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<v Speaker 1>Chapter sixteen of Considerations on Representative Government. This LibriVox recording

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<v Speaker 1>is in the public domain. Considerations on Representative Government by

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<v Speaker 1>John Stuart Mill, Chapter sixteen of Nationality as connected with

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<v Speaker 1>Representative Government. A portion of mankind may be said to

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<v Speaker 1>constitute a nationality if they are united among themselves by

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<v Speaker 1>common sympathies which do not exist between them and any others,

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<v Speaker 1>which make them co operate with each other more willingly

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<v Speaker 1>than with other people, desire to be under the same government,

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<v Speaker 1>and desire that it should be government by themselves or

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<v Speaker 1>a portion of themselves exclusively. This feeling of nationality may

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<v Speaker 1>have been generated by various causes. Sometimes it is the

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<v Speaker 1>effect of identity of race and descent, community of language,

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<v Speaker 1>and community of religion greatly contribute to it. Geographical limits

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<v Speaker 1>are one of its causes, but the strongest of all

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<v Speaker 1>is identity of political antecedents, the possession of a national

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<v Speaker 1>history and consequent community of recollections, collective pride and humiliation,

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<v Speaker 1>pleasure and regret connected with the same incidents in the past.

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<v Speaker 1>None of these circumstances, however, are either indispensable or necessarily

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<v Speaker 1>sufficient by themselves. Switzerland has a strong sentiment of nationality,

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<v Speaker 1>though the Cantons are of different races, different languages, and

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<v Speaker 1>different religions. Sicily has hitherto felt itself quite distinct in

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<v Speaker 1>nationality from Naples, notwithstanding identity of religion, almost identity of language,

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<v Speaker 1>and a considerable amount of common historical antecedents. The Flemish

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<v Speaker 1>and the Walloon provinces of Belgium, notwithstanding diversity of race

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<v Speaker 1>and language, have a much greater feeling of common nationality

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<v Speaker 1>than the former have with Holland, or the latter with France.

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<v Speaker 1>Yet in general the national feeling is proportionally weakened by

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<v Speaker 1>the failure of any of the causes which contribute to

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<v Speaker 1>identity of language, literature, and to some extent, of race.

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<v Speaker 1>And recollections have maintained the feeling of nationality and considerable

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<v Speaker 1>strength among the different portions of the German name, though

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<v Speaker 1>they have at no time been really united under the

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<v Speaker 1>same government. But the feeling has never reached to making

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<v Speaker 1>the separate states desire to get rid of their autonomy.

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<v Speaker 1>Among Italians, an identity far from complete of language and literature,

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<v Speaker 1>combined with a geographical position which separates them by a

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<v Speaker 1>distinct line from other countries, and perhaps more than everything else,

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<v Speaker 1>the possession of a common name, which makes them all

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<v Speaker 1>glory in the past. Achievements in arts, arms, politics, religious primacy, science,

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<v Speaker 1>and literature of any who share the same designation give

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<v Speaker 1>rise to an amount of national feeling in the population, which,

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<v Speaker 1>though still imperfect, has been sufficient to produce the great

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<v Speaker 1>events now passing before us, notwithstanding a great mixture of races,

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<v Speaker 1>and although they have never, in either ancient or modern

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<v Speaker 1>history been under the same government, except while that government

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<v Speaker 1>extended or was extending itself over the greater part of

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<v Speaker 1>the known world, where the sentiment of nationality exists in

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<v Speaker 1>any force, there is a primafacee case for uniting all

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<v Speaker 1>the members of the nationality under the same government, and

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<v Speaker 1>a government to themselves apart. This is merely saying that

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<v Speaker 1>the question of government ought to be decided by the governed.

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<v Speaker 1>One hardly knows what any division of the human race

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<v Speaker 1>should be free to do, if not to determine with

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<v Speaker 1>which of the various collective bodies of human beings they

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<v Speaker 1>choose to associate themselves. But when a people are ripe

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<v Speaker 1>for free institutions, there is a still more vital consideration.

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<v Speaker 1>Free institutions are next to impossible in a country made

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<v Speaker 1>up of different nationalities. Among a people without fellow feeling,

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<v Speaker 1>especially if they read and speak different languages, the united

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<v Speaker 1>public opinion necessary to the working of representative government cannot egg.

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<v Speaker 1>The influences which form opinions and decide political acts are

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<v Speaker 1>different in the different sections of the country. In altogether

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<v Speaker 1>different set of leaders have the confidence of one part

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<v Speaker 1>of the country and of another. The same books, newspapers, pamphlets,

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<v Speaker 1>speeches do not reach them. One section does not know

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<v Speaker 1>what opinions or what instigations are circulating in another. The

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<v Speaker 1>same incidents, the same acts, the same system of government

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<v Speaker 1>affect them in different ways, and each fears more injury

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<v Speaker 1>to itself from the other nationalities than from the common arbiter,

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<v Speaker 1>the state. Their mutual antipathies are generally much stronger than

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<v Speaker 1>jealousy of the government. That any one of them feels

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<v Speaker 1>aggrieved by the policy of the common ruler is sufficient

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<v Speaker 1>to determine another to support that policy. Even if all

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<v Speaker 1>are aggrieved, none feel that they can rely on the

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<v Speaker 1>others for fidelity. In a joint resistance, the strength of

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<v Speaker 1>none is sufficient to resist alone, and each may readasonably

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<v Speaker 1>think that it consults its own advantage, most by bidding

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<v Speaker 1>for the favor of the government against the rest. Above all,

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<v Speaker 1>the grand and only reliable security in the last resort

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<v Speaker 1>against the despotism of the government, is in that case

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<v Speaker 1>wanting the sympathy of the army with the people. The

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<v Speaker 1>military are the part of every community in whom, from

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<v Speaker 1>the nature of the case, the distinction between their fellow

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<v Speaker 1>countrymen and foreigners is the deepest and strongest. To the

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<v Speaker 1>rest of the people. Foreigners are merely strangers to the soldier.

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<v Speaker 1>They are men against whom he may be called at

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<v Speaker 1>a week's notice to fight for life or death. The

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<v Speaker 1>difference to him is that between friends and enemies. We

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<v Speaker 1>may almost say between fellow men and another kind of animals.

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<v Speaker 1>For as respects the enemy, the only law is that

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<v Speaker 1>of force, and the only mitigation the same as in

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<v Speaker 1>the case of other animals that of simple humanity. Soldiers

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<v Speaker 1>to whose feelings half or three fourths of the subject

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<v Speaker 1>of the same government, our foreigners will have no more

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<v Speaker 1>scruple in mowing them down, and no more desire to

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<v Speaker 1>ask the reason why, than they would have in doing

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<v Speaker 1>the same thing against declared enemies. An army composed of

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<v Speaker 1>various nationalities has no other patriotism than devotion to the flag.

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<v Speaker 1>Such armies have been the executioners of liberty through the

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<v Speaker 1>whole duration of modern history. The sole bond which holds

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<v Speaker 1>them together is their officers and the government which they serve,

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<v Speaker 1>And their only idea, if they have any of public duty,

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<v Speaker 1>is obedience to orders. A government, thus, supported by keeping

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<v Speaker 1>its Hungarian regiments in Italy and its Italian in Hungary,

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<v Speaker 1>can long continue to rule in both places with the

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<v Speaker 1>iron rod of foreign conquerors. If it be said that

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<v Speaker 1>so broadly marked a distinction between what is due to

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<v Speaker 1>a fellow countryman and what is due merely to a

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<v Speaker 1>human creature is more worthy of savages than of civilized beings,

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<v Speaker 1>and ought with the utmost energy to be contented. No

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<v Speaker 1>one holds that opinion more strongly than myself. But this object,

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<v Speaker 1>one of the worthiest to which human endeavor can be directed,

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<v Speaker 1>can never, in the present state of civilization, be promoted

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<v Speaker 1>by keeping different nationalities of anything like equivalent strength under

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<v Speaker 1>the same government. In a barbarous state of society, the

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<v Speaker 1>case is sometimes different. The government may then be interested

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<v Speaker 1>in softening the antipathies of the races that peace may

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<v Speaker 1>be preserved on the country more easily governed. But when

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<v Speaker 1>there are either free institutions or a desire for them

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<v Speaker 1>in any of the peoples artificially tied together, the interest

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<v Speaker 1>of the government lies in an exactly opposite direction. It

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<v Speaker 1>is then interested in keeping up and envenoming their antipathies,

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<v Speaker 1>that they may be prevented from coalescing, and it may

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<v Speaker 1>be enabled to use some of them as tools for

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<v Speaker 1>the enslavement of others. The Austrian court has now for

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<v Speaker 1>a whole generation made these tactics its principal means of government,

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<v Speaker 1>with what fatal success at the time of the Vienna

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<v Speaker 1>Insurrection and the Hungarian contest, the world knows too well. Haply,

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<v Speaker 1>there are now signs that improvement is too far advanced

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<v Speaker 1>to permit this policy to be any longer successful. For

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<v Speaker 1>the preceding reasons, it is in general a necessary condition

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<v Speaker 1>of free institutions that the boundaries of governments should coincide

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<v Speaker 1>in the main with those of nationalities. But several considerations

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<v Speaker 1>are liable to conflict in practice with this general principle.

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<v Speaker 1>In the first place, its application is often precluded by

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<v Speaker 1>geographical hindrances There are parts even of Europe in which

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<v Speaker 1>different nationalities are so locally intermingled that it is not

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<v Speaker 1>practicable for them to be under separate governments. The population

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<v Speaker 1>of Hungary is composed of Magyars, Slovaks, Croats, Serbs, Roumans,

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<v Speaker 1>and in some districts Germans, so mixed up as to

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<v Speaker 1>be incapable of local separation, and there is no course

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<v Speaker 1>open to them but to make a virtue of necessity

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<v Speaker 1>and reconcile themselves to living together under equal rights and laws.

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<v Speaker 1>Their community of servitude, which dates only from the destruction

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<v Speaker 1>of Hungarian independence in eighteen forty nine, seems to be

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<v Speaker 1>ripening and disposing them for such an equal union. The

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<v Speaker 1>German colony of East Prussia is cut off from Germany

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<v Speaker 1>by part of the ancient Poland, and, being too weak

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<v Speaker 1>to maintain separate independence, must, if geographical continuity is to

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<v Speaker 1>be maintained, be either under a non German government, or

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<v Speaker 1>the intervening Polish territory must be under a German one.

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<v Speaker 1>Another considerable region in which the dominant element of the

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<v Speaker 1>population is German, the provinces of Kurland, Esthonia and Livonia,

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<v Speaker 1>is condemned by a local situation to form part of

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<v Speaker 1>a Slavonian state. In eastern Germany itself there is a

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<v Speaker 1>large Slavonic population. Bohemia is principally Slavonic, Silesia and other

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<v Speaker 1>districts parti. So the most united country in Europe, France

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<v Speaker 1>is far from being homogeneous independently of the fragments of

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<v Speaker 1>foreign nationalities at its remote extremities. It consists, as language

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<v Speaker 1>and history prove of two portions, one occupied almost exclusively

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<v Speaker 1>by a Gallo Roman population, while in the other the Frankish,

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<v Speaker 1>Burgundian and other Teutonic races form a considerable ingredient when

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<v Speaker 1>proper allowance has been made for geographical exigencies, another more

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<v Speaker 1>purely moral and social consideration offers itself. Experience proves that

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<v Speaker 1>it is possible for one nationality to merge and be

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<v Speaker 1>absorbed in another, and when it was originally an inferior

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<v Speaker 1>and more backward portion of the human race, the absorption

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<v Speaker 1>is greatly to its advantage. Nobody can suppose that it

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<v Speaker 1>is not more beneficial to a Breton or a Basque

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<v Speaker 1>of French Navarre to be brought into the current of

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<v Speaker 1>the ideas and feelings of a highly civilized and cultivated people,

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<v Speaker 1>to be a member of the French nationality, admitted on

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<v Speaker 1>equal terms to all the privileges of French citizenship, sharing

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<v Speaker 1>the advantages of French protection and the dignity and prestige

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<v Speaker 1>of French power, then to sulk on his own rocks,

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<v Speaker 1>the half savage relic of past times, revolving in his

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<v Speaker 1>own little mental orbit, without participation or interest in the

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<v Speaker 1>general movement of the world. The same remark applies to

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<v Speaker 1>the Welshmen or the Scottish Highlander as members of the

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<v Speaker 1>British nation. Whatever really tends to be. The admixture of

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<v Speaker 1>nationalities and the blending of their attributes and peculiarities in

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<v Speaker 1>a common union is a benefit to the human race,

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<v Speaker 1>not by extinguishing types, of which in these cases sufficient

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<v Speaker 1>examples are sure to remain, but by softening their extreme

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<v Speaker 1>forms and filling up the intervals between them. The United

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<v Speaker 1>People like a crossed breed of animals, but in a

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<v Speaker 1>still greater degree, because the influences in operation are moral

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<v Speaker 1>as well as physical. Inherits the special aptitudes and excellences

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<v Speaker 1>of all its progenitors protected by the admixture from being

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<v Speaker 1>exaggerated into the neighboring vices. But to render this admixture possible,

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<v Speaker 1>there must be peculiar conditions. The combinations of circumstances which

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<v Speaker 1>occur and which effect the result are various. The nationalities

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<v Speaker 1>brought together under the same government may be about equal

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<v Speaker 1>in numbers and strength, or they may be very unequal.

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<v Speaker 1>If unequal, the least numerous of the two may either

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<v Speaker 1>be the superior in civilization or the inferior. Supposing it

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<v Speaker 1>to be superior, it may either, through that superiority, be

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<v Speaker 1>able to acquire ascendency over the other, or it may

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<v Speaker 1>be overcome by brute strength and reduced to subjection. This

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<v Speaker 1>last is a sheer mischief to the human race, and

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<v Speaker 1>one which civilized humanity, with one accord, should rise in arms.

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<v Speaker 1>To prevent. The absorption of Greece by Macedonia was one

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<v Speaker 1>of the greatest misfortunes which ever happened to the world.

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<v Speaker 1>That of any of the principal countries of Europe by

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<v Speaker 1>Russia would be a similar one if the smaller nationality

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<v Speaker 1>supposed to be the more advanced and improvement is able

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<v Speaker 1>to overcome the greater, as the Macedonians reinforced by the

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<v Speaker 1>Greeks did Asia and the English India. There is often

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<v Speaker 1>a gain to civilization, but the conquerors and the conquered

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<v Speaker 1>cannot in this case live together under the same free institutions.

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<v Speaker 1>The absorption of the conquerors in the less advanced people

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<v Speaker 1>would be an evil. These must be governed as subjects,

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<v Speaker 1>and the state of things is either a benefit or

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<v Speaker 1>a misfortune according as the subjugated people have or have

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<v Speaker 1>not reached the state in which it is an injury

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<v Speaker 1>not to be under a free government, and according as

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<v Speaker 1>the conquerors do or do not use their superiority in

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<v Speaker 1>a manner calculated to fit the conquered for a higher

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<v Speaker 1>stage of improvement. This topic will be particularly treated of

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<v Speaker 1>in a subsequent chapter. When the nationality which succeeds in

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<v Speaker 1>overpowering the other is both the most numerous and the

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<v Speaker 1>most improved, and especially if the subdued nationality is small

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<v Speaker 1>and has no hope of reasserting its independence, then if

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<v Speaker 1>it is governed with any tolerable justice, and if the

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<v Speaker 1>members of the more powerful nationality are not made odious

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<v Speaker 1>by being invested with exclusive privileges, the smaller nationality is

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<v Speaker 1>gradually reconciled to its position and becomes amalgamated with the

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<v Speaker 1>larger No bas Breton or even any Alsatian has the

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<v Speaker 1>smallest wish at the present day to be separated from France.

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<v Speaker 1>If all Irishmen have not yet arrived at the same

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<v Speaker 1>disposition towards England, it is partly because they are sufficiently

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<v Speaker 1>numerous to be capable of constituting a respectable nationality by themselves,

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<v Speaker 1>but principally because until of late years they had been

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<v Speaker 1>so atrociously governed that all their best feelings combined with

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<v Speaker 1>their bad ones in rousing bitter resentment against the Saxon rule.

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<v Speaker 1>This disgrace to England and calamity to the whole Empire, has,

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<v Speaker 1>it may be truly said, completely ceased for nearly a generation.

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<v Speaker 1>No Irishman is now less free than an Anglo Saxon,

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<v Speaker 1>nor has a less share of every benefit, either to

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<v Speaker 1>his country or to his individual fortunes, than if he

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<v Speaker 1>were sprung from any other portion of the British dominions.

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<v Speaker 1>The only remaining real grievance of Ireland, that of the

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<v Speaker 1>State Church, is one which half or nearly half the

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<v Speaker 1>people of the larger island have in common with them.

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<v Speaker 1>There is now next to nothing except the memory of

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<v Speaker 1>the past and the difference in the predominant religion to

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<v Speaker 1>keep apart two races, perhaps the most fitted of any

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<v Speaker 1>two in the world, to be the completing counterpart of

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<v Speaker 1>one another. The consciousness of being at last treated not

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<v Speaker 1>only with equal justice but with equal consideration is making

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<v Speaker 1>such rapid way in the Irish nation as to be

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<v Speaker 1>wearing off all feelings that could make them insensible to

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<v Speaker 1>the benefits which the less numerous and less wealthy people

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<v Speaker 1>must necessarily derive from being fellow citizens instead of foreigners,

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<v Speaker 1>to those who are not only their nearest neighbors, but

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<v Speaker 1>the wealthiest and one of the freest, as well as

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<v Speaker 1>most civilized and powerful nations of the earth. The cases

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<v Speaker 1>in which the greatest practical obstacles exist to the blending

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<v Speaker 1>of nationalities are when the nationalities which have been bound

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<v Speaker 1>together are nearly equal in numbers and in the other

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<v Speaker 1>elements of power. In such cases, each confiding in its

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<v Speaker 1>strength and feeling itself capable of maintaining an equal struggle

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<v Speaker 1>with any of the others, is unwilling to be merged

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<v Speaker 1>in it. Each cultivates with party obstinacy, its distinctive peculiarities

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<v Speaker 1>obsolete customs and even declining languages are revived to deepen

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<v Speaker 1>the separation. Each deems itself tyrannized over if any authority

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<v Speaker 1>is exercised within itself by functionaries of a rival race,

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<v Speaker 1>and whatever is given to one of the conflicting nationalities

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<v Speaker 1>is considered to be taken from all the rest. When

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<v Speaker 1>nations thus divided are under a despotic government, which is

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<v Speaker 1>a stranger to all of them, or which those sprung

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<v Speaker 1>from one, yet feeling greater interest in its own power

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<v Speaker 1>than in any sympathies of nationality, assigns no privilege to

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<v Speaker 1>either nation, and chooses its instruments indifferently from all. In

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<v Speaker 1>the course of a few generations, identity of situation often

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<v Speaker 1>produces harmony of feeling, and the different races come to

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<v Speaker 1>feel towards each other as fellow countrymen, particularly if they

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<v Speaker 1>are dispersed over the same tract of country. But if

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<v Speaker 1>the era of aspiration to free government arrives before this

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<v Speaker 1>fusion has been effected, the opportunity has gone by for

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<v Speaker 1>effecting it from that time. If the unreconciled nationalities are

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<v Speaker 1>geographically separate, and especially if their local position is such

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<v Speaker 1>that there is no natural fitness or convenience in their

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<v Speaker 1>being under the same government. As in the case of

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<v Speaker 1>an Italian province under a French or German yoke, there

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<v Speaker 1>is not only an obvious propriety, but if either freedom

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<v Speaker 1>or concord is cared for, a necessity for breaking the

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<v Speaker 1>connection altogether. There may be cases in which the provinces,

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<v Speaker 1>after separation might usefully remain united by a federal tie.

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<v Speaker 1>But it generally happens that if they are willing to

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<v Speaker 1>forego complete independence and become members of a federation, each

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<v Speaker 1>of them has other neighbors with whom it would prefer

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<v Speaker 1>to connect itself, having more sympathies in common, if not

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<v Speaker 1>also greater community of interest of Chapter sixteen. Recording by

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<v Speaker 1>Bill Burst
