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Speaker 1: And we are back with another edition of the Federalist

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Radio Hour. I'm Matt Kittle, Senior Elections correspondent at the

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Federalist and your experienced Shirpa on today's quest for Knowledge.

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As always, you can email the show at radio at

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the Federalist dot com. Make sure to subscribe wherever you

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download your podcast, and of course to the premium version

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of our website as well. Our guest today is former

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federal prosecutor John O'Connor, author of Postgate Now The Washington

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Post Betrayed Deep Throat, covered up Watergate, and began today's

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partisan advocacy of journalism, and host of the Mysteries of

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Watergate podcast. He served as an assistant us AT twy

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in northern California, representing the United States in both criminal

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and civil cases. Today we're talking about the federal judges.

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It seems dancing all over the executive branch. Good morning, sir,

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Thank you for joining us at the Federalist Radio Hour.

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Let us begin there, if you would please, because I

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think what we're seeing today feels unprecedented. It feels certainly

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like an abusive power. We have seen a lot of

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executive orders coming out from President Donald Trumps. That is

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definitely his domain. I don't think there's any argument about that.

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The argument, though, is from these federal judges who say

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he does not have the authority. And whether it be

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executive orders on DEI or immigration, you name it. Is

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this a rogue judiciary we're seeing today your estimation.

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Speaker 2: It's not intentionally rogue. It is society has developed an

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activist judiciary. No one has tried to put a stop

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to it, and there's not been much intellectual thrust against it.

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And so I think an intelligent judge like Judge Boseburg,

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probably left leaning, believes in the power of the gavel

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and the judicial branch and is unwittingly going further than

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he should. I think he's acting in good faith. But

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let me tell you what I think the overall problem

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is in our thinking. Some of this is just the

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way the left thinks about things. That our major concern

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should be the poor, the downtrodden, or the people who

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are being marginalized, so to speak, and we have to

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protect them. And the problem with that is, at some

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point the larger body politics suffers. You can only extend

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so many rights to so many, again marginalized people like

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illegal immigrants, that the whole body politics suffers and we're

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doing things that we really shouldn't do that are really

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not appropriate. Let me give you an example here with

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this Judge Boseburg case with the deportations to El Salvador.

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If a person crosses the river the Rio Grande and

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the mortar patrol immediately catches him. Nobody would have any

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objections to the fact that you take him by the collar,

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waight across the river and shove him back over to Mexico.

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Nobody would say that's wrong. You don't have to have

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a judge, don't have to have a due process hearing,

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you know, you know, give him some soup and you know,

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put him in a nice place and wait for the

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judge to hear his case. You don't need to do that,

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and nobody would have any problem with that. You know,

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there's not really any right to do process because due

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process is about taking something. Due process applies to every

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person in the United States person. But the question is

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are you depriving somebody of something liberty or property without

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due process. In the situation I talked about, there's no

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liberty or property that that person has a right to,

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and therefore there really isn't much in the way of

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due process. Do him. But here's what happens. Now that

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same person stays over here for two years, gets away

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from the authorities, and now you try to do the

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exact same thing, take them and throw them across the river,

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so to speak. And now all of a sudden, oh gee,

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then we have to give him process. So it's well meaning.

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I think it really is well meaning. The perfect is

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the enemy of the good. Perfect due process and a

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perfect system where everybody gets their trial, everybody gets their

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day in court, just is not practical and it's not

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really required in my view by the Constitution, you know,

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decurate non minimis or whatever. It's non curate lex dominimus

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non curate lex is what I'm trying to say. The

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law does not concern itself with trifles, and we have

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trifling matters here of due process in my opinion. So

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now meanwhile, then, just by way of example, the plan

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ofs try to gain the system in the case in

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the Bozburg case by not filing a habeas corpus action.

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They tried to get around filing a habeas corpus action,

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which is proper remedy when somebody has been wrongfully detained

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or wrongfully deported. The reason they didn't file a habeas

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corpus action was they'd have to do that in Harlingen,

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Texas down there by the Rio Grande. They did want

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to do that. They want to come to Washington, d c.

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And have a liberal judge preside. So what they did

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is they challenged Donald Trump's proclamation. So what happens is

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it's an artificial get around of the of what the

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proper procedure should have been. Now Judge Bozburg has the case,

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and he makes these rulings and asks that the plane

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be sent back, and demands that the plane be sent

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back and so forth and so on. He shouldn't be

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hearing that case in the first place. It's an artificial

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basis to file the suit. And the Supreme Court held that.

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Supreme Court says, hey, this isn't the way you challenge this.

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You challenge it by habeas corpus, and it should have

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been in Harlingen. Judge, you are wrong. Now what happens is, yeah, well.

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Speaker 1: We definitely have a manipulation of the process then, and

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I think that's where the concern comes in. There was

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an interesting piece and I rarely say that an even

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keeled piece, and I more rarely say that in MSNBC

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recently written by Jessica Levinson columnists there it is about

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as even keeled as MSNBC can get. But it notes that,

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you know, we have a move that is going on

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in Congress to kind of end this judge shopping stuff.

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Senator Chuck Grassley others introduced a Senate bill to limit

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nationwide injunctions. Admitted, but he has admitted that neither party

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has been consistent when it comes to these kinds of things.

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In essence, you know, conservatives cheer when judges order, you know,

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issue orders this way against executive branch, the executive branch

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that they don't prefer. Liberals are now obviously doing the

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same thing again, So we have this on both sides.

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But as you mentioned, the problem is that it has

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become the duty, it seems, of these activist judges now

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in Washington, DC, but also elsewhere to come up with policy.

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I mean, in fact, aren't they indeed affecting policy? Are

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they overstepping their bounds when it comes to the other

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branches of government in our coequal form of governance?

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Speaker 2: Well, that's right. They are. And that's the problem with

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the nationwide injunction. And that's the problem with judge shopping,

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because once you bring up an issue that the judge

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really likes, oh boy, I've really wanted to weigh in

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on this. Now he declares a nationwide a nationwide injunction

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or a nationwide class he may need he may not

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need to declare a class action, just say his injunction

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as nationwide force. And now he's setting policy and so.

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And if you're dealing with things like due process, where

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there's not a written statute, it's his opinion about what

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due processes. It's his opinion. And so now the judge

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is really in the guise of being a judge, which

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one thinks of as interpreting the law. Interpreting the due

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process clause is like saying, okay, write a novel yourself

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and say it's part of the due process clause. It

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is something that is wholly within the creation of the court.

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And that's the problem, and that's the uh, that's the

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problem we have to deal with is how to how

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to put a stop to this. I think the best

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place to begin is with the Supreme Court. If they

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can take cases and really lay down law that really

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affects the lower courts and gives guideposts as to how

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and when, if at any time, a nationwide injunction should

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be issued and have some fairly strict guidelines so that

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now down below the lower courts get the message. But

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right now it's Katie bar the door. A lower court

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judge can do anything he wants and he's going to

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get his picture in the paper and as being an

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anti Trump guy. And recall back in twenty seventeen when

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this started, you know, these judges were hailed as being

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great heroes because they were resisting Trump. And the whole

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thing is a witch's preve it really is.

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Speaker 1: Yeah. I couldn't agree with you more on the point,

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and I think it's a critical point that the Supreme

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Court needs to weigh in and it needs to.

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Speaker 2: Do so quickly.

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Speaker 1: You know better than anybody how the wheels of justice

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turn in this country in so many cases. So I

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don't think we'll be looking at an expedient resolve to this,

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but the things are subject to change. Back to the

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immigration point, you mentioned due process, and it was I

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think we all can understand that notion. If someone crosses

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the Rio grant they're here illegally, you don't have to

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let them in. The laws as first and foremost, there

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is a process that you have to follow. If you're

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here illegally, you've already broken the law. But of course

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you have, you know, the gnashing of teeth and the

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moaning from the usual suspects and the accomplished media and

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the left after millions upon millions of illegal aliens were

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allowed into this country under the previous administration and that

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was not ever stopped. But the question at its core

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is this, do illegal immigrants, and it comes to breaking

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immigration law, do they have due process in the United

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States of America under the US Constitution.

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Speaker 2: Well, there are two ways to answer this. One is

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to say they don't because it is a matter of immigration,

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and in essence, if they shouldn't be here, they shouldn't

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have due process. Perhaps the better way to phrase it

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is their due process rights are very slight and slim

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because of what they're doing, and therefore you don't need

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a whole panoply of remedies and hearings and so forth.

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You can deport the people, send them across the river

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and say, look, if there's anything you want to challenge,

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you know, pay your fee and file your suit. That's

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really the way it should be. That is to say,

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you know what gives you a right? Do you immediately

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have some right once you make it across the river,

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And that should be so that you can force us,

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force the country to give you really an expensive proceeding.

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And that's one of the problems. We have what at

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least ten million illegals here but probably more like thirty million.

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Do each of them have their rights to their own

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a hearing, you know, in person hearing before we deport

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any of them? And I say no, I say, we're

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really stretching the due process clause beyond its intent. And

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I don't think. I know, logic says that, oh, well,

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you have to give everybody this hearing, But I don't

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think the original intent of the framers of the Constitution

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was to do that. The found fathers at the same

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time the constitutions issued, I think they're pretty tough on.

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Speaker 3: You.

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Speaker 2: Any kind of aliens that we deemed hostile or we

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deemed not welcome. I mean, this is really now. We

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allowed more unfettered immigration in the beginning of our country,

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of course, but of course now when people are coming

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in they're coming in in a hostile way against the

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interests in the United States, and I just think that

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their due process says rights are limited. So you know,

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I think we have to start thinking better.

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Speaker 3: It's time to embrace the suck once again. The Watched

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Out on Wall Street podcast with Chris Markowski. Every day

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Chris helps unpack the connection between politics and the economy

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and how it affects your wallet. Every stock market sell

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off different The media will tell you it's the end

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of the world. Don't believe it.

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Speaker 1: If you have an investment plan, you'll be just fine.

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Speaker 3: Whether it's happening in DC or down on Wall Street,

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it's affecting you financially.

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Speaker 2: Be informed.

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Speaker 3: Check out the Watchdout on Wall Street podcast with christ

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mccowski on Apple, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcasts.

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Speaker 1: And this is all branches of government. Of course, we

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have existing laws on the books. We've had them for

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a long time. They just haven't been followed. So it's

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not certainly always and immediately a matter of changes from Congress.

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It's a matter of the executive branch enforcing the existing laws.

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We didn't have that in this country for the four

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years previous to the Trump administration when it came to immigration.

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In fact, it was the policy of the Biden administration

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to have at the very least generously putting this very

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liberal policies on entry. Argue that we had really no

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order at all under the Biden administration, and I think

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that would be a good argument. But certainly, millions upon

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millions of people entered into this country, some of them

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on terrorist watch list as we know, many of them

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who have committed violent crimes in their countries of origin.

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The American people are definitely, according to the polling, on

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board of fixing the illegal immigration process. They're on board

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with deporting illegal immigrants. Yet the court at courts, at

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every turn, at least these judges involved are appealing to

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their interpretation of the constitution. What about the existing laws

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on the books? Do those not count?

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Speaker 2: Let me give you something that I see a sort

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of a dynamic. Obama when he's precident, he stretches his

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executive authority to say, look, because I'm in charge of

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law enforcement, that's an executive function. I'm going to delay action.

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So you have this DACAP, which is delayed action whatever

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it is, on these young illegal immigrants. I'm going to

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delay action, and everybody says, oh, that's so clever, Barack,

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that you're using your executive discretion to an essence, allow

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these young kids to stay here in the United States

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and be free of deportation. You didn't get a law

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from Congress, and you didn't even go to a judge

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to say this is okay. You used your unfettered executive

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discretion to do this. Biden then takes five hundred thousand

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people from Haiti and other places and flies them into

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the United States. That's solely a matter of executive discretion.

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There's no law that says this is okay. There's not

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a court that says it's okay. It's the executs of

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acting in an unfettered way. So let's assume that the presidents

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do have that power to do that. Why can't the

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next president use his discretion to take those people and

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remove them. Say okay, now i'm president, I'm not going

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to delay action anymore, and I'm going to deport some

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of these people, at least the ones I don't like

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or that are violating the law. Now, what happens when

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the government tries to deport somebody under DAKA The courts

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hold the rights have been created. In other words, now

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you need your due process hearing before you can take

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a DOCA person out of the country. You better have

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a damn good reason to do this. So the courts

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have now hold well, now the person has a right.

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Wait a second, does that person have a right? So

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an executive can create rights of a certain type through

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within the am but this authority, but the next executive

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can't undo those. Now there's something wrong with that. What

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that is is that's a tremendous bias in favor of

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what I would say rogue action by an executive. So

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the executive in this case Trump, that's trying to really

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enforce the law and make sure we have an orderly

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immigration process. He's now hamstrung because of course, are now

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sort of expanding the whole notion of due process and

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also what rights. Like I said, heer my example, if

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you come right over the river, you don't have a

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right yet, but now that you've been here for a while,

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now you have these vested rights. We're vesting rights in people.

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So in essence, at an activist executive can create rights,

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but a conservative of executive cannot undo them. And that

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doesn't seem to make sense, and we have to be

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practical about what due process rights one of these immigrants has.

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What have re vested in them? And I say nothing.

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They're here illegally. They should not be considered to have

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vested rights. Yes, perhaps a hearing somewhere sometime, somehow, but

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not necessarily a formal a formal of ceremonial of trial.

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Speaker 1: That is breathtaking and infuriating at the same time. The

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history that you just laid out, and that's exactly what's

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happened in this country over the last decade and a

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half or so more so. And it's disparate treatment is

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what it is. It's disparate treatment of the executive branch

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by the judicial branch. Some you know, some argue argued

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overstepping of the executive branch. If that's what the digital

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branch is arguing, is okay, as long as we you know,

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it's it's nice as you mentioned, or kind or however

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we want to view it. But once you have a

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president who says, listen, there's been a lot of damage

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done because of the previous executive actions. We're going to

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reverse those again. He has the power to do that

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under the you know, the arguments that the previous administrations

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were able to do that. Now he's all of a sudden,

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Adolf Hitler, you know, now, all of a sudden, this

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is a constitutional crisis. It is absolutely bewildering. But I

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think it plays out to what your book is all about,

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and I want to get to that in just a moment.

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Our guest today is former federal prosecutor John O'Connor, author

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of Postgate. Now the Washington Post betrayed Deep Throat, covered

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up Watergate, and began today's part as an advocacy journalism.

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He's also host of the Mysteries of Watergate show. You

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wrote this book because of the abuse of power going

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on in many spheres, but particularly in the so called

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fourth Estate. And I think about all of this in

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the context of the latest cause celeb for the usual

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suspects in corporate media, the so called Marilyn Man deported

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to El Salvador, according to all of the rhetoric that's

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gone on from the corporate press, kilmar Abrego Garcia, who

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we have found out now has had quite a criminal record,

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should never have been here in the first place. Now,

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all of a sudden, we have these federal judges awarding

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him all kinds of rights that don't really exist. But

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driving all of that are your folks at the Washington

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Post and the accomplice media who have told who have

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been extremely irresponsible in their telling of this story.

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Speaker 2: Now that's right. The liberal press that I would even

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call them liberal, the progressive press emphasizes these things, tries

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to make Trump look bad, but at the same time,

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really they hide the abuse that's occurred under politicians as

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they like. And that's a problem. And all the you know,

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the seemingly intelligent citizenry are not really told the truth,

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and they're making decisions based on imperfect information. Each citizen

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out there, even highly intelligent people, don't have time to

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research these things themselves and don't really understand what's going on.

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So the fourth estate is a big player in what

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we're talking about. They will emphasize the wrongdoing here with

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the Garcia. Oh this is so terrible how we're treating

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this man, but there's no emphasis on the broader picture

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and all the you know, the really unlawful activities of

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activist presidents. I mean, think about that, all the things

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that Biden did regarding just let's stick with immigration. But

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nobody shines a light on that when it happens. And

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now here Trump's trying to get rid of one guy

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who's a terrible guy. And I think anytime you're dealing

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with national security and the border, we're getting into that

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issue of to what extent does the executive have a

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realm of power that should not be reviewed or should

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be reviewed with great deference by the courts. That's really

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the way our systems should work in those matters. The

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court should either not review them or give, as Justice

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Roberts so well put it, judicial difference very politely. He

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expressed that. But it's been the tradition before modern times

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for courts to stay away from things that they considered

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political questions or there's a question of executive power versus

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a judicial power, to give deference to the executive. That's

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no longer there. And a lot of this is because

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of a media that considers itself part of the game.

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As Matt Taibe says, since Watergate, journalists have wanted to

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be behind the velvet rope. They've decided that they're job

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is to do what's right, to be activist, and once

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that happens, then it's your job to be on a

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team and really be a pr organ for the political

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view you espouse. And we're not getting good information from

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the fourth Estate, is what it amounts to.

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Speaker 1: Yeah, we've definitely seen that, and that's absolutely right. That's

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the most dangerous part about all of that as well,

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is that you have this true collusion that's going on.

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I mean, you need no more you need no better

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example of that than for previous years when the accomplice

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media as I like to call them, covered up for

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a president who simply did not have the cognitive abilities

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to lead this nation. And they have been on kind

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of an acceptance tour of that some of the books

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that we've seen from Jake Tapper and others, but many

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of them, you know, just doubled down, and they've doubled

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down and what they started to do in twenty seventeen

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their resistance movement against Donald Trump. But it's more than that.

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And I think you drive that home in your book

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with what happened with Woodward and Bernstein. You know, they

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became household names in Watergate. They're reporting at the Washington

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Post on Watergate. There were there were future there would

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be future generations of journalists who wanted to be the

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next Woodward and Bernstein. All of that, didn't we create

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out of Watergate, in particular, a star culture of the

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media that has been really a dangerous component to what

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we're talking about here.

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Speaker 2: That's right, we have. You know, it encourages Michael Isikovs

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of the world to make a big deal about the

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Kuran being flushed down the toilet and so forth. There's

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a constant effort to be the next Woodward in Bernstein

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and do something sensational. Think about this. As I point

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out on my book Postgate, the reporting in Watergate was deceptive.

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It seemed like it was factual, but it's very deceptive,

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much by concealing as to what was reported. It's the

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concealing deliberately that drove Richard Nixon from office unfairly. If

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you can affect a president, a sitting president that's been

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popularly elected by the in forty nine states, and you,

401
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as a journalist, two young guys can get rid of

402
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this president, think of the power you have. And that

403
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Watergate scenario is taught in journalism school. It puffs up

404
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what the role is of a journalist, and rather than

405
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calling balls and strikes and not being judgmental at all,

406
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but just recording facts and letting people decide for themselves.

407
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They've tried to shape public policy and public perceptions. So

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now let's take what happened in Watergate. And Watergate, clearly,

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the Washington Post covered up the fact that it was

410
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the CIA operation in Watergate, they had infiltrated the White

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House and that the target of the eavesdropping was the

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bordello down the street where the DNC was giving referrals

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to out of area politicians who are visiting and referred

414
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to the bordello. That's an entirely different cast on Watergate,

415
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but that was hidden from the public. And okay, now

416
00:29:53,839 --> 00:29:57,559
let's go fast forward to Trump. Now, they don't like Trump,

417
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and both the Posts and New York Times have admitted

418
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that there really were out after Trump because they're good

419
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and we know that Trump is bad. So what happens

420
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when this Russian collusion comes up? Russian collusion was something

421
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that was a dirty trick started by Hillary Clinton, specifically

422
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Jake Sullivan, to try to take attention away from Bernie

423
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Sanders and started this whole Russian collusion charge. Any reporter

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that wanted to could have shown that all the witnesses

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that supposedly supported Russian collusion were actually in bed with Putin.

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There were Putin's oligarchs. So if Putin was really conspiring

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with Donald Trump, would he allow all his people to

428
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expose his collusion with Donald Trump? Of course not. But

429
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Christopher Steele was a puppet of Dara Pasca, for example,

430
00:31:02,079 --> 00:31:06,839
Glenn Simpson was a puppet of Dennis Katziv, who's an oligarch.

431
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You have other people the same thing. You could look

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at this and in ten minutes of intelligent investigative reporting

433
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you would know that the Russian collusion thing could not

434
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possibly have been real. That if anything, it was a

435
00:31:23,359 --> 00:31:28,720
campaign between where Hillary got and John Brennan got the

436
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help of Russians to discredit Trump. And it was a terrible,

437
00:31:34,839 --> 00:31:38,759
terrible plot. And actually there was a Russian collusion, but

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it was between Hillary's campaign and the Russians, the different

439
00:31:45,759 --> 00:31:50,039
oligarchs and spies. Igor Danchenko was a Russian spy, Christopher

440
00:31:50,039 --> 00:31:54,000
Steele's big witness. All of this was easily shown. But

441
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yet what did the media do. The media hopped on

442
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the russianclusion narrative and tried to spin it for years.

443
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They wanted Trump, they wanted badly to show that Trump

444
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was a Russian puppet and so forth, And as in Watergate,

445
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if they got Trump, it would have been on a

446
00:32:15,680 --> 00:32:19,400
process crime and others. You claim that he's a Russian puppet,

447
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but then you hope he lies and you can get

448
00:32:22,720 --> 00:32:26,440
him on obstruction injustice, as they did with Richard Nixon.

449
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They got him on a little fairly technical obstruction of

450
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justice issue. But none of this is possible. My real

451
00:32:35,640 --> 00:32:38,359
point is, none of this is possible if you have

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an unbiased media. We would not be having these convulsions

453
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in our country. If you had an unbiased meeting, we

454
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wouldn't have had Watergate. Will at least Watergate would have

455
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been a much different scandal. I suppose we wouldn't have

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had Russian collusion, at least not in its form. We

457
00:33:00,200 --> 00:33:05,680
would have nailed Hillary for a dirty campaign trick and

458
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so forth. But if the truth were known, But the

459
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truth isn't known because the media feels so good about

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manufacturing things. So now we get to Biden, and of

461
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course they conceal the truth about Biden. They conceal not

462
00:33:21,000 --> 00:33:24,079
only is dementia, but they concealed the clear proof of

463
00:33:24,160 --> 00:33:27,039
his corruption. I mean, this is a corrupt man that's

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in a corrupt, demented man in the Oval office, and

465
00:33:32,839 --> 00:33:37,200
the media is out there cheerleading for him. So it's

466
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really what the media. It allows the politicians to get

467
00:33:42,200 --> 00:33:44,240
away with murder, is what it does if you're on

468
00:33:44,279 --> 00:33:46,960
the right side of the fence. If, on the other hand,

469
00:33:47,119 --> 00:33:51,440
you have the bad fortune of being a conservative. I mean,

470
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think about what happens to George Bush, who was really

471
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George W. Bush Bush too. He was really a hero

472
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in his response to nine to eleven and was just

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trashed for it.

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Speaker 1: It is interesting to think back on all of that

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history and to think about if Donald Trump were in

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the position in nineteen seventy three, seventy four when you

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have you know, the members of the leadership in Congress

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coming to his office and saying, I'm sorry, mister President,

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but you've lost to Congress. I can only imagine Donald

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Trump saying, get the hell out of my office. I

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got work to do. Richard Nixon took a different path. Now,

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you know, there are a lot of different things going on,

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but many similarities. You have a president now who simply

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doesn't care about and understands what the media is doing,

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understands what the left is doing through the media. But

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my final question, as it gets back to the judiciary again,

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nobody has been held accountable. Relatively few people have been

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held accountable for the crimes, the real corruption and crimes

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that you just laid out in recent years in this country,

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and yet the judiciary, an activist judiciary, is using that

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branch of government to criminalize the actions of the executive branch.

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Where do we go from here?

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Speaker 2: And back in Watergate, we still were gullible and trusting

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and the media reported things we believe the media today,

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we now at least have a more cynical, skeptical public

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who is not going to buy everything that's sold them.

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But where do we go from here? That is a

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real problem because we still have the judiciary criminalizing the

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executive branch. And really Prumpt's fight is a fight that

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had been engaged in earlier in our country's history, in

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which Thomas Jefferson insisted on certain executive branch rights, so

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did Andrew Jackson, so did Abraham Lincoln, and they fought

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the good fight. I think this fight is occurring again.

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To be fair, I'm not sure Trump always fights it judiciously,

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but he fights it, and good for him. But there

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is this ambit of executive action that we should cheer,

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especially when we really have had a foreign invasion. We've

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had thirty million people here that shouldn't do and that

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is a strain on our welfare system. It's not fair

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00:36:52,559 --> 00:36:56,039
to the people who really need welfare. We don't have

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unlimited resources. We've got tremendous death and the executive should

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be able to do something about that. And the judiciary

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is hamstringing them by having an overly generous view of

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due process and its ability to review executive action. There

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should be far more judicial difference, and I hope the

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Supreme Court starts lecturing the lower courts on judicial deference.

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We just can't do this. We can't have an executive

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that is hampered by constant, constant manacles forged to buy

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00:37:39,119 --> 00:37:45,719
the judiciary. So it's very interesting.

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00:37:46,840 --> 00:37:50,719
Speaker 1: At one final point, if I could, you know, put

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an exclamation point on what you just said. What about

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deference to the American people, the majority of Americans who

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voted for this president, this administration, and this majority in Congress.

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What about that difference?

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00:38:07,320 --> 00:38:10,719
Speaker 2: Well, that's what Andrew Jackson said. I'm the representative of

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00:38:11,239 --> 00:38:16,519
the people more than any other elected official. I represent

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the people as a whole in this country, and there

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00:38:20,239 --> 00:38:22,760
should be some difference to me as I'm trying to

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00:38:22,800 --> 00:38:25,880
do their will. And that's what's happening here. You have

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an elected president and we elected him to mainly one

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of the main reasons we elected him was to clear

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up this immigration problem, which is a serious, serious problem.

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And he's doing it the right way by getting the

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00:38:40,639 --> 00:38:45,159
bad guys the worst guys first, and the judiciary is

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just trying to hamstring him. And there should be a

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sense of that. And it is too bad that our

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00:38:53,559 --> 00:38:56,639
media is, as you say, you know, in the tank.

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Speaker 1: And I wish we would learn from history. We often

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fail to do. So you've laid it all out in

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your book. I think you can find the antecedents of

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that within your book. Very much appreciate your time today.

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00:39:12,159 --> 00:39:16,960
I always appreciate the historical perspective in looking at that

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00:39:17,639 --> 00:39:20,639
through that prism and the times in which we live.

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Thanks to my guest today, former federal prosecutor John O'Connor,

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00:39:25,360 --> 00:39:28,880
author of Postgate, How the Washington Post betrayed Deep throat,

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00:39:29,079 --> 00:39:34,239
covered up Watergate, and began today's partisan advocacy journalism. He's

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00:39:34,280 --> 00:39:38,400
also host of the Mysteries of Watergate. You've been listening

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00:39:38,400 --> 00:39:41,079
to another edition of The Federalist Radio Hour. I'm Matt Kittle,

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00:39:41,159 --> 00:39:44,639
Senior Elections correspondent at the Federalist. We'll be back soon

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00:39:44,679 --> 00:39:48,719
with more. Until then, stay lovers of freedom and anxious

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00:39:48,920 --> 00:39:49,480
for the fray.

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Speaker 3: Hear the Fameboys reason, and then they faded away.

