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there all right, as per is per usual. When I
get together with these guys. We were in the middle
of a conversation and yeah, we're here to talk about
the Bank of England, City of London, and uh, I
got filos here fill us.
Speaker 2: How you doing, I'm doing, uh very well?
Speaker 3: Cool, Stormy, how you doing.
Speaker 4: I'm on team no sleep, but I'm I'm feeling ready.
I'm good cool, all right, well, solid amount of Yeah.
Speaker 1: Well, before we started, we would we started. Before we started,
we were doing market autism. But uh, let's jump let's
jump over here, and maybe you can even do some
more market autism once we start getting into this here. So,
but historic market autism. But anyway, filous, why don't you uh,
why don't you jump in?
Speaker 3: Yeah?
Speaker 2: So, the theme of tonight's stream is broadly the history
of the City of London, and kind of the question
that we're going to ask is do Jews have a
disparate amount of control over said city of London and
current financial markets relative to say, the British elite. When
you know the City of London, it's just a bunch
of evil European globalists and Judaism doesn't really play a
role in it. The time period that we're going to
cover is about the year one thousand to seventeen hundred,
and I hope to conclusively demonstrate that, yes, Jews pretty
substantially and definitively controlled finance, financial innovations, the markets, documented
all the way through all of these times. And I think.
Speaker 3: I'll sort of.
Speaker 2: Skip the more modern questions here and just get right
into the question of how Jews control English banking.
Speaker 3: Don't let me stop you, I guess I'll go.
Speaker 4: I thought the globalists and the British did.
Speaker 2: Well, So this is where you run the question of them.
It's thrown around so many times in our circles, and
it seems to be that it does split into a
camp of it's the Jews versus it is globalists, and
Jews are incidental or irrelevant in this question. There's been
a history throughout conspiracy theories the American right. We're referring
to them, referring to bankers, elites, shadow government, smoke filled rooms,
neoliberal and broadly speaking, by like a measurable demographic quantity,
they're not a majority of them being Jews, but the
Jews that are in those positions exercise undue and outsized
influence upon those institutions. And I think you're describing Bolshevism.
Speaker 3: This is crazy. It's almost like every single time.
Speaker 2: Which is the real It's honestly the real nuance of
the It's not present in this simplified version of just
Jews run everything. It's quid pro quo. That's it, the
end of the statement. You have to have that nuance
of power relative to size.
Speaker 4: You have ones in the DMV, and the Jews are
not running the DMV exactly. I guess they run everything.
This has already disproven. Everybody can go home.
Speaker 2: Now Shaniko runs the digital ideas, I guess at the DMV.
So looking at this, I mean, I think it's important
right off the bat because when you refer to people
in power structures, these are not people working a job?
Is what they do? Is it a profession? Is banking
a profession a job like any other? I assert that
it's not things like law and medicine, they are professions.
In a profession, you reach a standard of education, training
that enables your specialization in a subject and your credentials
to continue work in that field. Vast majority I think
of people that you'll meet in your life, or either
professionals or wages wag journers. But I think in order
to understand Jewish influence in the City of London, you
need to change your thinking about what these people do
for a living and you need to understand them. The
concept of a guild and what a guild functionally is
is it is an organization that provides exclusive privileges to
members within a territory. There is no such thing as
free competition in a guild system, and its members can
only join at the recommendation of multiple members. If that's
a confusing structure, just think about something like the Freemasons,
which perhaps not so coincidentally, are founded with their Grand
Lodge in the City of London. And when you begin
to think of the structure of the City of London,
you need to think of the company not as a
modern quarter to quarter innovation that's run by Indians that's
over leveraged in the AI bubble, is heavily invested in
a services and finance based economy, but a company in
a really traditional classical sense of the word. That's the
sense that you need to understand. How I refer to
bankers in this stream. So we're going to start in
the year ten sixty six with William the Conqueror, and
I'm going to pull from two different sources here. Source
number one is Banks of the World, a history and
analysis by Roger Orsinger from the mid sixties, and also
the classic A History of Central Banking by Stephen Midford Goodson,
and that has actually a section in it that's by
Matthew Johnson, who I presume is doctor Matthew Rafael Johnson,
who's been featured on your streams very regularly. So these
are the two sources that I draw this following information from.
This is not your Wikipedia stuff. As a matter of fact,
you can't really find this on Wikipedia. So ten sixty six,
William the Conqueror takes England in the Norman invasion, and
prior to this England was in a financial golden age
small holders on land or the Norman. This situation urban
trade in cities has very low consistent prices, and there's
an overall lack of liquid capital that is forestalling any
kind of centralization of nobles or powers. You have power centers,
but not this centralized government within England. Usury was formally
banned in Mercia under off of the Great and King
Alfred the Great, although he's in the process of centralizing
Wessex power to resist the Danes. He refused the services
of the banking cabal. And obviously, William the Conqueror going
into England, he needs funding to fund his invasion of
Anglo Saxon England. He was assisted by bankers from Venice
and Rome. And if you will recall some of the
earliest Jews that left Palestine Roman Palestine, they went to
Rome and Italy was the first place that Jews were
able to go to in the West to establish their systems.
Under William the Conqueror, usury was permitted. The old Anglo
Saxon aristocrats were killed and William bought in a new nobility,
which established the first iteration of feudalism in England. This
led to a system that charged thirty three percent of
collateral lands and three hundred percent on capital as a
tool within the cities for trade. In two generations after
William the Conqueror, sixty six percent of England's land was
in the hand of money lenders. And I make that
distinction very clear. Money lenders are not the same thing
as bankers. These are different and I'll get into it later.
By both sources, between the time of Rome being in
Britain and their eventual evacuation out of the area that
was to be the city of London, all the way
through for the next nine hundred years to Norman the Conqueror,
they were basically zero Jews in England. And what both
of these separate banking books have asserted is that Jews
were the first people in England to deal in money,
as we understand in our modern conception. For a long time,
the Jews alone gave the Norman Kings the support they
needed in terms of war and rebellion. A Charter of
Henry the Third was necessary to limit the permissible interest
on loans to two pence on the pound per week,
that is to say, a limited interest of forty three
percent per year. So to put that in context, Jews
come in with William the Conqueror, and by the early
twelve hundreds they are starting to have to issue royal
charters to limit the amount of interest to not be
super exorbitant. During the twelve seventies and twelve eighties, the
crown officially attempted to crack down on coin clipping. I'm
sure all of your audience members know what coin clip
thing is, even by Jewish sources, specifically some nineteen nineties
books that I've read looking at the Jewish histories. The
English Jews of the time were extremely wealthy relative to
the Anglo, Saxon and Norman populations that were there Edward.
The first expelled the Jews formally in twelve ninety. What
happens after this point. Jews are no longer in England
for the most part, at least the wealthier ones that
were allowed to retain most of their possessions and were
physically required by law not to be harmed as they
were put on boats and sent to the continent. The Jews, however,
succeeded in the money lending trade by the Lombards. These
are Italian merchant bankers from Milan, Florence, Venice, Genoa, and Luca.
Banking houses of Italy had branches in London starting from
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The Italians, as they're coming
into London are bringing the earliest direct predecessor of liberalism
in the form of Renaissance humanism, and so these men
are essentially equipped to handle the property and financial circumstances
of the elites within English society at this time. Money
and valuables began to be trusted to these Lumbards. There
is within the city of London a Lombard Street that
they would gather in on the open street to conduct
their business, and from this time the Corporation of Goldsmiths
was formed. Goldsmith obviously refers to anybody who works with
gold jewelry who is tasked by the king to have
a standard of weights and measures. This is extremely important
in inventorying the wealth of nobility in the country. There
were in fifteen fifty six approximately one hundred goldsmiths in
London by the Elizabethan period, and sixteen hundred personal fortunes
were mostly jewels, plate, and gold and silver coins. This
wealth was either situated with these one hundred and seven
goldsmiths or the Royal Mint directly. The system, honestly is
pretty stable and not too complicated as far as financial
systems go. By the time of Charles the First and
Charles the Second, the looting of the Royal Mint starts
to begin. Charles the First appropriates one hundred and thirty
thousand pounds sterling, and Charles the Second appropriates one hundred
excuse me, one point three million pound sterling out of
the Royal Mint, so that is money that is being
taken directly from the goldsmiths and the royal mint. In
sixteen seventy two, the reason that decision for one point
three million pounds sterling was made is to finance the
Dutch War, the England was currently fighting in the king
Several years afterwards, ignow his debt to these goldsmiths and
paid interest on it for a few years. It is
this interest which created the concept of a national debt
in England. Prior to this point there are only two
major types of people handling massive amounts of wealth. These
are the goldsmiths and the money lenders. But after this
point there is banking this massive national debt. This creates
a funneling effect. In an economic crisis, when most are
driven to bankruptcy, the individuals who survive largely tend to
amass further power and wealth after the fact. And this
is where we get into the Dutch. When looking at
a financial system, you, especially in the early modern the
Mercantilist period and the Middle Ages, you are almost never
looking at a market totally in isolation, especially as it's
beginning to modernize. How does this about, well, financially speaking,
let me start out earlier the Dutch Sephardic Jews. So
in order to understand what the Dutch are doing in
London and creating the concept of banking, you have to
understand what the Jews are doing at this time. So
upon their expulsion from Spain in fourteen ninety two, major
Dutch Sephardic Jewish families move to Amsterdam and they're rebuilding
their banking base with a square of influence. They're controlling
this power through grain trade in the Baltic their management
of Amsterdam banks, trade routes in Constantinople, the Turkish market
as well as Poland forming a square. These are the
overland roots of modern grain trade that enable them to
skyrocket grain prices in the West, forcing the East to
export more and more. They're playing both sides here. The
earliest new examples of these modern bank technologies I'm about
to present are in the grain market, and they are
ongoing and developing in Dutch Swardik Jewish families in Amsterdam
between fifteen fifty and sixteen twenty. Well, what's a banking
technology and innovation? Well, the Dutch Spardak Jews invent the
following in Amsterdam exactly, but to understand their brief connection
to London. The Dutch essentially conquer England in sixteen eighty eight.
William the Third, who is known as William of Orange
Stadtholder of Holland. He has offered the English throne by
the Dutch. In sixteen eighty nine. Many Sfardak Spanish Jewish
families come to that had come originally to Amsterdam and
were responsible for the grain trade, followed this specific king
to London and they institute all of these banking innovations
that they had previously created in adam What they invent
well here it is loan collaterals, repo transactions, short and
long term annuities, annuity associations, tontings, lotteries, public securities, futures
and options, trading derivatives, and the perpetual bond. So that's
a lot of different innovations, not all of them honestly,
I understand. But I can tell you that some of
these perpetual bonds and institutions they're still honored today.
Speaker 4: That's the way both of us. Every single one in
this call is a perpetual bond. Every Treasury bill is
basically a perpetual bond that we pay forever go on.
Speaker 2: Lick Dick Bovendoms, which is a Dutch water authority bill.
There's one in existence from sixteen twenty four that's still
currently paying five percent interest a year. And so why
did the Dutch invent all of these innovations in banking?
While trade and risk are inseparable. In order to make
an investment, you have to alleviate or eliminate, if possible,
most of your risk to ensure your stability of your
supply and your price. It's complicated and I don't understand it,
but essentially this relationship between trade and risk incentivizes you
as a banker to make a contract for future delivery.
This is the foundation within Amsterdam of futures and options
trading and eventually from this the evolution of the derivative.
Why are these created? They appear in a modern form
in the market of shares for the Dutch East and
West India companies in sixteen oh two and sixteen twenty one.
Why then, Well, you have a major risky investment. You
need to create, outfit rig and gather men for a ship,
and then multiple ships to mount an expedition send them
to the other side of the planet to gather extremely
valuable resources which you can then sell at high prices
near to your home country. And what that means in
practice if you're a banker, is that a very large,
a vast majority of your investment is going to cease
to exist. It's extremely risky. The ship is going to sink,
the crew commutiny, there can be pirates. There's a very
high likelihood that your expedition is never going to have
a return on it. And what that means is that
bankers that are involved are trying to diffuse risk amongst
each other. So one man who theoretically could pay for
an entire expedition if they were extremely wealthy, would not
be forced to eat their shoe leather. So the British
form of this comes about in the East India Company
in sixteen hundred. This is something called a joint stock company.
But the East India Company in sixteen hundred and it's
charter had less financial fuckery going on. What made the
Dutch East India and West India companies much more profitable
for speculation is that they were distributing annual dividends of
between ten to twenty percent on average, and sometimes as
high as sixty five percent. So what this allows for
with these dividends are speculation in forward markets, and so essentially,
very wealthy people with a lot of mind, like a
lot of money and a lot of time on their
hands to research the likelihood of success of an expedition,
will begin to conduct futures and options trading, begin to
think of derivatives, and all of these inventions are created
by the Jewish banking families in Amsterdam. If you want
like a more real world example that you've probably heard
of economics class, look up the tulip mania, the Dutch
tulipmania between sixteen thirty four and sixteen thirty seven. So, okay,
we now have all these craziest.
Speaker 4: Isaac Newton went bust, by the way, correct, he's the
blowing up. When the blowing up of the collapse of
the Dutch stock Exchange was a controlled demolition. It was
going to go bust anyways, right, So if the house
is going to fall down someday, it's better to just
demo it to make sure you're not inside it that day. Right.
Absolutely nobody told Isaac Newton, apparently, and he was almost bankert.
He basically was bankrupt. He was a large shareholder. He
was a successful guy. I was a large shareholder of
the Duchy s India Company. But one quick thing about
futures and options. These are not predatory instruments on their face.
Fulfill a very important function in any type of commodities trading.
And simply, like anything above subsistence farming is going to
be some form of commodities trading. Right, Like, just simply
a farmer taking his goods to market or whether it
be grain, corn or whatever, is commodities trading. But he
can't control what price he gets at the market. Right,
somebody could you know, be getting out of the business
or switching to you know, tomatoes or whatever, and is
basically just selling all of his corn, including the seed corn,
which you generally wouldn't sell, right, that's for planting. He
doesn't care, he's getting out of the business. So you
get to the market it and the corn prices are
you know, forty percent less than what you needed them
to be as in like just to recoup your cost.
Farmers operate on a very thin margin, right, they're basically
betting the farm. This is like they're betting the farm
each time because of the amount of money it would
take to plant, and once that money is in the ground,
it's frozen until harvest. So basically all of their expenses
that they would have throughout the whole year they would
have to use their save. This is why farmers are
such good savers. Every I would bet every single farmer
in the country that isn't some major agricultural combine or
some shit like that has literally like mason jars full
of gold or one hundred dollars bills buried around his property.
That's just how they do it because they basically have to.
They have to put in so much capital into their
crop each year, it leaves very little leftover for them
to live on. So anything goes awry, any machine breaks anything,
it could be disastrous. And they're basically living off savings.
So this guy just found out that like all of
his money that he invested into his crop, because that's
what it is. Every planting season, he is making an investment,
and that investment was locked up for a whole year,
and now he gets to find out that when he
goes to sell it, he's lost half his money and
he's already eaten through all his savings. How much grain
do you think is going to be planted next year
significantly less. Right, that farmer is not making the same
investment again, either because he physically can't or he's too
afraid to now. And every other farmer that brought their
goods to market along with that farmer, they got forty
percent less too. They will be planting forty percent less
next year minimum. And this is how you have basically
rapid boom and bust cycles that are inherent to commodity
markets without it before, like this was a very common thing,
just was you know, the invention of futures and options
were almost necessary to grow any type. Let's put this way,
like let's say you boot all the Jews out, kill
all the derivative contracts and say we're not doing that,
We're not doing financialization at all. If you're going to
have a national economy, you would have to put back
futures and options because it's the only way to do
agric culture outside of just your immediate locality. Because basically,
what an option is, or what a future is is
when that farmer is making an investment, like let's say,
all right, I am going to sink all literally all
of my money into the ground. I need this percent return, like,
I need to make this amount of money or else
I'm going to go bankrupt. I need grain to be
you know, let's say ten or fifteen or twenty cents
more a bushel than it is now for me to
even break even. So as insurance, I'm going to buy.
And grain brokers are happy to do this because it's
also insurance for them. The grain broker be like, all right,
I will agree to buy your crop once you're done
harvesting at this price, and the farmer goes, all right,
that's a good price, Okay, I can live with that.
Everyone's happy. I shake their hands. That's just a six
month That was a six month option contract. Right. Both
the farmer and the grain wholesaler came to terms that
were acceptable regardless of where the price is at the
moment that that crop is brought to market. If the
crop is going to market and grain prices have tripled,
then that farmer made a really shitty deal. He just
gave his crops away for pennies on the dollar, you know,
when he could have been getting you know, five dollars
on every dollar. You know, he made twenty percent or
ten percent when he could have made two hundred and
that grain merchant, that grain wholesaler is very happy. But
let's say he goes to market and the scenario happens
that I just laid out where grain is down fifty Yeah,
that grain wholesaler is going to take a hit on
just that guy's order. Right, that'll get evened out with
all the other people he has to go buy a
grain from. But that farmer stays in business instead of
getting wiped out, right because he made a deal six
months beforehand for his bare minimum and like his total
investment plus a bare minimum to keep going, like the
total investment all my money plus ten percent. So yeah,
that time the grain broker got screwed, but he's buying
the entire crop of one hundred farmers. So him getting
screwed on that one little thing gets kind of washed out.
But it saves that farmer and he's going to plant
the same amount or more next year because he at
least earned a little bit more money and can buy
more seed. This is like it's like damper systems on
your car. Right, It's a suspension system. It stops instead
of like price action that it's you know, dampening up
and down. It's supply that it's dampening up and down,
and it stops there from being basically feast or famine
cycles because the opposite of grain shortage is a whole
bunch of grain going to waste right, it goes what
do they call it, fallow in the fields, where the
farmers literally just let it rot in the field so
they don't have to buy fertilizer next year anyways, So
they're not When people hear like derivatives, futures and options,
they immediately think of like, you know, the big short
and just financial fuckery and casinos whatever. That is largely true.
But when it comes to agriculture specifically or mining right,
things that make things that either grow or pull out
real things. These are necessary mechanisms for any advanced economy.
So I will say there's a very very large amount
of fuckery and a very small amount of innovation. So
we do have to kind of and trust me, if
anyone wants to slam the fuckery of these people, it's me.
But as we go and we tear down what exists
and rebuild something new, we need to know what's worth keeping.
Futures an option contract in relation only to agriculture, mining
and basically resource businesses are imperative. Go ahead, filose.
Speaker 1: Well, let me let me jump in there. He goes,
I do have definitive proof that Jews didn't invent the future,
the concept of the future. That's amazing, Sombart in the
Jews of modern capitalism. He goes through an exhaustive He
talks about Cromwell, he talks about the Dutch East and
West India Company, and then he comes and says most
important of all, however, the book, which for the first
time exhaustively treated of stock exchange business and all its branches,
was written by a Portuguese Jew in Amsterdam toward the
end of the seventeenth century. I refer to Don Joseph
de la Vega's Confusion de Confusions, etc. Which appeared in
sixteen eighty eight, and which a stock exchange specialist had
described as being still the best description both in form
and substance of stock and share dealing even today. The
book bears witness to the fact that a Jew was
the first theorist in the sphere of speculation and futures.
De la Vega was himself engaged in commerce, and his
treaties clearly reflects the atmosphere in which he lived. D
la Vega's book, in conjunction with the other evidence quoted,
cannot but lead to the conclusion that if Jews were
not actually fathers of the stock exchange business, they were
certainly primarily concerned in his genesis. Should this nevertheless be
skeptically received by some, I have a trump card. In
a way of direct proof and support of it. We
possess a report, probably of the French ambassador in the Hague,
written for his government in the year at sixteen ninety eight,
wherein he distinctly states that the Jews held the stock
exchange business in their hands and shape this development as
they willed. The most salient parent passages here follow Here
follow In the state Holland, the Jews have a good
deal of power, and, according to the prognostications of these
pretended political speculators themselves often unreliable. The prices of these
stocks vary so considerably that they cause transactions to take
place several times a day, transactions which merit the term
wager or bet rather than business. The more so as
the Jews, who dominate this kind of activity are all
are up to all manner of tricks which take in
people even if they be ever so skilled. They are
Jewish brokers and agents, the cleverest of their kind, and
all the world bonds and shares, of all of which
they hold large amounts. The author acquaints it as he
as he as he is, with all the secrets of
stock exchange activity, describes at length how the Jews succeeded
in obtaining the influential position they held on the Amsterdam
Stock Exchange. I will refer much to this later in
the book.
Speaker 4: Well, there you go, basically what they where, derivatives and
stuff comes from. Where this is the financial fuckory that
blew up the the Dutch stock exchange. So futures and options,
we get a good idea of that, right, Yeah, I'm
basically buying something right to kind of I'm hedging. I'm
hedging my risk, right, Farmers, commodity producers, these people have risks.
I don't know, Pick any piece of equipment on a mind,
whether it's one of those bulldozers or dumb trucks the
size of like, you know, thirty semi trailers tacked on
top of each other. One of those things is about
thirty forty million dollars just one dumb truck. You're investing
serious amounts of money, and with other businesses there's ways
to hedge risk. But when it comes to real materials,
either you're you know, digging real things out of the
ground or growing real things, that relationship is with you
and nature. That's it, right, There's not like a counterparty
that's you know that you can negotiate downwards and say, hey, man,
I'm taking a huge risk on this. You need to
come off on price or you need to come up
in price. Whichever mother Nature makes no deals, has no
terms to offer you. So these things are necessities. But
what happened is people got the bright idea. People got
the idea to use futures and options contracts on stocks. Well,
I've added another layer of variability here. So instead of
like whether the fucking crops grow, which they do every time, well,
now it's a company. It's whether a company can make
money or not. Well, what if somebody's stealing or what
if they run a bad businesss? Like what if a
bunch of Jewish guys are speculating on the stock like
Sombart just talked about driving the price up and down,
buying and selling it several times a day. Well, now
if you're the guy that happens to have a contract
to buy that stock at a predetermined price. Some jews
speculating the price up and down wildly is going to
destroy you because in the day and basically what they
would do is they'd buy all these options really really cheap,
and then they would drive the stock up through speculation,
getting many, many multiples on their money. That's all well
and good if the stock keeps on being a functional company.
When that doesn't happen, now you're on the hook for
hundreds of times your money. What leverage gives you on
the way up, it takes away ten times faster on
the way down. Go ahead.
Speaker 2: So I think it's also interesting to just kind of
clarify what a company is at this time where this
came from, because this is not your modern conception of
a company. Sixteenth century England, in this world in which
this is taking place, it was a franchise government, so
offices and positions within it tied to the nobility. These
are both a public service and private property at the
same time, and that is sort of enabling people to
have social and financial advancement. So these people that are
forming a joint stock company initially these are just merchant
adventurers within the city of London, but very rapidly nobles
start to get more involved because there's certain privileges that
have to come down from the king. Royal charters have
to be approved for certain elements and.
Speaker 4: So protected from piracy, you have some back flag on
your boat.
Speaker 2: And this also within the country. Like a company in
early modern and medieval England, this merchant adventurers group, it's
not only a commercial association, but it's also a religious enterprise.
It's a mutual assistance society, it's a quasi government council,
and it's a guild. And this idea mostly originates in
these Dutch and Italian conceptions of a company. This is
why like a lot of.
Speaker 4: Christian conceptions of a company.
Speaker 2: You mean exactly, yes, exactly Christian consumptions of a company.
Speaker 3: This is a lot of.
Speaker 4: Area over in the Transylvanians, right, The Transylvanian Germans basically
operated like this up until the time of the Communist Revolution. Sorry,
like the Georgian Revolution happened like or sorry, Romanian Revolution
like right before the Communist Revolution, so maybe like what
thirty forty years when they Anyways, the Transylvanian Germans operated
on exactly as system of guilds right and father and
sown businesses as Philos is describing right now. And a
tiny we'll call it like an area the size of
you know, Connecticut, maybe Massachusetts, dominated all of Romania, all
of eastern Europe. Really, the best armaments, the best watch,
the best of everything in Europe at that time wasn't
made in Paris, right, or Milan or Rome. It was
made in fucking Transylvania by a series of guilds that
created a governance. So basically it he's talking about public
and private benefit. And so who sets water policy? Well,
the guys that are in charge of the water h
the water treatment plant, right, the plumbers Guild. Okay, Well,
the plumbers Guild is responsible for all of the public
water works. It pays its taxes, so it puts in
its contribution to the larger society by building all of
the water infrastructure in the city. And what about the
builders guild, What about the building? How are they paying
their taxes? Oh? Well, they're paying for out of their
pocket the building of the public buildings and maintaining them.
The blacksmith Guild is doing the same thing. And the
maintenance of this infrastructure becomes flawless because the actual guild
people are on the hook when it breaks. I'm going
to build the best quality thing ever, and I'm going
to maintain it amazingly because if it breaks, A, I'm
going to be blamed for it, and B it's my
pocket that's going to be repairing it. So the guild
system for public and private benefit, this is what he's
talking about, right, So companies at this time were also
a public good. It's a lot easier for the nobleman
to say, well, how about you just build all this
shit for me, and rather than you trying to, you know,
hide the amount of money you make and basically me,
you know, tossing your office to find out how much
money you actually made and then extract taxes out of you.
I have things that are expensive that need to be done,
so how about you just do those things?
Speaker 2: And there's two interesting ideas also to add into this.
The first one is that I think this is the
actual definition of sovereignty, and I think there's huge lessions
for the right. Mike Maxwell's book travel Future of the West,
it goes into all these examples of sovereignty shout out
to him. He had a great interview on your show.
But this is the origin point of future sovereignty. A
reminded Stormy of when on your latest sub stack posting
you were talking about the trade unions in Nazi Germany,
and in this country we used to have the longshore
men stevedores, who used to have auto workers' unions. These systems,
the mentality of a corporation that, without prompting, without regulation,
that of its own sense of obligation, would give more
than just a watch and a handshake to someone when
they left, they would pay out that person's pension for
the rest of their life. That sense of obligation comes
from this original organization of a corporation. And when let's
get a warm and fuzzy about what a business is
and what business make America rate, it all has to
derive from this original conception of the corporation's obligations to
its members, to its employees.
Speaker 4: And it as much easier, as Hitler says, for me
to turn a trade unionist into a national socialist to
give to give him back to his nation, as it
is for me to make a bourgeois conservative a revolutionary.
So Hitler says, like your people that you pull from
are going to be lower to middle working class. Right,
The more on the margins, the better. The more on
the margins, the more they're in need of you to
help them, and the more willing they are to make
revolutionary change. Also, they're inherently patriotic, fiercely patriotic that works
at GM his entire life. He knows the Mercedes is
a better car, he knows it. But if you ask
him what the best car in America or in the
world is, He's going to tell you a Cadillac. Why
is it the best car in the world, because he
fucking built it. That's why they're patriotic, Because their patriotisms
as some total of their labor. They are interlinked and inseparable.
I mean you can literally just have this in like
a gun debate with a Swiss guy and a German guy.
Speaker 2: Anyways, Yeah, I mean, I think when I consider politically
how this came to be, I mean, how we went
from a guild system or at least something that mimics
it within a company to this just utterly atomized, distractive
world of an AI bubble of infinite jeets h one
B types. I was really thinking about the political theory
behind it. It has to do with the divine right
of kings. The divine right of kings was that was
the prominent political theory in this time period where these
mechanisms are being set up. And on the one hand
you have Filmer or Hicks. They're asserting the state is
the natural outgrowth of a theory of compact under the king,
the nobless oblige that's present, the state has an obligation
to provide for its citizenry. Then on the other hand,
obviously who went out in the Enlightenment. It's Locke and Hobbs,
and to them the state is largely a mechanical instrument
and this eventually leads to the rise of the concept
of utility. And I would also point out that people
think this is ideas that came about in the Enlightenment,
and then American Revolution happened, and then liberalism happened after that.
If you look at the origin points of the English
Civil War, it is far more modern of a war
and how it debates the guild and nobility against the
atomized mercantilist individuals that are beginning.
Speaker 4: Even Wikipedia will tell you that that's the that's the
source of the Enlightenment. We don't even have to try
and sell you on it, exactly. Cromwell's revolution is where
we get the Enlightenment from. More important, interestingly enough, William
of Orange. Who was he overthrowing?
Speaker 2: Uh it wasn't Charles, yeah, trust a second, it.
Speaker 4: Was overthrowing Catholicism. Who was Cromwell overthrowing?
Speaker 2: It was the Catholics in the Uh there's all the
exactly all the I mean, it was the whole like.
Speaker 4: Reference was a disaster for the for the Christian faith
in Europe, in the world because we spread it to
the world and it was and before Protestants get nuts,
real quick, let me just throughout a caveat. It was
fifty percent Rome's fault. Actually, you probably say larger papal
pig headedness, Italian pig headedness and their inability to let
Germans worship like Germans, Germanics let Swedes worship like Swedes,
and Englishmen worship like Englishmen. You know, because these are
very I mean, all of those three different cultures have
very distinct concepts of display of wealth, right Like the
English you have like this the concept of stealth wealth
and anything Sweden any type of any type of gaudiness
or showiness, right, or ostentatiousness in any way is you know,
it's it's it's basically socially insulting because of the rest
of their culture. So you basically had you had to worship,
and you had to do things Rome's way, and the
Pope refused to, you know, convene of a a council
of bishops, which he should have considering the amount of
dissent whatever, so that it was equally Room's fault. But
everyone needs to put this bullshit aside because what the
Catholic Church was the vehicle. It's the only thing that
combats a decentralized money network of people like this. It's
the only place where you it's the only thing that
has the tools that you need, right, the head count
in the places and the bank account in the right places. Right.
So when you fractured the Christian Church, where did all
that Catholic wealth that was in all those plays, all
of these countries that went Protestant go? It got stolen
to pay the national debts he's talking about, that got raided.
So you basically cut out the legs from the only
institution that was capable of stopping people like this, they
have more money than kings. The Protestant Church is basically
a nationalist church, right that you can call Lutheranism h
German Anglicanism. Well, it's a little bit more obvious. But
when the people that are destroying your civilization are the
ones lending money to the King of England or lending
money to any of the other nation states they have,
they're lending money because they have more money than that person. Right,
Catholicism was a way to centralize Christian financial and political power,
and Europe has never been the same since, and every
time it attempts to reassert itself, these magic revolutions kick
off magically and funded by coincidence people.
Speaker 2: Exactly. I don't have much to add on that other
than some smaller points that I've found. For that, I'm
going to scribble names.
Speaker 4: Not the people that propagate that's not people that oropagate
this bullshit, but the individual bankers that financed William of Orange,
because we can pull quotes about from the bank from
the Jew himself that lent William of Orange all of
his money, telling you exactly how many times how much
he was going to make in returns. Right, He's like, yeah,
I'm going to invest all this money, all of that.
I can't remember how many guilders, and he was three
million guilders in William of Orange, because I'm going to
make seven times my money back in his victory. Like
they will tell you what they're doing. The idea that
these things occurred organically, or that anybody other than these
people are in financial control of these places post revolution
is dishonesty, because all you have to type in is
Oliver crumb Well and the blank, and your search bar
will fill in. The Jews, right, they're proud of it.
We can go to Jewish you know Jewish, my Jewish
Daily Learning or whatever. They'll tell you William of Orange
and the blank. Your search engine will snitch you up,
but will tell you more than people are telling each
other now in our spheres. They're not shy about it.
I mean, would you be if you made seven times
your money. Let's talk about the City of London.
Speaker 2: Sure, I'll I'll just briefly talk about London Exchange and
Bank and then mercantile banks and then City of London.
Speaker 4: So yeah, this is equally as well documented. This is
a silly that we have to do this, but it
needs to be done.
Speaker 2: It also lines up perfectly chronologically with an Anglo Dutch invasion,
like they install a king on the English throne. The
newly formed lending exchange was created by Sir Thomas Gresham.
It was simply that gold exchange and money lending practice.
But then after the Anglo Dutch thing in sixteen eighty eight, boom,
it just becomes filled with all of these different elements
of financial tools that were discussed earlier. Notably, Gresham writes
that it's filled with Dutchman, Frenchman, Venetians, Spaniards, Italians and Turks.
He the founder of it, directed the English exchange rate
within Antwerp and also the English information services that are present.
And then sixteen eighty eight a Scottish man named William
Patterson began finalizing his work on a bank. A bank
functionally provides a high degree security, reduced interest rate, and
a paper currency. It takes about six years to clear Parliament,
but in July of sixteen ninety four, the Bank of
England begins. This enables, in the positive sense to Stormy's
earlier point, industrialization in the Great Titans of English industry,
English metallurgy, textiles, pottery, and engineering. They all begin to
spring up factories all over the country that are employing workers,
and this is forming a positive feedback loop for a
vast colonial empire in the eighteenth century, which is subsequent.
If you look at a map, London is geographically situated
on waterways, which is extremely convenient for international trade and
internally within England the water system that's there. London also
surpasses Amsterdam at this point as the hub of commerce
and finance. And so what happens to these joint stock banks?
They are beginning to be reduced over time. And when
I say reduced, I'm just going to fast forward ahead
to the modern example. In eighteen ninety nine there are
one hundred and six joint stock banks. By nineteen eighteen,
after World War One, there are thirty four, and by
the mid nineteen sixties there are just five. Five great
banking houses. These are Barclay's Midland, Lloyd's Westminster and National Provincial.
How big are they in the nineteen sixties they are
seventy five percent of the liquid reserves and means of
payment of the economy in Great Britain. How do they operate?
This will transition us into city of London. The five
banks have multiple global affiliates. They were in the British
Overseas Bankers Association. They are all headquartered in London. This
is what makes the city of London an extremely powerful
tool of the globalists. Prior to the nineteen sixties, as
a counter example, United States banking was mostly investing again
in itself, while the British banking system throughout the eighteenth,
nineteenth and twentieth centuries it's better adapted to international trade
and foreign operations. So we can then pivot into the
history of the city of London itself.
Speaker 4: So the funny enough Francisco Lopez Suauza, right, the founder
of the Glorious Revolution, who gave William here's a direct
here's an interesting quote. The Safari population of London was
little over five hundred families at the time, because they
sought that under William London would be transformed into a
city where Safari Jews would feel as secure and as
home as they had long felt in Amsterdam. It would
even seem that William's expedition to England at the head
of his Dutch army and the ouster of the Stuarts,
was largely financed by Lopez and other Safardi Jews, one
of whom mentioned, Lopez Francisco Lopez Sausa of the Hague
is believed to have advanced the Prince of Orange an
enormous loan to this end, two million crowns at no interest,
with no guarantees. And then it goes on to cite Wroth,
Kats and Adelman. There's a three separate authors and the
Jews of England, which is another book, page twenty eight,
twenty nine, and it was interested. Nevertheless, proposals were still
being brought forward and acted on that placed burdens and
restrictions on the Jews alone. And at the end of
sixteen eighty nine, for instance, the House of Commons passed
a resolution tax It basically goes on to talk about
how they they continued to tax them n till sixteen
ninety one, which is until you know, William of Orange
got around to pulling every last bit of you can
call it hindrance that was placed on Jews to keep
them out of England. So by the end of sixteen
ninety one, it goes on for still the end of
this there's like two more sentences I think are really
interesting with the passage of time, more and more Jews,
especially the wealth native born so Fardam, were participating in
English social life with no obstacle, as Cecil Roth puts
in a nineteen fifty two book, Acquiring Property, sometimes intermarrying
with gentile women, attending the theater, and as early as
seventeen to twenty three, for instance, Jews had come to
hold the highest offices in Masonic lodges. That's weird. And
to these families, of these five hundred families of the Hague,
a couple of families, some names you might know, right,
we're really pivotal in setting up the city of London.
But before I get distracted about the thirteen dragons, Pete,
remember a while back when you sent me the stock
the original stockholders of the Bank of England, the stock
purchasers list.
Speaker 3: It was a while while ago.
Speaker 4: Yeah, yep, A Solomon Lopez Suaza was one of them.
He was the largest holder, I believe at the time.
He probably I mean, those shares have probably moved about.
But it was like two hundred people participated, of varying
degrees in the Bank of England's initial stock offering. I
did the math. Over eighty percent were Sefardim Jews. That's
who I was, the Bank of England. This is who
set up the City of London to try and pretend
it to anything. Besides, this is retarded. And the thirteen families,
the thirteen biggest families of the City of London. And
then we can just look up the thirteen dragons of
the City of London. They all have interesting little statues. Literally,
they have demon statues on every court of every street
in the City of London. Dragon statues.
Speaker 3: Oh yeah, I've looked those up before.
Speaker 4: It's wild. Yeah, that marked the boundaries of the City
of London, right, so at the corner of every street
where the street intersects with actual London, right, because the
City of London has its own laws, issues its own passports.
And I mean the fucking King of England has to
get written invitation from the City of London to come
to the City of London. He's not invited. Sorry, fourteen,
not sixteen, my bad.
Speaker 2: But storm it's still all urky English tradition. It's just
all so silly.
Speaker 4: It's those.
Speaker 3: Us, those damn Brits. Man.
Speaker 1: Oh god, I want to like it said old. It's
that old European nobility.
Speaker 4: Yeah, Francisco Lopez Suauza.
Speaker 2: And for all the for all the complexity of this system,
it's okay. Let me back up. There are finance centers
all over the world. New York is one, Amsterdam is one,
Tokyo is one. These are not legally the same status
as London. Everyone knows that London is the global financial
capital on the planet period. But what enables it to
be the case is the legal designation of the City
of London. And it is far more than the marketing
terms of oh, it's just some quirky thing. It is
physically a square mile of London that has not materially
changed since the Norman conquest. It is a it's also
not a city. It's a corporation, like a capital C corporation,
and that is understood in law as a legal entity
which is separate from the individuals which comprise it. It
has a corporate spirit and a corporate reputation that is
distinct from its individual members. So in Layman's terms, any
person who is a member of this is legally protected
through its complexities. The Mayor of London, it's not a
municipal position. It's the mayor and the commonality and the
citizens of the City of London, they are members have
said corporation and like a brief aside, the Prime Minister
of Canada is one of these sorts of people. And
the I think, what was it The current mayor of
the City of London is an American. There's this very
incests you. I mean, Carol Quickly writes about this, and
I believe up until the nineteen sixties Carol Quickly is
completely accurate. It's a little strange to have a direct
analog to today. But when he's talking about the Anglo
American establishment, these are the Anglos in the Anglo side
of that. It is not the wasp American Anglo popular.
Speaker 4: That should put the American Revolution into context.
Speaker 2: Exactly, which was ultimately the more I read in this
banking books about it, because I've actually been fortunate enough
to get the original primary source books from the City
of London. I actually was able to find one that
was signed by a US ambassador that was attending one
of these guild dinners. There wild story, but the where
was I within this American Revolution? Everyone knows about the
Stamp Act, and people look at it and say, oh,
it's just a couple interest increases over a small period
of time. What's the big deal with stamps and tea? Well,
what is not like publicly known is that in the
decade or two prior to the seventeen sixty five Stamp Act,
the Bank of England is basically just punishing and punishing
and punishing the American markets, kind of like the friedrich
Le sense of political economy, where it's you you just
taxes and extract as much wealth from the colonies as
possible to benefit the home system, as it were, and
then let's see.
Speaker 4: Yeah, so that's an interesting quote. You can find right
on Wikipedia. There's some English history of English revolutions. Right,
it's like a third pair of town in twelve ninety
King Edward the First of England, he is that meaning
that they depicted in what you call it braveheart, that
mean mean man. That does mean to mel Gibson, also
the guy that threw out all of the Jews. Funny enough,
I had issued edict expelling all the Jews from England. However,
the English Reformation, which started in the fifteen thirties, they
seem to leave out poor mister, poor mister Cromwell like
forty years later, but anyways, that brought a number of
change the English Reformation which started a number of changes
that benefited the Jews. Long term doctrines and rituals of
the Roman Catholic Church that insulted Jews were eliminated, especially
those that emphasized their role as the killers of Christ.
Decide further, anti Catholicism and with the Pope as Antichrist,
came to replace anti Semitism. During the period of the
Revolution and in the period of the English Civil Wars.
Interregnum was marked by both widespread millennial beliefs in the
beginning of religious tolerance throughout England. Significantly millennial millennionarianism in
England often had a strong Hebraist character that emphasized the
study of Hebrew and Judaism. This was sometimes extended by
certain individuals to claim that the English are the descendants
of the ten Lost Tribes of Israel, with Cromwell himself
numbering amongst the supporters of this idea. Oh wow, what
a crazy, crazy thing to say. Wait, so we're going
to replace those doctrines that insulted the Jews. Those were eliminated,
and especially those that emphasized their role as the killers
of God Jesus Christ and further replacing the anti Semitism
with anti Catholicism, and instead of the Jews as Antichrist,
that naughty Pope is Antichrist.
Speaker 2: Resting, So the next two sources I got for you,
these are the originals from the City of London. The
first is the nineteen sixties book The Guilds of the
City of London. Second is the Guild of Freemen of
the City of London. That's the one signed by the Ambassador.
So this is all straight from the horse's mouth, tying
that into sort of the Semitic question. If you will,
the freemen of the City of London, they have the
right to trade, they're admitted to the franchise. They have
a freedom from tolls all throughout England and a freedom
from custom in London. That privilege is twelve hundred years old.
So taking it back to the very beginning, Alfred the Great,
the one who was against usury in Mercia, he re
establishes this entity in his reign the City of London.
But then separately William the Conqueror, who's backed by the Italians.
If you will, the Jews, they explicitly confirm legal distinct
rights to the city. That is, when the policy is
established that the king must recognize the city's special status
in order to enter it. So are you really a
king if you have to ask permission to enter your
own capital. At the same time, with this city of
London having special status, because at this time, very early on,
it's more like a walled fortress than a distinct city
in the classic sense. Westminster and other fortresses are built
around it physically to try and compete with it, but
they are unable to. In the eleven nineties, a distinction
is already apparent between the citizens of London and people
that just live in London. Within the city, there are
something called Liverley Guilds of London. These are usually known
as the city companies. Essentially like throughout the history, so okay,
early Middle Ages, there's a Black Death. Part of that
is what led and transitioned us from feudalism to the
joint stock company. Because there are fewer skilled trafts like
tradesmen and craftsmen, so they begin to conglomerate and centralize
in the cities and form guilds to protect themselves because
they have a very specialized amount of knowledge that's essentially
like the cultural origin point of these corporations a couple
hundred years before they were to become the Capital C corporation.
But that has a social effect within the City of London,
so they start creating rules in order to systematize their
society and to distinguish their guilds men from commoners. In
the Middle Ages, this was men wearing their guild colors
with emblems denoting rank. What that is functionally, It's a
straightforward of saying, if you fuck with me in business
or in life, a whole bunch of people are going
to have my back and ruin your life. That's what
the function of a guild is. I mean, the mafia
structure is very similar. In general. Any of these guild
systems are like this.
Speaker 4: But continuing on, by the way, they have diplomatic community.
Speaker 2: Oh yeah, I don't know if they have their own passport.
They probably have their own passports.
Speaker 4: The Bank of International Settlements has their own passport.
Speaker 2: Bro here you go. There is also a direct lineage
between these early guilds. This is all City of London
primary source stuff. There is a lineage between the early
guilds and what was to become the Grand Ladge of
Freemation Sins that was formally established in seventeen seventeen. But
the Hall of Merchant Tailors, which is physically the oldest
building in existence at the time, was there hosting spot
between thirteen thirty one and nineteen forty building prior to
World War Two in its destruction hosted the Grand Lodge
of Freemasons. And there's also crossover where what's what When
the Knights Templar was kind of destroyed, they sort of
generally went to Amsterdam and London. As I understand it,
these guilds in these systems within the City of London,
they began to gain power and wealth throughout the Middle Ages.
They're forming complete monopolies and they're preventing all competition from outsiders.
Early on, so prior to the adoption of the Anglo
Dutch standard where they would bring in people from Amsterdam,
holland Italy. Whenever these guys would try to show up
and do business in the City of London, the English
City of London guilds would physically remove these foreigners. Initially,
as they're starting out and gaining power and privileges, they're
appealing to the Mayor's court who was in charge of
their capital c corporation, which is the original source of
their authority. But why would you appeal to the Mayor
of London the City of London, when you can appeal
just to the Crown itself. So having the advantage of
having the backing of the Crown for your Royal charter,
it gives you significantly more powerful legal jurisdiction and authority
over your trades, and it also gives you complete eternal autonomy.
Like I said earlier, if you're a City of London,
you are legally protected from a lot of different tax laws,
business practices, and now with the Royal Charter you are
there's no way in which another guild system from another
city can possibly compete with you. And so you might
think that having a Royal Charter as a private citizen
and a private corporation that makes you as powerful as
a nobleman. Well you're completely correct, and the distinction between
noblemen and City of London citizen is very very blurry.
We start getting into the royal involvement here. The earliest
royal charter for the Weavers Guild pre dates the Magna Carta.
It was in eleven thirty and it constituted a lordship
endorsement of their trade as weavers. So each guild is
sort of tied to a specific industry and the money
trading on that industry. By fifteen hundred and eighty twenty
five guilds had corporate rights and powers of jurisdiction the
Crown and Tudor times and after began to regard the
city companies which could reliably produce funds for every emergency
that might befall them. So when Charles the First and
Charle the Second are pulling massive amounts of money over
the out of the goldsmiths and the Royal Mint, this
is their predecessor to it. This is their fund in
which they basically become debtors too the City of London.
So there's an interesting little cultural phenomenon. There's the Lord
Merrit's show. This is the only public appearance of the
City of London. They actually still do this each year.
They have a little parade where they all put on
their guild colors and they formally welcome in the Mayor.
Usually that has its traditions. After the king would win
a foreign war or coronation which would be completely sponsored
by the City of London all the way back through
English history. Edward the first was welcomed to the City
of London after the Scottish Campaign, as well as Richard
the Second and Henry the fifth. So okay, what is
how can I prove that the City of London owned
him well? When Henry the Fifth's French queen in fourteen
twenty commented during this parade about the extravagant cost of it,
the head of the Guild of Mercers, which is the
most powerful guild in the City of London, said quote,
I have something still costlier, and he threw from his
hand sixty thousand pounds of royal bonds into the fire
in front of her and King Henry the fifth. That
is the equivalent of sixty one million pounds sterling or
eighty three million US dollars today. That's how much money
and power the City of London had even at that
time funding. What does the City of London do in
the mercantilist age in the early modern age, Well, the
plantation of Ulster and Ireland and the plantation of Virginia
was founded through the Virginia Company of London. So these
are massive investments that joint stock that guild system is
paying for the colonialism of the crown. Ostensibly, the City
of London also has had its own military and its
naval forces. At the time of the Spanish Armada in
fifteen eighty eight, the City of London itself furnished thirty ships,
with ten belonging to the merchant adventurers of London. So
the defeat of the Spanish Armada at that time was
primarily due also to the City of London directly. So
fast forwarding a little bit in nineteen forty seven, so
that's when I have the source book from. There were
between seventy to eighty companies or livery guilds, and at
one time in English history, the livery men were entitled
to parliamentary votes. Since Edward IID many of the monarchs
in England have been members of these guilds, specifically the
Mercer's Guild the Magna Carta itself. The negotiation with the
king was negotiated by the mercers, and as a small
side fact, the first recorded death by a handgun was
Robert Packington in fifteen thirty six, a Mercer Guild member.
To very briefly touch on it, this is where I'll
cut off here. How can one join the City of London.
There are three ways. You can't really buy your way
in per se traditionally, but it's patrimony, it's father to son,
it is serviced to an apprentice within the guild. Or
it is quote redemption that is buying away your sin
and buying yourself into the system. That's all the information
I was able to glean from the City of London
sources here.
Speaker 4: Let me uh, let's talk about what the city is
up to now, sure, because when people we talk about
who's doing this? Is it the car tells what's going
on over here? Is it the sex traffickers? Is it
the this? Or is it the that? All these varying
criminal networks all over the world. Let's this is from
a This is an excerpt from an article cited in
Funny Enough The Guardian. Right, it's uh, you can find
this in just type in the City of London space
un z. The very first thing that little pop up
is a very lengthy, very informative article that I urge
everyone that is listening to this episode to do as
the very next thing that you do. It's long, so
if it's late, save it for tomorrow.
Speaker 3: But read it.
Speaker 4: Probably the best thing on underport and that's saying a lot.
At the same time as the government's anti fraud minister
resigned because the Jews in the City of London had
once again killed legislation to combat economic crime by the city,
saying that nobody in the UK government cared about stopping kleptocrats,
oligarchs and organized crime lords stashing their money in the UK.
And another article goes on to tell us how the
city remains a safe haven for the world's dirty cash.
Here's another interesting article from The Guardian with a five
step guide telling you how the Jews in the city
can help you get away with stealing millions. There's no
KYC or AML right, so know your customer antime money
laundering stuff that happens inside the City of London. Yes,
UK has got very rigorous KYCAML laws and KYCAML checks
and all these things. None of that shit exists in
that one square mile and any of the banks that
do business in that one square mile. So one indication
is of the UK's official UK Company Registered list that
is littered with fake names because no identity checks are
required in the City of London at all. One corporation
is registered, for example, in the name of Holy Jesus Christ,
with his stated occupation as Creator, his nationality as Angelic,
and his country of residence as Heaven. Another is in
the name of Adolph Tooth fairy Hitler, with the City
sales Firm in the name of Donald Duck. So there's
a firm that operates out of the City of London
in the name of Donald Duck, and so on and
so forth. The UK government claims it hasn't the resources
to police the corporate registry, but the truth is that
they permitted to continue because it serves its purpose, because
it serves the gangsters controlling the legislation. An article in
the Eurasia Review called the City of London of Paradise
for parasites or the best this is the title is
a Parasite's paradise or the best criminal sanctuary money can buy.
London has become the center of global finance capital by
engaging in long term, large scale active collaborations with multi
billion pound drug arms and sex, slave and people smuggling
cartels that chews and the cities specialize in laundering funds
for the Mexican, Colombian, Peruvian Russian, Polish, Czech and even
Nigerian narco cartels white slavers. This is in their article
you Raise Review, thank you for calling out the white
slave trade. White slavers have their private bankers at prestigious
city banks, lifelong multi trillion dollar tax evaders fleeing from
the nations they pillage. Right. It continues on that the
city boys welcome every gangster and oligarch. The London Sorry,
the London Sanctuary for the world's richest plunderers, offers unprecedented services,
especially protection from extradition and protection from criminal prosecution in
the nations that they commit the crimes in. So city
of London will also hide you. It spends a place
to live, it's one square mile, but you can also
live inside any bank owned properties outside because again this
is the beauty of a corporation. This gets into the
concept of something that Pete and I talked about a
while back. I believe the episode is when there is
no justice about a concept called corporate citizenship and the
lovely loopholes to evade all types of prosecution and how
anybody inside these corporations can commit crime and aid and
to bet others penalty free if they're acting on behalf
of the corporation. Oh, how do you slap the handcuffs
on a corporation, Well you don't because it doesn't have hands. Well,
how do you throw a corporation in prison? Well you can't,
you can't. Well, let's throw all the officers in prison,
all the officers, the CEO. Well, the CEO is just
an employee. He's doing what he's told by the board
of directors. Well, let's throw the board of directors in prison. Oh,
they're just appointed delegates, kind of like a lawyer. Is
your appointed representative of the shareholders? Well, who are the shareholders?
I don't know. There's one share over here owned by
some Taiwanese hedge fund. There's a couple million shares in
this Hong Kong entity. There's this over here, there's some
over You get the point. And what happens in a
bond issuance. I want to talk briefly about bombs because
everybody thinks that, Oh, no, New York City Wall Street
is the financial capital of the world. No it is not.
It is the equities capital of the world. It is
this stock trading capital of the world. What is the
bond market? Well, the bond market is the debt market,
it's the iou market. Well, how big is the stock market? Well,
let's just say I don't know. Thirty trillion or five
trillion or fifty trillion, doesn't matter, because the bond market
on any given day is about ten times the size
of the stock market. Well where are all the bonds? Well,
the bond capital of the world is London. So yeah,
stocks are worth money, and loans are also worth money. Right,
If Pete gives loan to Filo for one hundred dollars
at ten percent, I am you know. If I buy
that loan, I pay Pete's one hundred dollars and another
ten percent for the vig astral Autonomus are going nuts
in the group chat, and I forgot the silence my
phone because I'm an asshole.
Speaker 3: There we go.
Speaker 4: That that loan is worth money, all right, So having
a bunch of loans is like having a bunch of money.
You can sell those loans to people that want to
buy them. Hey, I'll buy that for one hundred dollars
and then Filos can pay me the viig instead of you, Pete,
Well you're getting ten percent from Filos. How about I
give you one hundred dollars plus three years of interest,
so one hundred and thirty bucks and you could have
a hundred and thirty bucks now rather than wait in
three years for Filo to give you that ten percent
each year. Say okay, this is it has a value.
It's tradable. But unlike stocks, where I can go to
a company and I can get a list of every
single person that owns a share in that company because
they have to have a list because each one of
those shareholders gets a vote. Right, Corporations are incredibly democratic institutions,
probably the only place democracy works because everyone has the
same vested interests. I'm not going to vote for some
fucking Indian asshole to be the CEO, because if I
vote an Indian asshole to be in the CEO, the
company is going to tank and then my stock that
I own is going to be worthless. So everybody has
each other's best interest at heart because everyone has the
same interest. So there's lists of all the people that
get to vote. There is no list of who has
lent money to the company. There is no bond regulator.
Funny enough, bonds are largely out of the purview of
the SEC, so Not only is there really no list
of who owns what bonds, there's really no regulators to
enforce any rules there. For every hundreds of pages of
security law, for every hundred pages of security law, which
there are thousands, there's maybe about five pages of laws
about bonds. It's almost like bonds are, you know, an
afterthought in people's heads to legislators. They practically don't exist.
They are ten times the stock market. Companies can issue
bonds at any moment in time. That's the benefit of
being a publicly traded company. You don't need to go
to the bank and say I want to borrow some money.
You can literally go to the entire market and say,
who wants to lend me money. You're not under any
obligation to tell the world who decided to take you
up on your offer of lending you money. You just
have to tell your shareholders how much interest you have
to pay, and if you're going to be able to
make those payments. That's it. So there's really no way
of finding out who owns what. And a bond holder
is basically a shareholder in certain cases of bonds, so
like a convertible note, a convertible note is largely used
in venture capital for early stage companies because they haven't
really set a share price yet. Nope, they could. An
Indian founder can tell me that one share of his,
you know, shitty tech company that's not going to work
is worth a million dollars. But has anybody paid him
a million dollars for a share yet?
Speaker 2: No?
Speaker 4: So it has. It hasn't been priced. So since the
shares have no price, I'm just going to give him
a loan at a set interest rate, let's say thirteen percent,
which is about average, And at any given time I
can say, hey, asshole, give me my thirteen percent back
plus my principle, and he has to do it. Let's
say after a period of two years. I can call
that note whenever I want to, or whenever I want
to I can have. Let's so, let's say a million
dollars plus two hundred and thirty thousand roughly, so thirteen
percent interest of two years. I could say, all right, asshole,
well I actually don't want my money this time. I
want one million, two hundred and thirty thousand dollars worth
of shares and you have to give them to me.
I have converted my convertible note So that means that
that founder that's CEO, whether it's an Indian startup that's
worthless or a big company, you have to treat me
like a shareholder because at any given time I could
be one. I could just decide well, I'm going to
convert and I own shares now, not debt. So you
have to treat me like a shareholder because I could
be one whenever I want to be. So that means
if if I say, hey, company, maybe you should think
about doing X, Y and Z, you have to treat
that like it's a shareholder, because if you don't do
that and you keep fucking up, that guy will convert
his share, his debt into shares, and the very first
thing he's going to do is he's going to vote
you out of a job. And the guy that he
votes in the job will do X, Y and Z
because you didn't. So you have a large in These
convertible notes aren't a big thing in public market companies,
but they very much are in private companies, and they
used to be a big thing in all companies back
in the seventeens and eighteen hundreds. And I'm working my
way right now to the thing I wanted to talk
about when I started on this bonds thing, and that
is the British East India Company. Well, guys like Isaac
Newton lost his ass when Oh, by the way, this
shows a fella that I mentioned that financed the Orange
Revolution and overthrew Catholicism in England. Not only was he
the founder right, the guy that started the Dutch East
India Company, he was also the creator of the Dutch
stock Exchange, the very first stock exchange the Philoh mentioned.
So remember when I said, like, you don't blow up.
You don't like demo your house when you're inside of it,
but you know it's going to fall down, so you
get all the shit, all your valuables out of the
house and then you demo it. You're not going to
demo it with all your shit still in there. That
would be retarded. So once he got all his shit
out and William of Orange got him a new place
to put it in England, he demoed the stock exchange.
Stock exchange collapsed, everybody lost everything. The Dutch East India
Company collapsed. Everybody lost everything if they owned shares. But
the interesting thing in bonds, right, just like a mortgage,
Pete what happens if you default on a mortgage, who
gets the house physical asset? The bank does well, but
the county in the county gets it.
Speaker 3: If it defaults.
Speaker 1: It usually goes to the county court, the county courthouse
and goes to the is auctioned off on the steps
of it.
Speaker 3: But normally it's.
Speaker 4: Because the bank isn't going to come down and put
a full sale sign and show the listings itself, is it. No,
it's gonna give it to the county. But like you
take care of this, okay. So when a company goes
out of business, just like with a mortgage, if you
the person go at a business and you lose your
house and you can't pay your bills anymore, right, your
house is going to be sold to pay off your debts.
Let's say you're a shareholder of Microsoft and Microsoft goes
bankrupt and they auction off all of its assets. You're
not getting a red scent of that none the bondholders.
They get paid out from the assets. So when a
company goes busted, the bondholders get the assets, not you
the shareholder. Right, So bondholders always get taken care of
whether the company is a success, right or the company
is a disaster. The bondholders are always taken care of,
and they are sacrificing, you know, big twenty eighty fifty
one returns, like a stockholder would like the speculative value
for a steady rate of return, Like I don't care
if your stock goes up. I don't care if your
stock goes down. You're gonna give me six percent every
single year, or I'm gonna call my bonds and then
make you basically give me all of the money at once,
which you're not gonna do, and then you're gonna basically
go out of business, and I'm gonna basically get my
money out of you by auctioning off all your shit
while you look for another job. Right, He gets that
security because he's making a calculated decision, like I would
rather know that I'm making nine percent, and who cares
how much I could have made, It doesn't matter. I
would rather make nine percent guaranteed than one hundred percent maybe.
And that's a type of risk profile that bankers need.
Bankers need to know that you are going to give
them a certain amount of money. They don't care if
they could get more, even if they could get hundreds
of times more, that's a risk. Bankers don't like risk.
So this guy, mister Sauza, was also the guy that
started the British East India Company. And when the British
East India Company went bankrupt, what happened to its assets? Well?
What assets did it have? Boats? You know, cannons, Islands?
The British East India Company had islands? Why is the
why is the uke? Why is the Why is New
Zealand or Australia a commonwealth country that has roughly the
same laws and tax system as the UK. But then
there are these other things called protectorates, like the British
Virgin Islands, or like Hong Kong was until like ten
years ago, where there was no tax, no banking law whatsoever,
no regulation whatsoever. Literally a fucking black box became an islands.
All these interesting little islands. Uh, what's the other one
next to Madagascar? The mal thiefs by Africa? Anyways, the islands,
the islands are called the British Virgin Islands or the
British Xyz Island. They get British protection. The Brits have
to protect them, but they get to basically do whatever
the fuck they want and It's funny that the thing
that every single one of these islands got into, these
protectorates got into the banking business, every single one of them.
More US treasuries are funneled through the British Virgin Islands
than the European Central Bank. Just go to any treasury
auction and I'll tell you what nations are buying. The
BBI will be in the top five ten every time.
Hundreds of billions of dollars. So hundreds of billions of
dollars every treasury auction is just moving into this black
box country or sorry, this black box island with one
hundred thousand people on it. What did every single one
of them decide to buy a billion dollars with the
treasury bonds that day? There's not a who on that
island needs hundreds of billions of treasuries every other month.
I don't know. They're not running through England like as
in like London. Yeah, the Bank of England's treasury purchases
go to the Bank of England in London. The European
Central Bank, well, those those get sent to Brussels, right,
So it's not and buying hundreds of billions of dollars
in treasuries, is it. No, it's not like you know
what I talk about, like the offshore dollar market that is,
like exists outside of any regulation. Yes, this is what
I'm talking about. It exists here. It exists on the
in these islands, in these tax havens, hundreds of billions
of dollars and tens of trillions in assets. Like, it's
not like bribe a couple of politicians. It's by a country,
by a couple right, conservatively, I don't know, forty trillion
in assets, maybe more sixty trillion, insane amounts of money,
but also insane amount of debt because they borrow on
all of it. They're basically buying it with leverage money.
Speaker 1: We lose, Stormy, No, I should be here, I'm here, Okay, cool.
Speaker 4: Yeah, Anyways, this is where the offshore dollar market exists.
Everyone's like, oh, well, how does this exist outside of regulators?
And how what do you mean? We don't know how
much it is. This is the shadow banking network. This
is it, all right, It's the City of London, the
Bank of International Settlements. If you notice sovereignty in these
little banking clusters that exist in a country, so like England, Britain,
is a sovereign country, but the City of London, this
little tiny island, is also sovereign. The Bank of International
Settlements exists in Switzerland, which I mean, don't get me wrong,
It's got fucking really liberal banking laws. Up until the
US put the screw to them. You could get away
with bloody fucking murder in Switzerland. You could set up
you could open up a bank account and instead of
using a name, you could just have a number. Like
that bank had no records of you except for a number.
You'd be fucked if you lost your password. But anyways,
So why would I need to set up a tinier
little island that is sovereign, issues its own passports, diplomatic community,
all that fun shit inside a nation like Switzerland. I
can already get away with whatever I want here. So
you see these little tiny tax haven islands that are
self sovereign all over the place, and the only thing
that they have in common is hundreds of billions of
dollars moves through them every day. Who is that money
going to? Nobody knows what is it being used for?
Fucking nobody knows. This exists as a sovereign nation. It's
a decentralized superpower.
Speaker 2: I should add that the city of London no longer.
I mean, at one point it had a monopoly on
the sort of tactics generally hundreds of years ago. But
they've kind of let everyone into the club, or at
least into their tactics, as I understand it, because they're
kind of this conduit that can sit on top and
skim money off. As a sidebar, the Trump administration changed
a lot of its foreign trade, like foreign terrorist organizations
to be transnational criminal organizations, so just to like very
briefly tied into corn events has Belah for example, and
also stuff with Venezuela. A lot of the sanctions and
stuff that were being put on or going through the
Treasury Department because essentially they found out that Has for example,
was laundering hundreds of millions of dollars through this global
illicit economy. And when they say alicit economy, it's when
I was looking at the stats back in twenty nineteen,
it was something like two trillion dollars of wealth was
circulating in this sort of City of London sort of pipeline.
I mean, and it's that's just a rough estimate. No
one has really any idea how much money is circulating,
because when these things will tie in, for example, like
when and I only really know Hesba as a specific
example of.
Speaker 4: This stack, because the Israelis are willing to like blow
the whistle on it, you also get the cartels. So
basically this is how intelligence agencies also move their money around.
Speaker 2: But they would do stuff like the UNESCO building in Beirut.
The fifth floor of it had something like ten thousand
shell companies registered to that floor in a building.
Speaker 4: Bro, I can show, I can point you towards literally
strip malls in Delaware that have hundreds of thousands of
corporate large corporations in the same building.
Speaker 2: And I should I should remind everywhere I have.
Speaker 4: I have two Delaware registered sea corporations. I've never been
to Delaware ever. I drove through Delaware once. Right, But
there is a there is a business, right, so there
is a it's called trustees. Right. So I call a
trustee and say, hey, set me up a Delaware company.
I don't have an office in Delaware except for a
post box that this guy gets the mail from and
sends to me. I don't ever have to go check
this post box. He does the filing, and he is
my registered agent. Registered agent businesses are you know, an
actual it's like a profession, like a barber I have.
There's a registered agents in the Cayman Islands. They will
help you set up a company. They will register it.
And they because you have to have one officer right
that is from the place or exists in the place. Right.
So he takes all of your mail that comes to
your Cayman Island post office box or this you know
mail box room the size of you know, a big
restaurant full of thousands of little mailboxes and whatever mail
and official communications like taxes or whatever you're trying to dodge.
Go there. He forwards that mail to you. You can
register a company, you can create a corporation in dozens
of dozens of countries or any state in the entire
fifty States. Wyoming is really good. I'll probably you know,
if Delaware gets sketchy, I'll you know, reregister my entities
in either Wyoming or Sell Dakota. South Dakota has the
best trust laws in the world. They have a trust team.
The US's rivals. These entities that I'm talking about for
money laundering abilities, we're talking about like British Virgin Islands, places.
Speaker 2: Like that, Well, Dublin, Ireland, Well, there's a lot of
these islands.
Speaker 4: Well, South Dakota beats everybody. The governor of South Dakota
sends out a trust team every year and they go
to all of these countries and find out what new
rules and laws that they are putting into place to
protect these anonymous buckets of money and whatever the best
one is. He then goes and enacts those rules through
the financial regulator of South Dakota that year. So no
matter what year it is, you can guarantee that South
Dakota has the most robust trust protection. I mean, the
federal government could come after me and basically nail me
to a wall. And if all my assets are in
a South Dakota trust, you're not getting them. Not only
you're not getting them, but you're not even allowed to
know that they exist. You have to invade South Dakota
and put it under martial law to find out. So
how bad do you want to know? You know what's
in stormy waters South Dakota trust? The US is the
king of the money laundering business. This is why I
like here, I'll give you an example, and this is.
This is all you need to know about it. We're
the fucking roach motel of money. So let's say Filo,
you're a Hong Kong citizen. You're not Filo. You're Chiloh
right or ching Low, and you and I are good friends,
and you find out I'm getting married and you want
to give me a wedding gift of one hundred million dollars.
Chilo is a good friend. It's my favorite Hong Kong
Chinese person, so this is not a surprise to me.
I'm going to fill out hey one time Foreign Gift
Right Report for the irs. I'm going to tell them
I just got one hundred million dollars for free. How
much tax am I paying on that? The answer is
zero dollars. I can get as much money from any
individual in the world as a gift as long as
I report it. If it's over one hundred thousand dollars.
If it was less, if he was going to give
me ninety nine thousand dollars wedding gift, he is less
of a good friend, obviously, But I don't have to
report it. And if it's over one hundred thousand and
I failed to report it, the penalty for failing to report.
Is the full tax the maximum tax bracket, so it
would be like forty percent of whatever the amount is
is the penalty. So the US will let you bring
money from anywhere in the world and as much of
it as you want into the country. But if you
try and take even a red cent out of the
country without giving Uncle Sam his slice, he will chase
you to the ends of the earth, ask Roger vere.
So that gives the US tremendous power. We are a
safe haven for capital as these other nations break down.
Just being the place where rich people keep their money
is power. So now how much power does these little
network of tax haven islands that were once the British
East India Company have a lot? Again, like you have
to look at these little chains of tax havens as
a decentralized superpower because they are they don't need armies.
They can finance somebody else's armies to go do war
for them. Ask Russia. They're not enjoying this aspect right
this minute. Well now they're enjoying it a lot more
because they're plowing through Ukraine. This is how it's done,
and this is why you'll find has a lot of
moving money through tax havens. This is why you'll find
Massad and aim in moving money through these tax havens. Now,
if moving money for rich people gives you power, what
is moving money for intelligence agencies give you a lot
of power? They're like, I mean, Spangler is right like
in our age. Unfortunately, it's quickly coming to an end,
thank god. But money power rules, and these people, these
lovely Saphardim and not you know, Englishmen have been ruling
at it for a very long time.
Speaker 2: I mean this this bears like a final question, which is, uh, sure,
if it is so powerful, if it circulates so much money,
I mean.
Speaker 4: How told both business Buddy's going?
Speaker 2: Well, it's my my question is really, how is it
all going in the toilet so quickly?
Speaker 4: Leverage? What leverage giveth on the way up, takes away
twice as fast. Right, So imagine if you had all
these loans out right, remember bonds. It's like a game
of poker, right, If the three of us are relatively
the same skill level, right, and new players come into
the pot in a short amount of time, their capital
will be evenly distributed amongst us three. And if Pete's better,
he will have a disproportionate amount. They'd say, he's twenty
percent better. He'll have twenty percent more in you than
you and I. Right, But on a long enough timeline,
that money that that new guy put trickles into us
and out of his pocket, right by osmosis, each hand,
a little more, a little more. I'm giving some to
Pete and taking some back, and giving some to you
and taking some back. Right. This guy is losing and
losing and losing. Sometimes he wins. Doesn't matter, right, it's it.
It's the timeline that money trickles down into our pockets.
Speaker 3: Right.
Speaker 4: So this is this is what the Federal Reserve and
basically the US government, fucking libertarians, Federal Reserve doesn't fucking
print money, right, ending, the FED will do nothing, you
stupid fucks. Just read the Fed's charter. They will tell
you they can only monetize the debt that Congress tells
them to do. So whenever Congress passes a budget, they
go to the FED and say, here's our budget, make
this amount of money happen. And the FED is legally obligated. Again,
so much of our politics is just misdirection. Right, It's
like teaching people to protest, Like that gets changed. You're
sending people in directions where you know that they can
make no change because they're in the wrong direction. You
can't stop money printing by ending the FED. You have
to stop money printing in Congress. The FED is fucking
forced to buy law to print every dollar that Congress
tells it to. They don't just get to decide anyways.
Fed prints tons and tons of money. Europe prints tons
and tons of money. England prints tons and tons of money. Right,
that money will flow down and into these look at
them like estuaries. Right, it's the it's the flow of
money that matters. Right. Sitting on a bunch of money
in a bank account doesn't actually do anything, right, It's
the movement of money where you make money, either flowing
in or flowing out, flowing into new investments, flowing back
in returns. So these banks, these institutions, these entities are
constantly as soon as money comes in the door, they
are lending it out the door. Money. The farmers chose
growing crops, the miners chose, you know, generating coal or copper.
The Jews were in the money growing business, like that
was the commodity in which they traded. So it's not
like the money hoarding business. It's the money trading business.
So money comes in, you lend it to somebody else
because now that guy's paying you interest. So what happens
if let's say the Federal Reserve starts shrinking the amount
of money at the table, Well, this is very bad
because you have been lending it out the door as
fast as it's been coming in. So if the money
coming in is drying up, but the amount of loans
that you have out is staying the same, then you're
about to have a really bad day because the money
that's flowing to you is also flowing to all of
the people that you lent that fucking money to. Right,
whether you're a business or a bank. If I knew
ten percent of the dollar supply, guess how much revenue
that that business that you lent a bunch of money
to is earning. Well, it's earning about ten percent less money,
ten percent less revenue because there's ten percent less money
in the system. This is why you need mass immigration.
This is why you need two percent inflation. Right, Why
does every central bank say, oh, we have a target
to inflation. Wait, so your goal is two percent inflation?
A year compounding. That's the goal. So your goal is
to just print two percent more money than you did
last year, and then that amount two percent more than
that the following year. Right, we need It's not that like, oh,
line must line go up. This is good. It's line
must go up or everything blows up. Once consumption starts
to backwardate. Once any of this starts to backwardate at all,
all of the leverage in a system imploats because it
needs growth. It needs growth to live. It's like a
cancer in the most literal sense. If it's not growing,
it's catabolically collapsing. Peruvian Bull is a great guy to
check out on this, Roberto, he'll talk, he'll tell you
all about it. The system cannot afford even the small,
the slightest backwardation. This is why they're in such a panic,
because as the boomers die off, there's no one to
backfill the consumption. This is why they're giving every fucking
the legal immigroid or legal immigroid, doesn't matter he gets
a government stimmy debit card because you need the spending
to continue. It doesn't matter that you're giving it to
a fucking sixty IQ Somalian to waste on fucking Netflix
and Dorrito's. That doesn't matter. The only thing that matters
is that he's buying something that the consumption continues, the
growth continues. So this is what's killing the system, Philo.
It also the fetish shrinking its balance sheet, the fetish
shrinking the amount of money in the system. The amount
of consumers in the system are shrinking. And this is
the real problem. Right, They've been inflating and then deflating
a little. Inflating and deflating a little. That's not directly
killing the system. This last bout through this is what
COVID really was. COVID was a grand ten trillion dollar heist.
Speaker 3: Right.
Speaker 4: The Fed was shrinking its balance sheet. Right when the
Fed raises, when central banks raise the interest rates, the
amount of money in the system goes down. So after COVID,
So COVID was basically a political weapon. You put a
gun to the Federal Reserve chair's head and you say,
print me seven trillion dollars, or you're basically politically murdered.
Seven trillion dollars goes into the system that gets used
to create more and more loans. It's levered up, except
for this time it just went and everybody, every big
corporation's pockets. It didn't trickle down because the lockdowns and
all the other bullshit they needed to sell, the con on,
the scenery, the set pieces. Well, that caused a whole
bunch of people to go out of business, and a
whole bunch of other people just straight up left the economy.
So in this last chance to prop it up, they
ended up doing damage that they can't undo. These people,
they it's a very simple system run by people that
don't understand complexity and third and fourth order consequences. So
even though the action that they're doing should have reciprocal effect,
and you know, I'm putting a dollar out and a
dollar come back in as everything checks out, well no,
because like when you gave that guy a dollar, he
gave to somebody else and that guy got hit by
a bus. So the dollar you're getting back in looks
like a dollar, but you're actually richer a dollar. But
you're short a consumer, and that consumers you need him
to spend X amount of dollars for the next thirty
fucking years or whatever. It's complexity that's killing it. The
system got so complex that the usual machinations that they
were able to use to keep this thing in check. Right,
the boom and bust cycle, solidation cycle, the accumulation cycle,
and then the distribution cycle. Right, Like imagine it like
breathing in and out. Yes, we all get poorer each time,
but the amount of consumption stays the same and grows
but each but these as the system got more and
more complex, you can't pull away and then effect and
think that you can reinflate it right back up again.
Speaker 2: Well, it's sosperate for money coming in from consumers like
you after pay you of Klarna, you have these unsecured
installment loans, You have these instances where you're trying to
get it seems to the shortest possible time cycle of
getting money out of the consumer. And the problem when
you shorten and short and shorten is eventually like one,
people just run out of money to put into the
system period. But two they become so thoroughly an indebted
class of people that there is just a This is
where like the left wing sort of things is actually correct,
This total disparity between rich and poor, it just gets insane.
Speaker 4: And this actually which rich people actually spend very differently
than poor people right, So this is why they're pumping
fucking all of these bodies in these countries, thinking that
it's a one to one replacement. But the spending is
entirely different. Right, So rather than spending in the economy,
the immigrants are descending it all the way in remittancees
or other things. Right, They're not spending the same. So
the businesses that depended on these they're not able to
survive anymore. Right, it's complexity. Sorry, go ahead, Well.
Speaker 2: I just think it's to sort of draw a through
line through it. It seems as though these financial tools
and instruments are perfect for a society that is in
the process of industrializing and tying it to physical goods.
Returns hard reality. When you just put this financial tools
and system back in on itself over and over and over,
you just have to yeah, and you get entropy, and
it's just this, uh, it's sort of this impossible cycle
to escape out of.
Speaker 4: I wonder well they were trying to. This is why
does everybody remember central bank digital currencies? Yeah, like they
tried that shit. The Bank of International Settlements is still
rolling ahead with it. Luckily it's illegal in the US now,
but that can change, Like This is their last ditch attempt, right.
Their goal is to put it entirely in the computer
and then you can just move it up and move
it down. They think that all right, well we've tried
letting the consumption thing happen organically, so now we need
to will just burn money right in your bank account.
Speaker 3: Right.
Speaker 4: They're trying to now control consumption. They tried to control
the financial end of it, the fiscal end of it,
but it always blows up because they don't have control
of the other thing. The other side of it, the
central bank digital currencies, is for them to try and
control consumption and production in both consumption of money and
production of money. It's not going to work because these
these nations, these these institutions are not going to survive
long enough for these systems to be rolled out. In
Troubleshot and all that other stuff. Every country that tried
to roll out a central bank digital currency ended up
having to call it back because everyone was already hit.
Everyone's hip to it now, like there's the Central Bank
of Europe is like, yeah, we're moving ahead with our
central bank digital currency plan, and every citizen of Europe
it's like, I'm not taking that absolutely not. Like this
shit used to work because they controlled all the media
and you weren't finding out about a central bank digital
currency until one day you were just told all of
your dollars are gone, and now you have you know,
these e couponts or like, you didn't have a fucking choice.
They got to have the drop on you. They had
the element of surprise every time, and without the element
of surprise, none of this shit works. I mean how
it's like the other trillion gayops they've tried to do that.
By the time they try and roll out the gayop,
the Internet has already figured out what the gayop is
and told everybody about it. So then they're like, oh, yeah,
just kidding. We were just like that was that was
That was just a you know, that was a gag
our bad, Like, oh that was a joke. We didn't
really plan on doing that. It's comical now because the
system is more complex than these people's brains have the
ability to understand. Literally nobody has to brains. The machine's
too big.
Speaker 2: I think the last thing they're able to successfully in quotes,
pull off was the implementation of the Eurozone.
Speaker 4: Everybody, if you want to hear if you want to
hear how that works and how it's going to come apart.
Check out my episode with the twentieth Century. It's all
on shadow banking and the offshore dollar market.
Speaker 3: Yeah.
Speaker 2: I think that sort of reminds me of nine to eleven,
where it's just there was not the media and internet
environment present to pick apart and criticize this, and there
were still centralized control of media institutions. But at this
point now, I mean basically they are making moves that
are being refuted in real time, and also that all
of they're stupidly still putting out all of their decision
making processes and policy papers out in the open too,
like they haven't learned this lesson from what I can tell,
as I gotta.
Speaker 4: Wrap, likewise, I have given all I have to give the.
Speaker 3: Well, I'll leave you with your white pill.
Speaker 1: Trump approves another six hundred and fifty millions of Israel.
Congress approved it too. That makes twenty billions Israel and
under a year, and that doesn't include more billion they
already get.
Speaker 4: So what is that already total.
Speaker 3: This year?
Speaker 1: The total comes out to twenty billion on top of
but that's that's in addition to the three point eight
billion they get for not going towards.
Speaker 4: What you call it twenty five billion, and he's got
three more years. It's time four man, that's a ten x.
Gary Madelson spent one hundred million for four years, she's
getting one hundred billion. That's a good trade.
Speaker 3: That's some good interest right there.
Speaker 2: We live in a time where a strong competent person
who has worked all like, I don't know, I don't
want to go all Caesarist, but it's just like the
critical nature of this time as far as changing course
and seizing upon the city of London's Zionists all of
their disadvantages, moving on it sort of charting this national socialist,
frankly reindustrialization style in this country. It's just such a
perfect angle that so many people left and right are
ready for.
Speaker 4: I just find to let him break it first, Oh man,
I don't have the power to break it. They have
the power to break it. Let them break it.
Speaker 2: And it'll be spectacular spectacular to see you.
Speaker 4: They're they're trying to break the Republican Party to kick
out the guys like us. Okay, well, Pete and I
we couldn't, we could we could never be able to
break the Republican Party. Please don't throw me in the
briar patch please.
Speaker 1: Al Right, guys, I appreciate this one, and uh let's
do it again real.
Speaker 4: Soon, all right, man, take everybody out a good night, take.
Speaker 3: Care of me. Thank you, thank you,