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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and Welcome to Western SIV, episode five hundred and nineteen.

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<v Speaker 1>Do you hear the people sing? In the summer of

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen thirty, Europe stirred again. Fifteen years had now passed

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<v Speaker 1>since the defeat of Napoleon, and the diplomats of the

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<v Speaker 1>Congress of Vienna had promised stability. Yeah, it's true. Monarchies

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<v Speaker 1>had been restored, borders had been returned to their original

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<v Speaker 1>position more or less, and revolution had been banished. But

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<v Speaker 1>beneath the polished surface of order, the continent remained restless.

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<v Speaker 1>As we talked about in a previous episode, industrialization was

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<v Speaker 1>starting to sweep the continent and cities were swelling. Ideas

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<v Speaker 1>were also circulating faster than armies ever had, and a

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<v Speaker 1>new generation, too young to remember the terror or the

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<v Speaker 1>Battle of Waterloo, was beginning to ask why kings got

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<v Speaker 1>to rule it all? And so the spark came, as

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<v Speaker 1>it often did, in the city of Paris in July

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<v Speaker 1>of eighteen thirty, King Charles the Tenth, stubbornly clinging to

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<v Speaker 1>the divine right and aristocratic privilege that he thought had

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<v Speaker 1>been restored, as with everything else, during the Congress of Vienna,

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<v Speaker 1>issued the July Ordinances. The July Ordinances dissolved the Chamber

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<v Speaker 1>of Deputes, the really only elected body of the French

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<v Speaker 1>government at that point. He restricted the press, and he

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<v Speaker 1>narrowed who was allowed to vote even further. And so

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<v Speaker 1>for three days Letois Lurias Paris positively erupted. Students, workers

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<v Speaker 1>and shopkeepers, tore up paving stones and raised barricades. The

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<v Speaker 1>tricolor flag, which had been banned since the days of Napoleon,

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<v Speaker 1>suddenly reappeared in the streets. Charles the tenth fled, and

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<v Speaker 1>once again the Bourbon monarchy found itself toppled. However, this

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<v Speaker 1>was not seventeen eighty nine. Once again, power did not

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<v Speaker 1>pass to the people, but to the liberal bourgeoisie. In

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<v Speaker 1>this case, the crown was offered to Louis Philippe, the

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<v Speaker 1>citizen king, who would rule not by the grace of God,

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<v Speaker 1>but as the king of the French. Louis Philippe Orleans

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<v Speaker 1>was born in Paris in seventeen seventy three into a

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<v Speaker 1>branch of the Bourbon family that was close enough to

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<v Speaker 1>the throne to enjoy its privileges, but far enough away,

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<v Speaker 1>luckily to feel its resentments. His father Louis Felippe the second,

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<v Speaker 1>the Duke of Orleans, was a prince of the blood

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<v Speaker 1>who styled himself as kind of a reformer, flirting with

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<v Speaker 1>the Enlightenment ideas and disastrously with revolution from the start.

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<v Speaker 1>The younger Louis Fleebey grew up in a household where

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<v Speaker 1>royalty and rebellion were constantly kind of rubbing shoulders altogether uneasily.

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<v Speaker 1>As a boy, his education was deliberately modern. Tutors emphasized science, languages,

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<v Speaker 1>and history over court etiquette. He learned English early, he

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<v Speaker 1>read Brousseau, and he absorbed the idea dangerous for a prince,

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<v Speaker 1>that monarchy might only survive if it adapted to the

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<v Speaker 1>will of the nation. These lessons wouldn't make him a revolutionary,

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<v Speaker 1>but they would critically make him a survivor. The French

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<v Speaker 1>Revolution tested that flexibility almost immediately in seventeen eighty nine,

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<v Speaker 1>when Paris exploded, Louis Fleebey was only sixteen years old.

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<v Speaker 1>Two years later, as France slid toward war, he joined

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<v Speaker 1>the revolutionary army, not as a court ornament but as

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<v Speaker 1>an actual officer, and in seventeen ninety two he fought

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<v Speaker 1>at the Battle of val May, the cannon smoked battle

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<v Speaker 1>that saved the Revolution from foreign invasion. It was an

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<v Speaker 1>extraordinary moment, a boorbomb prince standing in the ranks of

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<v Speaker 1>a Republican army, cheering the retreat of Prussian troops, and

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<v Speaker 1>for a time it looked like Louis Felipe might become

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<v Speaker 1>a new kind of royal, one forged by revolution rather

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<v Speaker 1>than crushed by it. But that hope did not last.

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<v Speaker 1>In seventeen ninety three, his commander, General du Morees, defected

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<v Speaker 1>to the Austrians. Though Louis Felipe had absolutely no part

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<v Speaker 1>in the burial, suspicion just clung to him and worse,

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<v Speaker 1>back in Paris, his father actually voted for the execution

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<v Speaker 1>of King Louis the sixteenth and renamed himself Felipe Egalite.

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<v Speaker 1>The gesture, however, did not save him, and he was

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<v Speaker 1>guillotined later that year. With his family named poison and

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<v Speaker 1>his safety gone, Louis Philippe fled France and exile became

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<v Speaker 1>a rather long apprenticeship for the young man. For the

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<v Speaker 1>next two decades, he lived as a wanderer, moving through Switzerland, Scandinavia,

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<v Speaker 1>and eventually the United states in America in the seventeen nineties,

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<v Speaker 1>he traveled the length of the Young Republic, down the

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<v Speaker 1>Ohio River, across the frontier, and through cities that still

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<v Speaker 1>smelled of fresh lumber and fresh ambition. He taught French

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<v Speaker 1>in classrooms just to get along. He lodged and modest ends,

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<v Speaker 1>and he learned firsthand what a society without an aristocratic

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<v Speaker 1>privilege actually looked like. It was not a Romantic democracy,

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<v Speaker 1>he admitted that, But it seemed practical and energetic, and

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<v Speaker 1>he never forgot that lesson. When Napoleon seized power in France,

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<v Speaker 1>Louis Philippe remained distant. He refused to serve the empire,

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<v Speaker 1>but he also avoided loud opposition. Instead, he just waited.

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<v Speaker 1>By the time the Romans were restored in eighteen fourteen,

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<v Speaker 1>he had become something rare among European princes, a man

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<v Speaker 1>who had lived like a commoner and who actually understood

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<v Speaker 1>the modern world. The restoration ultimately brought him home, but

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<v Speaker 1>not back into favor. King Louis the eighteenth tolerated him,

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<v Speaker 1>wary of his popularity and liberal reputation. Under his son

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<v Speaker 1>Charles the tenth, that weariness turned into open hostility. Louis

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<v Speaker 1>Felipe cultivated a careful image, neither reactionary nor radical. He

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<v Speaker 1>lived quietly at the Palais Royal, walked the streets of

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<v Speaker 1>Paris without excessive ceremony, dressed plainly, and presented himself as

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<v Speaker 1>the citizen prince. This was not humility so much as

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<v Speaker 1>it was a strategy. He knew that legitimacy in post

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<v Speaker 1>revolutionary France could no longer rest on divine right alone.

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<v Speaker 1>Throughout the eighteen twenties, he became a focal point for

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<v Speaker 1>liberal opposition. Journalists, bankers and constitutional monarchists whispered his name

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<v Speaker 1>as an alternative. He never openly plotted against Charles the Tenth,

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<v Speaker 1>but nor did he ever do anything to discourage the rumors.

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<v Speaker 1>And so he waited as he always had it. And then, ultimately,

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<v Speaker 1>as I mentioned in July of eighteen thirty, that patience

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<v Speaker 1>finally paid it off. Louis Felipe emerged just as Charles

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<v Speaker 1>the Tenth attempted an illiberal crackdown that cost him his throne.

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<v Speaker 1>He presented himself not as king by God's will, but

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<v Speaker 1>as a constitutional monarch would be chosen by the nation,

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<v Speaker 1>and he would be king of the French, not of France,

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<v Speaker 1>a subtle but profound shift in its meaning. Sovereignty, at

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<v Speaker 1>least in theory, flowed upward from the people, not downward

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<v Speaker 1>from heaven. His regime promised constitutionalism, property rights and order, liberty,

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<v Speaker 1>but not, of course democracy. France had changed its king,

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<v Speaker 1>but not a social hierarchy. Still, the July Revolution sent

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<v Speaker 1>a shockwave across Europe, proving that the Viennas system could

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<v Speaker 1>actually be challenged and beaten, because after all, it was

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<v Speaker 1>not Louis Philippe who had been restored to the throne.

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<v Speaker 1>Neder Niche's careful policies were starting to come undone, and

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<v Speaker 1>the aftershocks quickly rippled outward. In the southern Netherlands, Catholic

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<v Speaker 1>and French speaking Belgians revolted against Protestant Dutch rule. By

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<v Speaker 1>the end of eighteen thirty Belgium declared its independence, and in

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen thirty one Europe's great powers begrudgingly accepted a new

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<v Speaker 1>constitutional monarchy. It was the first successful national secession of

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<v Speaker 1>the post Napoleonic era, a dangerous precedent for a continent

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<v Speaker 1>stitched together from empires and dynasties. Britain, watching events on

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<v Speaker 1>the with a mixture of fear and fascination, ultimately chose

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<v Speaker 1>reform over revolution. As I mentioned before, the Peterloo Massacre

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<v Speaker 1>still lingered, and industrial cities like Manchester Birmingham still had

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<v Speaker 1>no parliamentary representation. In eighteen thirty two, Parliament passed the

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<v Speaker 1>Great Reform Act, expanding the electorate and redistributing seats. It

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<v Speaker 1>didn't necessarily create democracy, after all, most working class british

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<v Speaker 1>Men still couldn't vote, but it signaled something crucial. In Britain,

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<v Speaker 1>political pressures could lead to change without the rise of barricades. Elsewhere,

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<v Speaker 1>reformers took a harder line in Poland and elsewhere, rulers

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<v Speaker 1>took a harder line. In Poland, a nationalists uprising against

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<v Speaker 1>Russian rule in eighteen thirty to eighteen thirty one was

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<v Speaker 1>crushed with brutal efficiency. The Polish Constitution was abolished and

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<v Speaker 1>the country was absorbed ever more tightly into the Russian Empire.

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<v Speaker 1>The lesson was clear, reform depended not only on ideas,

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<v Speaker 1>but power and armies. In Germany and Italian lands, unrest

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<v Speaker 1>simmered rather than exploded in the early nineteenth century, as

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<v Speaker 1>Europe struggled to settle out for the fall of Napoleon.

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<v Speaker 1>Italy was not a nation, but it was a puzzle

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<v Speaker 1>of broken kingdoms. It was duchies, papal lands, and still

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<v Speaker 1>foreign possessions. The Congress of Vienna had restored old rulers

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<v Speaker 1>and old borders, but had never restored legitimacy to a

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<v Speaker 1>country yearning for its own nationhood. And it was in

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<v Speaker 1>that simmering heat that some really interesting secret societies start

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<v Speaker 1>to flourish. The most famous and most fear of these

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<v Speaker 1>was the Carbonari. The Carbonari took their name from charcoal burners,

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<v Speaker 1>men who worked in forests and mountains, living outside of society.

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<v Speaker 1>It was a perfect disguise. Like their namesake, the Carbonari

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<v Speaker 1>operated in the shadows, gathering in secluded places, speaking in

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<v Speaker 1>coded language and swearing elaborate oaths. Their rituals were theatrical,

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<v Speaker 1>often medieval. Honestly, if you look at them, initiations could

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<v Speaker 1>be by candlelight, symbols of fire and smoke, allegories of

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<v Speaker 1>tyranny and liberation. But honestly, beneath all the medieval pageantry

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<v Speaker 1>and drama, there was a real modern anger. The Carbonari

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<v Speaker 1>were not revolutionaries, and like the Jacobin sense right. They

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<v Speaker 1>didn't want to tear society down to its foundations. They

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<v Speaker 1>wanted a constitution, They wanted limits on royal power. They wanted,

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<v Speaker 1>especially an end to foreign domination, particularly Austrian domination in

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<v Speaker 1>northern Italy. And they wanted the fair rule of law.

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<v Speaker 1>These men were lawyers, army officers, minor nobles, and educated professionals.

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<v Speaker 1>They were men caught between two worlds. They were too

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<v Speaker 1>modern for absolutism, too cautious for radical democracy. Their moment

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<v Speaker 1>finally came in the wake of Napoleon's fall. During the

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<v Speaker 1>Napoleonic era, Italians had tasted centralized administration, legal quality, and

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<v Speaker 1>careers open to talent. When the old regimes returned after

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen fifteen, those gains vanished almost overnight. Censorship returned, constitutions

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<v Speaker 1>were revoked, Austrian troops marched openly through Lombardy and Venetia.

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<v Speaker 1>For many Italians, restoration didn't seem like peace at all.

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<v Speaker 1>It seemed like a return to suffocation, a return to subjugation,

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<v Speaker 1>and so in eighteen twenty and eighteen twenty one, the

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<v Speaker 1>Carbonari moved from conspiracy to action. In the Kingdom of

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<v Speaker 1>the Two Sicilies, officers linked to the society forced King

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<v Speaker 1>Ferdinand I to finally grant a constitution. For a brief

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<v Speaker 1>intoxicating moment, it seemed as though Italy might follow Spain

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<v Speaker 1>and Portugal down the path of constitutional reform, but that

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<v Speaker 1>dream collapsed just as quickly. Austrian armies intervened, crushed the

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<v Speaker 1>movement and restored absolutist rule. Executions, imprisonment, and exile quickly followed.

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<v Speaker 1>A similar fate met Carbonari inspired uprisings in Piedmont. The

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<v Speaker 1>pattern became grimly familiar, whispered meetings, sudden revolt, short lived success,

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<v Speaker 1>and then brutal, brutal repression. By the mid eighteen twenties,

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<v Speaker 1>the Carbinari were weakened, infiltrated and hunted men. Their secrecy

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<v Speaker 1>had protected them from the police, but it had also

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<v Speaker 1>limited their reach. They could ignite sparks, but they could

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<v Speaker 1>never sustain a general conflagration. But out of that failure

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<v Speaker 1>emerged something new. One of the men watching closely was

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<v Speaker 1>Giuseppe Nazzini born in genu One, eighteen oh five. Mazzini

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<v Speaker 1>had flirted briefly with the Carbonari as a young man,

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<v Speaker 1>and he had paid the price. Arrested in eighteen thirty

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<v Speaker 1>and imprisoned. He was released into exile, an experience that

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<v Speaker 1>would define his life. From abroad, he reflected bitterly on

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<v Speaker 1>what had gone wrong. The Carbonari, Mazzini concluded, were doomed

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<v Speaker 1>by their very nature. They were too secretive, too cautious,

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<v Speaker 1>too dependent on elites and military officers. They spoke in symbols,

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<v Speaker 1>is that of principles. Worst of all, they lacked a

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<v Speaker 1>clear vision of Italy itself. They wanted constitutions, yes, but

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<v Speaker 1>for what country and under what identity. In exile, Mizzini

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<v Speaker 1>began to imagine a different kind of movement, not a

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<v Speaker 1>secret societ wrapped in the throes of ritual but something

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<v Speaker 1>more open, a national mission grounded in moral purpose and

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<v Speaker 1>popular participation. And so in eighteen thirty one, in Marseilles,

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<v Speaker 1>he founded Young Italy. Young Italy was radical in the

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<v Speaker 1>way that the Carbonari had never been. Its goal was

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<v Speaker 1>explicit and uncompromising. It wanted a united, independent Italian republic,

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<v Speaker 1>no foreign rulers, no patchwork of states, no restored dynasties

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<v Speaker 1>softened by constitutions. Italy, Menzini insisted, was not merely a

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<v Speaker 1>geographic region. It was a nation with its own destiny.

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<v Speaker 1>The movement rejected propaganda secrecy. Instead of whispered oaths, Young

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<v Speaker 1>Italy used pamphlets, newspapers, manifestos. Mizzini wrote endlessly, passionately, framing

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<v Speaker 1>nationalism as a moral duty. He believed were instruments of

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<v Speaker 1>human progress, each with a role assigned by providence. Italians

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<v Speaker 1>divided and humiliated had a sacred obligation to rise, not

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<v Speaker 1>for material gain, but for the soul of humanity. Young

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<v Speaker 1>Italy targeted the young deliberately, students, artisans, junior officers, people

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<v Speaker 1>with energy and little to lose. It encouraged insurrection not

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<v Speaker 1>as a coup by elites, but as a popular uprising.

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<v Speaker 1>Where the Cobbinari had feared mass politics, Mizzini embraced it

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<v Speaker 1>now yet honestly, in practice, I hate to say it,

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<v Speaker 1>but Young Italy didn't fare hardly any better than its predecessor,

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<v Speaker 1>of the Carbonari insurrections in the early eighteen thirties. All

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<v Speaker 1>failed leaders were arrested, supporters were executed. Mazzini himself lived

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<v Speaker 1>a life perpetual exile, pursued by police and mocked by monarchs.

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<v Speaker 1>To many contemporaries, he seemed a romantic failailure, brilliant sincere,

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<v Speaker 1>but totally impracticable. But here's the thing, guys ideas sometimes

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<v Speaker 1>they have long lives. The Carbonari had cracked the facade

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<v Speaker 1>of restored absolutism. They proved that resistance was possible, that

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<v Speaker 1>constitutions could be demanded at gunpoint, even briefly. Young Italy

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<v Speaker 1>transformed that resistance into something larger, more enduring, a national ideology.

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<v Speaker 1>Where the Carbonari whispered about reform, Mazzini shouted about unity.

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<v Speaker 1>Where they sought concessions, he demanded transformation. And together they

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<v Speaker 1>marked the opening chapters of a period of Italian history

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<v Speaker 1>that will get into later called the resor Jimiento, the reorganization.

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<v Speaker 1>The Carbonari had first lit these fires in secrets, and

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<v Speaker 1>now Young Italy would carry the flame into the streets. Unification,

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<v Speaker 1>though still decades away, had been written, and it would

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<v Speaker 1>not be erased. In the German Confederation, similar tensions emerged

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<v Speaker 1>the Humback Festival of eighteen thirty two, through tens of

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<v Speaker 1>thousands waving black, red and gold banners, colors that symbolized

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<v Speaker 1>a united German nation. Speakers likewise demanded constitutional governments, civil liberties,

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<v Speaker 1>and national unity. But the response, in this case from

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<v Speaker 1>conservative rulers was swift. There was censorship tightening, student groups

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<v Speaker 1>were simply dissolved, and police surveillance was expanded everywhere. The

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<v Speaker 1>message was unmistakable. Dreams of unity in Germany would not

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<v Speaker 1>be tolerated, at least for the moment. By the eighteen forties,

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<v Speaker 1>Europe was changing faster, honestly than its political systems could absorb.

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<v Speaker 1>Railways now crisscrossed the continent, collapsing distances and accelerating commerce.

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<v Speaker 1>Factories were drawing millions into cities where housing was cramped,

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<v Speaker 1>wages low, and disease common. A new social class, the

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<v Speaker 1>industrial working class, was growing and it was increasingly aware

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<v Speaker 1>of itself. Economic hardship sharpened political tension. Poor harvests in

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<v Speaker 1>the mid eighteen forties drove up food prices while industrial

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<v Speaker 1>downturns threw thousands out of work. And then in Britain,

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<v Speaker 1>the Chartist movement demanded universal mail, suffrage and secret ballots.

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<v Speaker 1>And it's worth kind of digging into this for a

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<v Speaker 1>moment because I think it's indicative of what's going on

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<v Speaker 1>in Europe at the time. There were a lot of

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<v Speaker 1>contradictions right now in the British political system. You know,

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<v Speaker 1>we're talking about an industrialized nation that's honestly governed by

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<v Speaker 1>a political system that excludes most of the people who

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<v Speaker 1>made it run because it just hadn't been a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of changes to Britain's political systems since the Middle Ages,

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<v Speaker 1>and out of those contradictions emerged the Chartist movement, which

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<v Speaker 1>was the first mass working class political movement in modern

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<v Speaker 1>British history. Chartism was born in the eighteen thirties, a decade,

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<v Speaker 1>to be honest with you, deep disappointment. The Reform Act

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<v Speaker 1>that I mentioned earlier of eighteen thirty two had promised changed,

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<v Speaker 1>but for working people it delivered very little. Rotten boroughs disappeared,

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<v Speaker 1>and the middle class gained new political power, yet the

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<v Speaker 1>vast majority of adult men, especially industrial workers, remained voteless.

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<v Speaker 1>At the same time, industrialization was reshaping human life, long hours,

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<v Speaker 1>dangerous factories, child labor, and economic cycles of boom and

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<v Speaker 1>bust produced insecurity rather than prosperity. When the Poor Laws

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<v Speaker 1>were reformed in eighteen thirty four, were placing outdoor relief

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<v Speaker 1>with grim workhouses. Many workers concluded that Parliament governed against them,

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<v Speaker 1>not for them. The response was not immediate, rebellion, but

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<v Speaker 1>an organization. In eighteen thirty eight, a group of reformers

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<v Speaker 1>drafted a short document that would give the movement its name,

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<v Speaker 1>the People's Charter. It contained six demand simple and radical

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<v Speaker 1>in their implications. They wanted universal mail suffrage, secret ballots,

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<v Speaker 1>equal electoral districts, payment for members of parliament, annual parliaments,

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<v Speaker 1>and the abolition of property qualifications for members of parliament.

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<v Speaker 1>None of these proposals addressed wages, food prices, or factory

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<v Speaker 1>hours directly, but together they struck at the heart of

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<v Speaker 1>political power. The message was unmistakable. Social reform was impossible

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<v Speaker 1>without political democracy. Chartism spread rapidly because it spoke the

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<v Speaker 1>language of injustice that working people already understood. Mass meetings

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<v Speaker 1>filled open fields and town squares. Petitions were circulating in factories,

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<v Speaker 1>hubs and workshops. Newspapers carried Chartist arguments into homes that

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<v Speaker 1>had never before seen political writing aimed at them. Leaders

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<v Speaker 1>such as Fergus O'Connor gave the movement a fiery public face,

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<v Speaker 1>while quieter organizations built local associations across Britain. When made

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<v Speaker 1>the Chartism revolutionary was not violence, but it was the

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<v Speaker 1>sheer scale honestly. For the first time, there were hundreds

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<v Speaker 1>of thousands of working men acting together as one political class.

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<v Speaker 1>They didn't ask for favors, they claimed rights. Parliament was

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<v Speaker 1>inundated with petitions bearing millions of signatures, an unprecedented assertion

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<v Speaker 1>of popular sovereignty. The state, however, was not impressed. The

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<v Speaker 1>first Great Chartist petition in eighteen thirty nine, was rejected

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<v Speaker 1>overwhelmingly by the House of Commons. Frustrations billed into unrest.

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<v Speaker 1>In Newport, Wales, armed Chartist clash with troops in an

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<v Speaker 1>uprising that edited in bloodshed and executions. Elsewhere, strikes and

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<v Speaker 1>demonstrations rattled authorities, Yet the movement remained divided over strategy.

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<v Speaker 1>Some believed simple moral force, peaceful persuasion, and political pressure

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<v Speaker 1>would bring the day. Others argued for physical force, convinced

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<v Speaker 1>that power would never healed without coercion, and that division

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<v Speaker 1>haunted Chartism throughout its life. Despite setbacks, the movement endured.

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<v Speaker 1>A second petition in eighteen forty two carried even more signatures,

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<v Speaker 1>only to be rejected again same year. Economic depression triggered

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<v Speaker 1>the plug plot strikes, as workers pulled plugs from factory

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<v Speaker 1>boilers to halt production. Once more. Repression followed arrests, transportation, imprisonment,

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<v Speaker 1>but Chartism, for a little bit at least, refused to die.

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<v Speaker 1>Its final great moment came in eighteen forty eight, a

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<v Speaker 1>year when revolution swept across Europe. In Britain, chartists planned

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<v Speaker 1>a massive demonstration at Kennington Common, accompanied by another petition,

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<v Speaker 1>this one claiming nearly six million signatures. The government panicked quietly,

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<v Speaker 1>mobilizing troops and enrolling special constables. When the day came,

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<v Speaker 1>the demonstration was peaceful and the petition, once examined, proved inflated.

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<v Speaker 1>Parliament rejected it again, and the movement never recovered its

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<v Speaker 1>former momentum. By the early eighteen fifties, Chartism had faded.

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<v Speaker 1>None of its six points had become law, and to

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<v Speaker 1>many contemporaries it looked like a failure. But history judged

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<v Speaker 1>it differently. Chartism changed Britain by changing political expectations. It

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<v Speaker 1>normalized the idea that working people belonged in national politics.

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<v Speaker 1>It trained a generation and organization debate and protest, and

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<v Speaker 1>over time, slowly, grudgingly, almost every single Chartist demand became law.

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<v Speaker 1>Secret ballots finally came in eighteen seventy two, property qualifications

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<v Speaker 1>slowly vanished, members of parliament were paid, electoral districts were reformed,

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<v Speaker 1>and universal mail suffrage followed by the early twentieth century. Still,

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<v Speaker 1>Chartism failed in the short term because Britain's rulers simply

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<v Speaker 1>refused to yield. It succeeded in the long term because

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<v Speaker 1>industrialization and changed to society made opposition to it quite

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<v Speaker 1>frankly untenable. The movement ultimately proved that democracy was not

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<v Speaker 1>a gift bestowed from above, but a demand built from below.

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<v Speaker 1>Now back on the continent, socialist ideas were actually gaining traction,

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<v Speaker 1>and that brings us to another actor in our story,

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<v Speaker 1>Karl Marx. Karl Marx was born in eighteen eighteen in

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<v Speaker 1>the quiet Rhineland town of Trier, a place that looked

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<v Speaker 1>ancient but lived under modern pressures. Roman ruins actually were

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<v Speaker 1>directly next to Prussian bureaucratic offices. Catholic tradition co existed

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<v Speaker 1>uneasily with Enlightenment rationalism. Marx's family embodied these tensions. His father,

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<v Speaker 1>Henrik Marx, was a lawyer, Jewish by birth Lutheran by conversion,

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<v Speaker 1>who embraced both Voltaire and Kant with the fervor of

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<v Speaker 1>a man who believed reason could liberate society from him.

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<v Speaker 1>Karl inherited both skepticism towards its authority at a confidence

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<v Speaker 1>in the power of ideas. And we know that Marx

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<v Speaker 1>was a difficult child, but brilliant, sharp tongued, restless, and

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<v Speaker 1>impatient with convention. At the University of Bong and later Berlin,

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<v Speaker 1>he immersed himself in philosophy, particularly the work of Heigel.

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<v Speaker 1>But Marx was never content to admire systems from a distance.

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<v Speaker 1>He wanted to expose their contradictions. He wanted to open

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<v Speaker 1>up the machine and show everybody how it worked. While

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<v Speaker 1>his peers debated metaphysics, Marx sharpened his talents for polenic,

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<v Speaker 1>learning how to argue not just persuasively, but honestly, a

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<v Speaker 1>little mercilessly. In Berlin, he fell in with the young Hegelians,

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<v Speaker 1>radical intellectuals who used Hegel's philosophy to critique religion, monarchy,

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<v Speaker 1>and tradition. Marx quickly emerged as one of the most

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<v Speaker 1>aggressive voices among them. But even there he was dissatisfied philosophy.

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<v Speaker 1>He started to suspect, explained the world brilliantly and never

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<v Speaker 1>changed it, and so the realization pushed him towards journalism.

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<v Speaker 1>In eighteen forty two, Marx became the editor of the

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<v Speaker 1>reichland Zetunde, a liberal newspaper published in Cologne. For the

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<v Speaker 1>first time, his ideas collided directly with political reality. Writing

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<v Speaker 1>on censorship, poverty, land rights, and the plight of the

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<v Speaker 1>rural poor, Marx discovered the limits of abstract liberalism. Prussian

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<v Speaker 1>officials did not argue with his logic, they just shut

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<v Speaker 1>the paper down. The experience radicalized him. If rational criticism

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<v Speaker 1>could be silent so easily, perhaps the problem wasn't bad policies,

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<v Speaker 1>but it was the structure of the system itself. Forced

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<v Speaker 1>into exile, Marx moved to Paris in eighteen forty three,

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<v Speaker 1>and there, amid the cafes, his thinking transformed. Paris exposed

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<v Speaker 1>him to socialism not as a philosophy, but as a

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<v Speaker 1>lived experience. He met with workers, artisans, and revolutionary who

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<v Speaker 1>spoke not of ideas but of hunger, wages, and exploitation.

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<v Speaker 1>It was also in Paris that Marx met the man

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<v Speaker 1>who would become his lifelong collaborator, Friedrich Engels. Angeles was

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<v Speaker 1>everything that Marx was not He was financially secure, socially graceful,

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<v Speaker 1>and already emerged in the reality of industrial capitalism through

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<v Speaker 1>his family's textile business. Yet intellectually they were two peas

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<v Speaker 1>in a pod. Angles brought empirical observation, factories, slums, labor conditions,

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<v Speaker 1>Marx brought theoretical firepower. Together they forged a new understanding

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<v Speaker 1>of society history, driven not by ideals alone, but by

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<v Speaker 1>material conditions and class struggle. By the mid eighteen forties,

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<v Speaker 1>Marx's thinking had hardened into coherent worldview. He rejected utopian

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<v Speaker 1>socialism as naive and liberal reform as insufficient. Capitalism, he argued,

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<v Speaker 1>was not unjust because of moral failure. It was unjust

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<v Speaker 1>because exploitation was the foundation of capital's very structure. The

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<v Speaker 1>bourgeois didn't choose to exploit, they had to in order

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<v Speaker 1>to survive in the system within which they controlled. Workers, meanwhile,

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<v Speaker 1>were alienated from their labor, from their products, and ultimately

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<v Speaker 1>from themselves. Prussian pressure followed Marx even into exile. In

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen forty five, he was expelled from France and settled

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<v Speaker 1>in Brussels, where he continued writing and organizing, and here

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<v Speaker 1>his tone sharpened, gone was any lingering faith in the

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<v Speaker 1>idea that gradual reform could work. Revolution, Marx now believed,

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<v Speaker 1>was not only inevitable, it was necessary. Class conflict was

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<v Speaker 1>not a tragic deviation from history, was actually the engine

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<v Speaker 1>that drove everything. And as Europe drifted towards crisis in

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<v Speaker 1>the late eighteen forties, Marx found himself increasingly at the

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<v Speaker 1>center of radical networks. When a small group called the

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<v Speaker 1>Communist League asked him to draft a statement of principles,

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<v Speaker 1>he jumped at it. The result that was published in

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<v Speaker 1>February of eighteen forty eight was the Communist Manifesto. It

401
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<v Speaker 1>opened not with a cautious argument, but with a challenge quote,

402
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<v Speaker 1>a specter is haunting Europe, the Specter of Communism. And

403
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<v Speaker 1>a few explosive pages, Marx and Engles laid out their

404
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<v Speaker 1>vision of history as a succession of class struggles, culminating

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<v Speaker 1>in a conflict between the bourgeoisie and the proletariats. Capitalism,

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<v Speaker 1>they argued, had created its own grave diggers. The working

407
00:31:44.319 --> 00:31:49.359
<v Speaker 1>class would overthrow the system and would build a classless society.

408
00:31:50.000 --> 00:31:52.839
<v Speaker 1>And as we will see in future episodes, the timing

409
00:31:53.559 --> 00:31:58.119
<v Speaker 1>was perfect. Now. Meanwhile, while this was going on Europe's

410
00:31:58.119 --> 00:32:02.920
<v Speaker 1>conservative guardians, figures like meta Niche believe that repression could

411
00:32:03.039 --> 00:32:09.480
<v Speaker 1>still preserve order. Metternich's system of censorship, surveillance, and alliance

412
00:32:09.519 --> 00:32:13.880
<v Speaker 1>building had kept revolution at base since eighteen fifteen, but

413
00:32:14.000 --> 00:32:17.720
<v Speaker 1>by the late eighteen forties it was clear that fear

414
00:32:17.839 --> 00:32:22.759
<v Speaker 1>alone could no longer hold back the demand for constitutions, nations,

415
00:32:22.799 --> 00:32:26.880
<v Speaker 1>and social justice. By the eve of eighteen forty eight,

416
00:32:27.559 --> 00:32:32.559
<v Speaker 1>Europe was a consonant in the change. Liberalism had won

417
00:32:32.640 --> 00:32:39.000
<v Speaker 1>some partial victories, nationalism earned without fulfillment, and industrial capitalism

418
00:32:39.240 --> 00:32:44.200
<v Speaker 1>had now created massive inequalities and new political actors. Yeah,

419
00:32:44.240 --> 00:32:48.079
<v Speaker 1>that's true. Kings still sat on their thrones, but their

420
00:32:48.160 --> 00:32:54.599
<v Speaker 1>legitimacy was wearing thin. Next time, when revolution finally comes

421
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<v Speaker 1>in eighteen forty eight, honestly, it doesn't erupt from nowhere.

422
00:32:58.960 --> 00:33:02.559
<v Speaker 1>It's the release of pressures that have been building steadily

423
00:33:02.599 --> 00:33:05.160
<v Speaker 1>since eighteen thirty And I hope this episode has sort

424
00:33:05.160 --> 00:33:09.000
<v Speaker 1>of emphasized a lot of those changes, a lot of

425
00:33:09.039 --> 00:33:14.640
<v Speaker 1>those that gunpowder barrel that's just being steadily and slowly packed,

426
00:33:15.759 --> 00:33:19.839
<v Speaker 1>and in eighteen forty eight it all explodes and will

427
00:33:19.839 --> 00:33:23.720
<v Speaker 1>be a reminder at the age of barricades is far

428
00:33:24.400 --> 00:33:24.920
<v Speaker 1>from over.
