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<v Speaker 1>each free not only to vote for our government representatives,

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<v Speaker 1>but also to criticize them. Lyn's wait to the notion

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<v Speaker 1>that America is an aspirational idea as much as it

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<v Speaker 1>is a place. A government of the people, by the people,

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<v Speaker 1>and for the people is as ingenious and transformative as

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<v Speaker 1>anything that can be patented or purchased. As Meed rightfully noted,

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<v Speaker 1>our national achievements are worth celebrating, but this milestone must

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<v Speaker 1>be about more. It should encourage us to honor those

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<v Speaker 1>who struggled and sacrificed along the way for liberty, equality,

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<v Speaker 1>and justice. It should provoke us to think about what

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<v Speaker 1>this country is and what it can become. It should

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<v Speaker 1>challenge us to live up to the principles enshrined in

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<v Speaker 1>our founding documents and embodied by all the people who

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<v Speaker 1>worked to make real the promise of the nation. This

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<v Speaker 1>moment is a chance for the Smithsonian to help a

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<v Speaker 1>nation find common ground, to reinvigorate our country's character, and

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<v Speaker 1>to fuel the fire for freedom and democracy. It is

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<v Speaker 1>why we are approaching the two hundred and fiftieth with

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<v Speaker 1>four aims. To celebrate, to contemplate, to commemorate, and to

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<v Speaker 1>commit to our civic responsibility. As Americans, and this year

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<v Speaker 1>for the first time, instead of bringing American culture to

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<v Speaker 1>the nation's capital, the Folk Life Festival will work with

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<v Speaker 1>dozens of other community festivals, venturing off the mall and

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<v Speaker 1>into parks, streets, and other public venues throughout the country.

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<v Speaker 1>Let us embrace the moment together, let us revel in

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<v Speaker 1>our past and look toward the future. And accompanying this essay,

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<v Speaker 1>did you know founding fathers found inspiration from indigenous nations.

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<v Speaker 1>The Six Nations of the Iroquois Confederacy developed the Laws

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<v Speaker 1>of the Great Peace, a democratic constitution that predates the

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<v Speaker 1>United States from east to west. The members of the

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<v Speaker 1>alliance included the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Yuga, Seneca, and Tuscarora.

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<v Speaker 1>The confederacy, properly called the Ho deno Shone Confederacy People

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<v Speaker 1>of the Long House, is considered the oldest participatory democracy

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<v Speaker 1>in the world. In nineteen eighty seven, the U. S

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<v Speaker 1>Senate recognized the influence of the hodnah Shone Constitution on

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<v Speaker 1>the Founding Fathers, who quote greatly admired the concepts, principles,

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<v Speaker 1>and governmental practices of the Six Nations of the Iroquois Confederacy.

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<v Speaker 1>Next when the fear of polio gripped the world. Jonas

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<v Speaker 1>Salk's determination led to a liberating medical breakthrough. The son

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<v Speaker 1>of the doctor himself, now a physician and researcher, recalls

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<v Speaker 1>his vaccination in the kitchen as painless. Now. He recounts

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<v Speaker 1>the impact of the work his father, led by Peter Salk,

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<v Speaker 1>as told to Jenny Rothenberg Gritz eighteen fifty two, around

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<v Speaker 1>fifty eight thousand American children contracted polio. More than twenty

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<v Speaker 1>one thousand were paralyzed, and three thousand died. The disease

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<v Speaker 1>would start like a cold, and then all of a sudden,

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<v Speaker 1>children couldn't breathe or couldn't move their arms and legs.

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<v Speaker 1>Because polio epidemics happened sporadically, parents never knew when the

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<v Speaker 1>next one would take place, Where would it happen, would

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<v Speaker 1>their own children be stricken? Parents lived with enormous fear.

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<v Speaker 1>My father, Jonas Sulk, shared that fear. One summer, my

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<v Speaker 1>parents refused to take us to an amusement park in

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<v Speaker 1>an effort to avoid exposure to polio. But my father

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<v Speaker 1>was different from other parents in one significant way. He

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<v Speaker 1>was working on a vaccine that could keep a polio

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<v Speaker 1>epidemic from ever happening again. My brothers and I received

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<v Speaker 1>our first injections of the experimental vaccine in nineteen fifty three,

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<v Speaker 1>when I was nine. My father and his team at

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<v Speaker 1>the University of Pittsburgh had successfully completed animal studies the

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<v Speaker 1>summer before, and they'd begun small preliminary studies with children

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<v Speaker 1>who had already had polio and were undergoing rehabilitation. Now

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<v Speaker 1>they were on the cusp of rolling out larger experiments

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<v Speaker 1>in Pittsburgh schools. I imagine my mother saying to my father, O, K, Jonas,

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<v Speaker 1>it's time to get our own kids immunized. My father

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<v Speaker 1>brought some vaccine home and sterilized the syringes and needles

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<v Speaker 1>by boiling them on the stove. Then he lined us up.

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<v Speaker 1>My brother Darrell was six, and my brother Jonathan was

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<v Speaker 1>just shy of three. Like any kids, we absolutely hated

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<v Speaker 1>getting injections. Remarkably, though, when my father inserted the needle

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<v Speaker 1>this time, I didn't feel it. I've never forgotten that moment,

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<v Speaker 1>standing in the kitchen, seeing the sunlight coming in through

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<v Speaker 1>the window and realizing that my fears had been unnecessary.

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<v Speaker 1>My father began praying early in life that he could

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<v Speaker 1>do something to help humanity. In nineteen thirty four, during

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<v Speaker 1>his first year at the City College of New York,

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<v Speaker 1>he decided to study medicine. He didn't want to be

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<v Speaker 1>a practicing physician, although he was very good with patients,

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<v Speaker 1>he wanted to conduct research that could have a large

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<v Speaker 1>scale effect. In his microbiology class at New York University

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<v Speaker 1>College of Medicine, my father's professor described vaccines that had

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<v Speaker 1>been developed in the nineteen twenties for two bacterial diseases,

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<v Speaker 1>diphtheria and tetanus. These bacteria secrete toxins that produce severe

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<v Speaker 1>damage in the body. However, the toxins can be chemically

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<v Speaker 1>modified so they are no longer dangerous, but will still

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<v Speaker 1>provide an immune response when injected. After vaccination with the

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<v Speaker 1>altered toxins, exposure to those bacteria would not cause disease.

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<v Speaker 1>In contrast, the professor told the students it wasn't possible

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<v Speaker 1>to protect the body against viral diseases such as influenza

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<v Speaker 1>or polio using an inactivated killed virus. He said that

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<v Speaker 1>viruses had to replicate in the body and cause an

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<v Speaker 1>actual infection to produce a protective immune response. That lecture

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<v Speaker 1>set my father on a course to challenge this long

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<v Speaker 1>standing dogma. While my father was still in medical school,

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<v Speaker 1>he started working with one of his professors, Thomas Francis Junior,

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<v Speaker 1>on methods to inactivate influenza viruses. He later continued this

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<v Speaker 1>work at francis new lab at the University of Michigan.

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<v Speaker 1>The team developed the first successful influenza vaccine using chemically

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<v Speaker 1>inactivated influenza viruses. It was introduced first to the military,

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<v Speaker 1>then to the general public in nineteen forty six. In

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen forty seven, my father started his own lab at

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<v Speaker 1>the University of Pittsburgh, gathering a strong team to work

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<v Speaker 1>toward a polio vaccine. A pall had been cast over

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<v Speaker 1>such programs in the nineteen thirties when two attempts to

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<v Speaker 1>create a polio vaccine failed to produce immunity. One of

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<v Speaker 1>the experimental vaccines actually caused polio in a small number

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<v Speaker 1>of subjects. My father's team knew they had to take

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<v Speaker 1>a more systematic approach. They used a new method developed

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<v Speaker 1>by scientists at Harvard of growing polioviruses in the laboratory

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<v Speaker 1>and cultures of monkey cells bathed in a nutrient medium.

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<v Speaker 1>The team could then study these lab grown polioviruses and

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<v Speaker 1>determine the exact combinations of heat and formaldehyde solution required

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<v Speaker 1>to kill them reliably. It was important not to alter

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<v Speaker 1>the virus's structure so much that the immune response to

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<v Speaker 1>the vaccine would no longer match the original virus. If

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<v Speaker 1>that happened, the vaccine would fail to protect against the disease.

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<v Speaker 1>Two men members of the team, Elsie Ward and Julius Jungner,

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<v Speaker 1>came up with a clever way to quickly establish whether

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<v Speaker 1>live polioviruses were still present in test samples, using a

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<v Speaker 1>pH indicator dye. Animal cells growing in test tubes would

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<v Speaker 1>naturally turn the medium more acidic over time as they

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<v Speaker 1>released waste products. As the medium became more acidic, its

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<v Speaker 1>color would change from red to yellow. However, if live

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<v Speaker 1>poliovirus was present in the cultures, the virus would kill

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<v Speaker 1>the cells and the medium would remain red. This at

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<v Speaker 1>a glance method allowed the team to significantly speed up

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<v Speaker 1>vaccine production and testing. The first small scale human trials

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<v Speaker 1>at the D. T. Watson Home for Crippled Children showed

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<v Speaker 1>that the vaccine was safe and that it produced antibody

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<v Speaker 1>responses in the children's blood. Further studies in the Pittsburgh

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<v Speaker 1>area confirmed these findings. In April nineteen fifty four Voor,

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<v Speaker 1>shortly before the summer polio season, a massive field trial

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<v Speaker 1>began with one point eight million children across the United States.

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<v Speaker 1>One branch of the study was double blind. Half of

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<v Speaker 1>the children received the vaccine while the other half received

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<v Speaker 1>a placebo injection, and neither the doctors nor the families

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<v Speaker 1>knew which group the children were in. In another branch

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<v Speaker 1>of the study, second graders got the vaccine with parental approval,

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<v Speaker 1>while first and third graders at the same schools remained

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<v Speaker 1>unvaccinated and served as observed controls. Thomas Francis, my father's

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<v Speaker 1>earlier mentor, was responsible for evaluating the data. On April twelfth,

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen fifty five, he announced the results. The new vaccine

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<v Speaker 1>was quote safe, effective, and potent end quote against all

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<v Speaker 1>three strains of polio. Doctors watched the press conference on

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<v Speaker 1>closed circuit TV. Church bells rang out, were places observed

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<v Speaker 1>moments of silence or celebration. It was an extraordinary event

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<v Speaker 1>in our nation's history. All the terror that had accumulated

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<v Speaker 1>for decades lifted in a single stroke. Within seven years,

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<v Speaker 1>enough children were inoculated that the incidents of polio in

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<v Speaker 1>the US dropped by ninety seven percent. That evening, Edward R.

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<v Speaker 1>Mureaw interviewed my father on his television program See It

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<v Speaker 1>Now and asked who owned the patent for the vaccine.

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<v Speaker 1>My father responded, well, the people, I would say, there

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<v Speaker 1>is no patent. Could you patent the sun? The American

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<v Speaker 1>people could take great pride in the vaccine because the

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<v Speaker 1>research and testing program had been supported by the March

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<v Speaker 1>of Dimes, the fund raising arm of the National Foundation

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<v Speaker 1>for Infantile Paralysis, an organization founded in nineteen thirty eight

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<v Speaker 1>by President Franklin D. Roosevelt, who himself had contracted polio.

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<v Speaker 1>In nineteen twenty one, a hundred million Americans across the

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<v Speaker 1>country had contributed to the effort. The achievement belonged to everyone,

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<v Speaker 1>and with this article, did you know what happened next?

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<v Speaker 1>The one point eight million children who took part in

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<v Speaker 1>the nationwide field trial received certificates and special pins for

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<v Speaker 1>being polio pioneers. Sulk spent the rest of his career

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<v Speaker 1>pursuing big picture questions about the future of humanity while

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<v Speaker 1>working on vaccines for other viruses like HIV next. One

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<v Speaker 1>of the quietest leaders in the civil rights movement, Ella

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<v Speaker 1>Baker led by encouraging everyone to get involved. Baker's work

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<v Speaker 1>was instrumental in the success of the NAACP and other organizations,

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<v Speaker 1>but she did it in a way that didn't put

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<v Speaker 1>herself in the spotlight. That was by design by Victor Luckerson.

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<v Speaker 1>Ella Baker built in the background. Though her work as

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<v Speaker 1>a grassroots organizer helped strengthen the National Association for the

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<v Speaker 1>Advancement of Colored People in double ACP, birth the civil

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<v Speaker 1>Rights movement, and sparked the explosion of youth activism in

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen sixties America, she had no interest in being thrust

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<v Speaker 1>into a pantheon of great black leaders. Strong people, she

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<v Speaker 1>once said, don't need strong leaders. Born in nineteen o

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<v Speaker 1>three in Norfolk, Virginia, Baker grew up understanding that community

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<v Speaker 1>came first. When she was a child, her family moved

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<v Speaker 1>to her grandparents farm in North Carolina, where Baker picked

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<v Speaker 1>vegetables to give to her neighbors. In her twenties, she

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<v Speaker 1>ventured to New York at the peak of the Harlem Renaissance,

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<v Speaker 1>working as a journalist and helping launch a black co

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<v Speaker 1>op during the Great Depression. Quote. The day of sharply

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<v Speaker 1>defined individualism is rapidly giving place to that of mutual

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<v Speaker 1>interdependence end quote, she said in a speech at the time.

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<v Speaker 1>In nineteen forty one, Baker became a field officer for

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<v Speaker 1>the NAACP, spending nearly half of that year and the

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<v Speaker 1>following one traveling the South and helping branches of the

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<v Speaker 1>organization develop programs to address local discrimination and unemployment. Although

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<v Speaker 1>the NAACP had a top down power structure and often

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<v Speaker 1>served middle class interests, Baker encouraged local chapters to represent

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<v Speaker 1>people from every walk of life. She had no problem

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<v Speaker 1>venturing into bars and pool halls to recruit new members,

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<v Speaker 1>and she insisted that defending the town drunk from unlawful

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<v Speaker 1>arrest was as important as any other case the NAACP

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<v Speaker 1>might take up. Her grassroots style led to clashes with

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<v Speaker 1>the organization's leadership, but it worked. She oversaw a membership

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<v Speaker 1>drive that doubled the NAACP's rolls to more than four

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<v Speaker 1>hundred thousand people in nineteen forty four. Baker's biggest contributions

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<v Speaker 1>were to come when the Montgomery bus boycott began in

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen fifty five. It was exactly the sort of mass

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<v Speaker 1>action she'd long envisioned. With her activist friends Baynard Ruston

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<v Speaker 1>and Stanley Levison, she conceived a Southern counterpart to the NAACP,

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<v Speaker 1>focused on direct action. Ruston persuaded Martin Luther King Junior,

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<v Speaker 1>who had become the face of Montgomery's boycott, to lead

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<v Speaker 1>the new organization, dubbed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference sc LC.

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<v Speaker 1>Baker served as the s c else's first full time

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<v Speaker 1>staff member and eventually as its executive director, doing unglamorous

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<v Speaker 1>but essential work. She found the s c ELSE its

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<v Speaker 1>first office near downtown Atlanta and wrote many of its

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<v Speaker 1>public statements, some under King's name. She launched its first

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<v Speaker 1>voter registration drives and helped disenfranchised black Southerners file voting

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<v Speaker 1>discrimination complaints with the Federal Commission on Civil Rights. Still,

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<v Speaker 1>King and Baker butted heads. Baker was committed to a

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<v Speaker 1>mass movement that would cultivate local leaders, empowering every day

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<v Speaker 1>people to do grass roots organizing. The s c l C,

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<v Speaker 1>by contrast, focused on building King into a national hero

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<v Speaker 1>who could lead the masses in protests and marches. Creating

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<v Speaker 1>political momentum, but not necessarily expanding local organizing. The s

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<v Speaker 1>c LC was also a boy's club. Only one woman,

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<v Speaker 1>a Montgomery bus boycott organizer named Erna Dungee, sat on

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<v Speaker 1>the thirty three member board, and Baker felt that the

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<v Speaker 1>s c LC often ignored her because of her gender.

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<v Speaker 1>In a group of ministers who were accustomed to having

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<v Speaker 1>women largely as supporters, there was no place for me,

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<v Speaker 1>she later said. In April nineteen sixty, she organized an

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<v Speaker 1>s c l C sponsored retreat in Raleigh, North Carolina

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<v Speaker 1>for more than one hundred and twenty five student activists

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<v Speaker 1>from around the country. The Greensboro lunch counter sit ins

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<v Speaker 1>had begun just a few months before, sparking a new

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<v Speaker 1>wave of protests by young people willing to get confrontational.

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<v Speaker 1>Baker wanted to channel that spontaneous, youthful defiance into a

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<v Speaker 1>coherent mass movement. While King and some of the older

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<v Speaker 1>ministers argued that the students should form a youth arm

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<v Speaker 1>of the SCLC, Baker encouraged them to launch their own organization.

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<v Speaker 1>By the conference's close, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee SNCC

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<v Speaker 1>was born. The SNCC drove mass mobilization in the civil

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<v Speaker 1>rights movement, sit ins voter registration drives the freedom rides.

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<v Speaker 1>Generational leaders such as John Lewis, Diane Nash, Julian Bond,

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<v Speaker 1>and Stokely Carmichael got their start in the SNCC, where

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<v Speaker 1>Baker served as an advice quote. What was nice about

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<v Speaker 1>miss Baker is you never felt that she had a

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<v Speaker 1>personal agenda. S NCC worker Judy Richardson later said, quote,

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<v Speaker 1>it was always about what is good for the organization,

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<v Speaker 1>for black people, for whatever the larger issue was. End quote.

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<v Speaker 1>Baker advocated for racial justice until her death in New

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<v Speaker 1>York in nineteen eighty six at eighty three. She rarely

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<v Speaker 1>sought the spotlight, as she was too busy helping others

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<v Speaker 1>find their purpose in the moment. Quote, the group comes

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<v Speaker 1>first in my mind, she once said. Her commitment to

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<v Speaker 1>grassroots organizing now feels prescient. She intuited that the will

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<v Speaker 1>to change the world could not be decreed from on high.

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<v Speaker 1>It had to be nurtured in the heart of every citizen. Quote.

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<v Speaker 1>My basic sense of it, she said, has always been

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<v Speaker 1>to get people to understand that in the long run,

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<v Speaker 1>they themselves are the only protection they have against violence

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<v Speaker 1>or injustice. And with this article did you Know What's

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<v Speaker 1>in a Name? In nineteen seventy eight, at Baker's seventy

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<v Speaker 1>fifth birthday party, one for Proteges, Bob Moses nicknamed the

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<v Speaker 1>civil rights icon Fundi, a Swahili word meaning master Craft's

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<v Speaker 1>person and indicating the person in a community who learns

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<v Speaker 1>a vital skill and then teaches it to the next generation.

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<v Speaker 1>The affectionate moniker was often used within movement circles, honoring

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<v Speaker 1>Baker's singularly selfless approach to civil rights. And finally from

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<v Speaker 1>Smithsonian dot com smart News, A letter signed by George

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<v Speaker 1>Washington that helped pave the way for American independence goes

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<v Speaker 1>on display in London by Sarah Kuta. As American gears

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<v Speaker 1>up to celebrate the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of

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<v Speaker 1>the Declaration of Independence, a pivotal letter signed by George

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<v Speaker 1>Washington accepting Britain's surrender at Yorktown is being displayed for

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<v Speaker 1>the first time in London. The handwritten note is going

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<v Speaker 1>on view as part of a new exhibition at the

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<v Speaker 1>National Archives in London. Washington dictated and signed the letter

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<v Speaker 1>in October seventeen eighty one to accept the British surrender

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<v Speaker 1>at Yorktown, Virginia, writing of his quote ardent desire to

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<v Speaker 1>spare the further effusion of blood. The correspondence brought an

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<v Speaker 1>end to major fighting during the Revolutionary War, ultimately paving

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<v Speaker 1>the way for American independence. The note was given to

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<v Speaker 1>Charles Cornwallis, the lieutenant general who helped lead Britain's Southern

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<v Speaker 1>campaign during the Revolutionary War. Cornwallis brought the letter home

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<v Speaker 1>with him to England, and it remained in his family

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<v Speaker 1>until eighteen eighty, when it was donated to the Public

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<v Speaker 1>Record Office, which later became the National Archives. This concludes

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<v Speaker 1>readings from the Smithsonian magazine for today. Your reader has

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<v Speaker 1>been Rebecca Shore. Thank you for listening, and have a

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<v Speaker 1>great day.
