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<v Speaker 1>Hello and Welcome to Western sev Episode five hundred and nine.

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<v Speaker 1>The War of eighteen twelve. When James Madison entered office

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<v Speaker 1>succeeding Thomas Jefferson, the United States had spent years being

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<v Speaker 1>squeezed by the Napoleonic wars, Napoleon's blockade of Britain Britain's

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<v Speaker 1>answer with an even broader blockade of Europe. In practice,

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<v Speaker 1>both sides had been seizing American ships, but Britain kept

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<v Speaker 1>going further, and Madison knows that this is the real powder.

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<v Speaker 1>Keg Royal Navy, and desperately short of manpower, began stopping

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<v Speaker 1>American vessels and forcibly removing sailors, sometimes deserters from the

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<v Speaker 1>Royal Navy, which would be fair, sometimes native born Americans,

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<v Speaker 1>sometimes Irish immigrants who had not yet become citizens. The

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<v Speaker 1>practice was called impressment, and it enraged every American in

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<v Speaker 1>every port city. The Chesapeake Leopard Affair in eighteen oh seven,

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<v Speaker 1>when a British warship fired on American frigate, which I

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<v Speaker 1>mentioned last time, was still burning hot in American memory.

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<v Speaker 1>President Jefferson had tried to respond with an embargo that

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<v Speaker 1>shut down American exports altogether. It was a gambit that

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<v Speaker 1>Madison had supported, but the embargo backfired, crippling New England

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<v Speaker 1>commerce and breeding even more resentment. By the time Madison

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<v Speaker 1>took office, the embargo was over and replaced by a

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<v Speaker 1>matchwork of laws trying to coerce Britain or France into

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<v Speaker 1>respecting American neutrality, but nothing worked. America was a nation

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<v Speaker 1>at this point with a lot of pride, but not

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of leverage. The Jeffersonian dream of peaceful coercion

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<v Speaker 1>was an illusion. American honor, something that politicians invoked constantly,

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<v Speaker 1>seemed to be insulted almost daily. Now. Madison, often caricatured

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<v Speaker 1>in history books as timid, was in reality a cautious strategist.

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<v Speaker 1>He understood that the United States lacked the Navy, the army,

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<v Speaker 1>and the financial muscle for a major war. His hope,

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<v Speaker 1>maybe his illusion, was that economic tools might pressure Britain

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<v Speaker 1>or France into some concessions. The crucial experiment was Megan's

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<v Speaker 1>Bill Number two, passed in eighteen ten. It reopened a

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<v Speaker 1>Maria trade, but promised that if either Britain or France

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<v Speaker 1>stopped attacking American ships, the United States would embargo the other.

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<v Speaker 1>It was essentially a carrot and stick rolled into one. Napoleon,

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<v Speaker 1>always shrewd, pretended to accept the offer. He announced that

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<v Speaker 1>he would rescind his decrees against American shipping. In truth,

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<v Speaker 1>he continued seizing ships whenever it suited him, but his

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<v Speaker 1>diplomatic sleight of hand forced Madison into embargoing Britain, worsening tensions. Now. Meanwhile,

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<v Speaker 1>the Western frontier shimmered there. In What's going to become Indiana,

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<v Speaker 1>a charismatic Shawnee leader named Tecumseh sought to forge a

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<v Speaker 1>pan Indian alliance against American expansion. His brother, a spiritual

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<v Speaker 1>prophet who in history books is normally simply referred to

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<v Speaker 1>as the prophet, But if you dig deeper, he has

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<v Speaker 1>a name. It's tense Kawata. He preached revival and resistance.

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<v Speaker 1>American officials meanwhile, blamed the British and British agents for

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<v Speaker 1>stirring up the unrest from Canada. Former frontiersman congressmen, so

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<v Speaker 1>called Warhawks, led by Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun,

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<v Speaker 1>two names you'll have to know going forward, argued that

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<v Speaker 1>the British influence over Native nations had to be crushed

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<v Speaker 1>and the way to do it was to conquer Canada. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>in a spirit typical of literally every nation that has

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<v Speaker 1>ever gone to war in the history of time, men

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<v Speaker 1>like these told Congress that Canada could be conquered quickly

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<v Speaker 1>without difficulties. As we know, those assertions are almost never right.

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<v Speaker 1>War with Britain, once unthinkable, now seemed inevitable, and so

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<v Speaker 1>in June of eighteen twelve, with the arrowist margin in

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<v Speaker 1>the history of the United States for a declaration of war,

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<v Speaker 1>Congress formally approved hostilities with Great Britain, and so the

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<v Speaker 1>War of eighteen twelve had begun. Now, Madison's declaration of

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<v Speaker 1>war was bold, but the army he commanded was not.

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<v Speaker 1>America's regular army numbered fewer than seven thousand men. State

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<v Speaker 1>militias were unreliable, sometimes refusing to cross state lines. The

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<v Speaker 1>Navy was small but tenacious. The financial system was shaky.

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<v Speaker 1>Congress had refused to recharter the Bank of the United States,

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<v Speaker 1>depriving the nation of a stable credit institution, just as

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<v Speaker 1>war expenses loomed. The early campaigns would reflect these weaknesses. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>the first plan was for a northern offensive. The War

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<v Speaker 1>Department planned a triumphant March into Canada, but the reality

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<v Speaker 1>was humiliation. General William Hull, in command at Detroit, panicked

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<v Speaker 1>when he heard exaggerated reports of British and Native strength.

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<v Speaker 1>He surrendered the entire fortress without firing a shot. At

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<v Speaker 1>Queenstown Heights, American militia refused to cross into Canada, leaving

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<v Speaker 1>regular troops stranded. They were quickly overwhelmed by British forces

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<v Speaker 1>and Mohawk warriors. A third attempt failed near Montreal, plagued

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<v Speaker 1>by poor coordination and lack of supplies. As one New

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<v Speaker 1>England newspaper sneered, mister Madison's war had begun with a

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<v Speaker 1>string of disasters, but not all. The news was quite

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<v Speaker 1>so bleak to be fair. If the army faltered, the

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<v Speaker 1>American Navy shown on the Open Atlantic. American frigates astonished

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<v Speaker 1>the world. The USS Constitution, nicknamed Old Ironsides, defeated the

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<v Speaker 1>HMS Guerrer in a stunning duel. The USS United States

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<v Speaker 1>captured the HMS. Macedonian Captain Stephen Decatur and others won

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<v Speaker 1>victories that continued to electrify the nation. Each triumph boosted

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<v Speaker 1>American morale and gave the new nation a renewed sense

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<v Speaker 1>of American identity. Our navy has covered itself in glory,

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<v Speaker 1>wrote one newspaper, and our country with honor. No naval victories, however,

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<v Speaker 1>dramatic could decide this war. But control at this point,

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<v Speaker 1>not of the Atlantic, but of the Great Lakes was

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<v Speaker 1>actually the crucial decision here. And so in eighteen thirteen,

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<v Speaker 1>a young naval commander named Oliver Hazard Perry built a

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<v Speaker 1>fleet from Green Timber in Lake Erie. In September, meeting

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<v Speaker 1>the British head on, Perry won a battle. His message

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<v Speaker 1>to General Harrison became iconic in American military lore, quote,

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<v Speaker 1>we have met the enemy and they are ours. With

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<v Speaker 1>Lake Erie secured, Americans now could recapture Detroit and defeated

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<v Speaker 1>to Coumsay's forces at the Battle of the Thames, where

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<v Speaker 1>takomes To himself was killed, an enormous blow to Native

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<v Speaker 1>resistance in the Northwest. Meanwhile, on Lake Ontario and Lake Champlain,

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<v Speaker 1>a war of maneuver continued, neither side gaining a definite advantage,

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<v Speaker 1>but the momentum slowly, subtly had shifted. Now we have

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<v Speaker 1>to bear in mind all of this is simply a

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<v Speaker 1>side showed to the British, to the actual conflict that's

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<v Speaker 1>going on in the Europe, and of course we'll talk

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<v Speaker 1>about that in a lot greater detail in our next episode.

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<v Speaker 1>But in eighteen fourteen, Napoleon will be briefly defeated, and

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<v Speaker 1>with Europe at peace, Britain could now finally concentrate on

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<v Speaker 1>the American War. Fresh troops, veterans of Wellington's campaigns against

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<v Speaker 1>Napoleon arrived in Canada and the Chesapeake that summer. A

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<v Speaker 1>British forts marched practically unopposed toward Washington. At Bladensburg, American

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<v Speaker 1>militia broke under fire. President Madison himself was actually on

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<v Speaker 1>the field that day trying to rally the troops, but

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<v Speaker 1>to little effect, and the British entered Washington, DC that

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<v Speaker 1>very night. They set fire to the Capitol, to the Treasury,

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<v Speaker 1>and to the White House. From a nearby hill, Dolly

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<v Speaker 1>Madison's portrait of George Washington, rescued at the very last moment,

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<v Speaker 1>was safe, but the city itself glowed with orange flame.

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<v Speaker 1>Never had America suffered such a humiliation. What was interesting, though,

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<v Speaker 1>is even in this moment of despair, the Republic did

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<v Speaker 1>not break. Madison called Congress to meet in temporary quarters.

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<v Speaker 1>He insisted that the government was intact, America's sovereignty endured,

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<v Speaker 1>and across the nation, citizens rallied. As we'll get to

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<v Speaker 1>more in a moment. New England federalists were grumbling and

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<v Speaker 1>forming their own convention at Harford, but most Americans saw

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<v Speaker 1>the war not as a partisan blunder, but is a

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<v Speaker 1>test of national survival. The War of eighteen twelve is

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<v Speaker 1>oftentimes called the Second War of American Independence, and for

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<v Speaker 1>good reason, a lot of parallels with the first. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>while Washington smoldered, British forces targeted the city of Baltimore next.

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<v Speaker 1>The attack culminated at Fort McHenry, where American defenders held

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<v Speaker 1>firm against a night long bombardment. And there a young

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<v Speaker 1>lawyer named Francis Scott Key watched from a British ship,

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<v Speaker 1>seeing the sky lit explosions. At dawn, the flag still flew.

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<v Speaker 1>His poem, written on the back of a letter, would

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<v Speaker 1>later become the Star Spangled Banner. But as I mentioned before,

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<v Speaker 1>not all was well. North in New England, Federalist anger smoldered.

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<v Speaker 1>The winter of eighteen fourteen had come early to New England.

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<v Speaker 1>Along the Atlantic coast, The cold wind blew in from

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<v Speaker 1>the sea and carried with a quiet dread the sense

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<v Speaker 1>that the war that had started two years earlier had

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<v Speaker 1>turned against the United States. And from the New England perspective,

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<v Speaker 1>setting aside all the naval victories in the Great Lakes,

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<v Speaker 1>which could have been as far away as England itself,

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<v Speaker 1>it's easy to see why British ships prowled the shoreline.

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<v Speaker 1>Ports which were the lifeblood of New England were blockaded.

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<v Speaker 1>Commerce lay strangled, and in Boston and New Haven, in Providence,

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<v Speaker 1>in Portsmouth, a dangerous thought drifted through coffeehouses and the taverns.

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<v Speaker 1>Had the federal government simply betrayed New England. Now, this

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<v Speaker 1>is the story of the Hartford Convention, the most serious

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<v Speaker 1>political crisis the Young Republic had faced since the Constitution

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<v Speaker 1>was ratified. Though it's rarely talked about in the history books,

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<v Speaker 1>it was a gathering so controversial that its name later

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<v Speaker 1>on would become synonymous with treason in the American memory. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>to understand the Hartford Convention, we really have to make

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<v Speaker 1>sure we understand our context. Now, Obviously, when the United

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<v Speaker 1>States found itself entangled in the Napoleonic Wars, it was

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<v Speaker 1>clear that an embargo policy was going to come into place.

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<v Speaker 1>But New England's economy was a maritime economy. It was

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<v Speaker 1>built on shipping trade and a thriving commercial network that

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<v Speaker 1>stretched from the Caribbean to Britain. When war severed all

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<v Speaker 1>these arteries, entire towns in New England simply withered and disappeared.

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<v Speaker 1>Federalist politicians who still dominated New England despite the fact

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<v Speaker 1>that they hadn't won a major election since John Adams

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<v Speaker 1>warned loudly that the war was unnecessary, it was destructive,

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<v Speaker 1>and it was the product of the quote unquote Virginia ideology.

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<v Speaker 1>In their eyes, Jeffersonians and Madisonians had plunged the nation

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<v Speaker 1>into a conflict for abstract notions of honor that maybe

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<v Speaker 1>made sense in the frontier, but not in coastal mercantile cities.

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<v Speaker 1>And so they called it mister Madison's War, and slowly

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<v Speaker 1>resentment hearted into something else. Fear that the Federal Compact

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<v Speaker 1>was becoming misused, even abused, And so by eighteen fourteen

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<v Speaker 1>the situation had grown particularly dire. As we know, the

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<v Speaker 1>British had burned DC and the Royal Navy. To those

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<v Speaker 1>in New England, this is worse than the DC issue

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<v Speaker 1>had tightened its blockade on the New England coast, the

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<v Speaker 1>region's militia simply refused to leave state borders to fight

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<v Speaker 1>for the national army, and trade had collapsed. The rumors

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<v Speaker 1>flew everywhere that Britain might try to seize and occupy

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<v Speaker 1>New England outright, and so Federalist government claimed that the

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<v Speaker 1>Madison administration was neglecting their defense while siphoning money and

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<v Speaker 1>manpower for pointless invasions of Canada. Many New Englanders felt abandoned.

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<v Speaker 1>Some even believed that the war was unconstitutional in the

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<v Speaker 1>first place, and so in October of eighteen fourteen, the

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<v Speaker 1>Massachusetts legislature issued a call delegates from New England states

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<v Speaker 1>should meet to consider quote the grievances under which they labor.

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<v Speaker 1>The location chosen was Hartford, Connecticut, a quiet river city

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<v Speaker 1>far from major British positions, and so, through the December snows,

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<v Speaker 1>twenty six delegates made their way toward Hartford, carrying with

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<v Speaker 1>them the weight of a region's frustration and growing anger,

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<v Speaker 1>and the hopes of those who whispered that maybe the

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<v Speaker 1>Union itself was no longer serving them. On December fifteenth,

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen fourteen, the Hartford Convention began. No reporters were present,

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<v Speaker 1>no minutes were ever published, and the secrecy around the

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<v Speaker 1>event only deepened suspicion outside. But the men who gathered

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<v Speaker 1>were no wild ratticles. They were, for the most part,

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<v Speaker 1>pretty centrist minded federalists, merchants, lawyers, and governors, men who

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<v Speaker 1>believed that the Constitution could and must be preserved if

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<v Speaker 1>certain reforms could be made. Still, the stakes were enormous,

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<v Speaker 1>at least for these men. Outside the walls. The newspaper

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<v Speaker 1>accused them of plotting secession. Inside the conversation walked on

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<v Speaker 1>a razor's edge. Did some delegates think about leaving the Union?

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<v Speaker 1>Almost certainly, yes, But the majority understood that the moment

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<v Speaker 1>was too fragile, the consequences too grave. Instead, they pursued

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<v Speaker 1>a strategy of proposing constitutional amendments that they believed would

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<v Speaker 1>protect New England from what they saw as the tyranny

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<v Speaker 1>of the southern and western states. Now, for those of

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<v Speaker 1>you who know your American history, you know this is

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<v Speaker 1>all terribly ironic, because it's exactly what the South is

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<v Speaker 1>going to accuse New England and the North and West

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<v Speaker 1>of in about fifty years and that's going to be

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<v Speaker 1>the cause for Southern secession. Many people don't realize it,

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<v Speaker 1>but New England actually tried to reverse the script in

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen fourteen. Now, the proposed amendments would have totally altered

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<v Speaker 1>the course of American history. The first was to repeal

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<v Speaker 1>the three fifths clause. New England resented how enslaved populations

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<v Speaker 1>in the South inflated Southern political power in Congress and

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<v Speaker 1>in the electoral College. They also wanted to change the

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<v Speaker 1>rules for some votes that would require then a two

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<v Speaker 1>thirds vote in Congress for declaring war, admitting new states,

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<v Speaker 1>an imposing embargoes that lasted more than sixty days. This

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<v Speaker 1>aimed to prevent the quote unquote Virginia presidents and Western

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<v Speaker 1>warhawks from dragging New England into conflicts that they felt

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<v Speaker 1>the majority of the country didn't want. They also wanted

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<v Speaker 1>a constitutional amendment that would limit the presidency to one

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<v Speaker 1>single term and prohibit successive presidents from serving from the

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<v Speaker 1>same states. You couldn't have two Virginia presidents in a row.

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<v Speaker 1>And that was a direct site by the way, at

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<v Speaker 1>the Virginia dynasty that went Washington, Jefferson Madison. They wanted

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<v Speaker 1>to restrict the naturalization of immigrants as well, because federalists

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<v Speaker 1>feared the growing power of political influence of these newcomers,

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<v Speaker 1>who tended overwhelmingly to support the Democratic Republicans. These weren't

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<v Speaker 1>the proposals of radical rebels. They were the demands of

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<v Speaker 1>a region trying to secure power within a union that

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<v Speaker 1>they just didn't trust anymore. Still, the delegates adopted a

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<v Speaker 1>final resolution that hinted at least at the edges of rebellion.

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<v Speaker 1>They said, if the federal government failed to adopt these measures,

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<v Speaker 1>then New England must quote seek its safety in arrangements

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<v Speaker 1>not inconsistent with the Constitution. That phrase was vague, but

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<v Speaker 1>it was ominous enough that could imply coordinated resistance, nullification,

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<v Speaker 1>or maybe even secession. The Convention adjourned on January the fifth,

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen fifteen, and dispatched three envoys to Washington to present

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<v Speaker 1>their demands, but they would ride too late. In one

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<v Speaker 1>of those moments where history seems to enjoy irony, two

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<v Speaker 1>stunning pieces of news reached America at almost the exact

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<v Speaker 1>same time. The Treaty of Ghent had actually been signed

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<v Speaker 1>on Christmas Eve, eighteen fourteen, ending the War of eighteen twelve,

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<v Speaker 1>and as we'll get to in a moment, General Andrew

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<v Speaker 1>Jackson had won a spectacular victory at New Orleans in

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<v Speaker 1>early January, and almost overnight the tide of national sentiment

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<v Speaker 1>swung dramatically. Where Americans had lately known only fear and exhaustion,

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<v Speaker 1>suddenly they felt triumph and pride. Into this atmosphere marched

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<v Speaker 1>the Hartford envoys, ready to present amendments that assumed the

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<v Speaker 1>war was still a disaster. But instead of finding themselves

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<v Speaker 1>as saviors with solutions, they were outcasts, pariahs. President Madison

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<v Speaker 1>simply ignored their proposals. Congress rejected them outright. Newspapers mocked

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<v Speaker 1>the men as defeatists, schemers, some even traders. One critic wrote, quote,

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<v Speaker 1>they arrived to bury the Constitution and found it reborn.

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<v Speaker 1>Another quote, they came to save the nation and instead

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<v Speaker 1>buried their own party, and indeed they had. The Federalist

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<v Speaker 1>Party never recovered from the suspicion that it had flirted

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<v Speaker 1>with disunion. The Hartford Convention became a political millstone and

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<v Speaker 1>was dragged up whenever the Federalists tried to claim patriotic legitimacy.

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<v Speaker 1>By the election of eighteen sixteen, the party was officially

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<v Speaker 1>and forever broken. Now, of course, we need to turn

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<v Speaker 1>our attention to the end of the war and talk

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<v Speaker 1>about that in a little bit more detail, because the

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<v Speaker 1>Treaty of Ghent is interesting. Even as the fighting rages,

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<v Speaker 1>sides were talking in Ghent, which is in modern day Belgium.

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<v Speaker 1>Both sides, America and British, were exhausted and frustrated, and

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<v Speaker 1>eventually agreed to essentially just restore the status quo. Impressment

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<v Speaker 1>ironically simply disappeared on its own as Europe would slowly

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<v Speaker 1>but surely stabilize. The Treaty of Ghent was signed on

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<v Speaker 1>Christmas Eve eighteen fourteen, but news traveled slowly, and before

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<v Speaker 1>the treaty reached America, one more battle would etch itself

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<v Speaker 1>into legend, a battle that was actually fought after the

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<v Speaker 1>war was over. In early January eighteen fifteen, outside New Orleans,

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<v Speaker 1>General Andrew Jackson led a motley army of frontier riflemen,

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<v Speaker 1>free Black volunteers, Choctaw warriors. That part's going to be ironic.

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<v Speaker 1>Later on, sailors, and even a group of pirates under

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<v Speaker 1>Jean Lafitte behind the earthworks along the Mississippi they repelled

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<v Speaker 1>a massive British assault, inflicting staggering casualties. Now the victory

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<v Speaker 1>came after peace had been negotiated, but it transformed American morale.

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<v Speaker 1>Jackson became a national hero and will go on to

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<v Speaker 1>become president, and the war, once divisive and disastrous, suddenly

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<v Speaker 1>seemed overwhelmingly triumphant. Now James Madison left office in eighteen seventeen,

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<v Speaker 1>quietly returning to Montpeilerer. His presidency had been marked by crisis,

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<v Speaker 1>uncertainty and the closest that the public had come until

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<v Speaker 1>the American Civil War to collapse. But by the time

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<v Speaker 1>he stepped down, something extraordinary had started to happen in America.

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<v Speaker 1>Despite military blunders, despite the burning of the Capitol, despite

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<v Speaker 1>political division, the United States had stood up to the

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<v Speaker 1>strongest empire in the world, and it had survived. But

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<v Speaker 1>more importantly, it emerged with the strength and sense of

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<v Speaker 1>national identity. No longer were the Americans speaking of these

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<v Speaker 1>United States. The talk was now of the United States. Grammatical,

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<v Speaker 1>though the change may be, it's important. People started to

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<v Speaker 1>speak of themselves for the first time, not as Virginians

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<v Speaker 1>or New Yorkers, but as Americans, and that change will

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<v Speaker 1>be decisive going forward, and into this new spirit, what

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<v Speaker 1>historians would call the era of good feelings began. But

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<v Speaker 1>back in Europe there was to be no era of

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<v Speaker 1>good feelings, at least not yet, because now we need

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<v Speaker 1>to turn back the clock slightly, return to Europe and

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<v Speaker 1>finish the Napoleonic Wars
