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Speaker 2: Thank you.
Speaker 1: I want to welcome everyone back to the Pekingana Show. Thomas,
it seems like it's been a while. How have you
been doing.
Speaker 3: I've all right, man, Happy New Year to everybody.
Speaker 1: Happy New Year. Yeah, we're doing this on New Year's Day.
We are going to close out the California series, So
jump right in.
Speaker 3: Was taking a look at Pappy Cannon's book State of
Emergency from I think I think it dropped around twenty eleven,
twenty twelve, somewhere around there. The context is his book
on World War Two. It's a good kind of at
a glance.
Speaker 2: Volume.
Speaker 3: It's kind of like the cliff notes version of a
lot of stuff Harry Elmer Barnes wrote about, and AJB.
Taylor and people like that, but the endnotes that were useful,
and some then even utilizing it for some things. But
the canon obviously, he was somebody who was always kind
of raising the proverbial alarm bells about the immigration crisis,
which is well placed, but he misdiagnos what was going
on in California. And I think to this day people
continue to like they talk about I mean, first of all,
they claim that like California's liberal because of Hispanics. That's
not true, and we're gonna get into that that's not why.
But also they talk about California almost like it's a
giant ulster or something like what I mean by as
they talk about it, you can included it like oh,
there's this core population of Mexicans like identify with Mexico.
That's really not what's going on, you know, And like
like traditionally Spanish California. Yeah, they're not particularly assimilated. Like yeah,
they're very much kind of like hood local in their perspective,
but they they don't want to like be part of Mexico.
There's not guys in like East La who are acting
like the provos in nineteen seventy and trying to like
cultivate ties of Mexico for some political union. Like that's
not happening. And if anything, even even in hoods where
like people mostly speak Spanish, like people come over the
border are kind of like look down upon you know.
I mean like that's even to this day. I mean,
so like that's not what's happening. You can't look at
the situation as again like something where it's like a
giant ulster or like a Bosnia situation where it's like
there's kind of like organic migration of like Mexicans and oh,
you know, Mexico is reabsorbing California. That's that's not happening,
and if it was, it'd be playing out totally differently.
But that's also why it's cap the claim, oh California
is liberal because of Mexicans. It's like, I mean, like
I was saying, so so Hispanics love Barbara, you know,
and like the some of the Buchanan was saying was
you know, like after I mean, John McCain was like
a total piece of shit, but he was also just
like a fucking idiot and like.
Speaker 2: You know, he was.
Speaker 3: His kind of idiotic uh Poluca stand in campaign contra Obama.
I remember, Like that's that was kind of the peak
of the narrative, like, oh, like white California is done.
It's like, well, apparently it's not, man because much of
them might dislike the people who represent you know, my
own tribes's demographic, like Gavin Newsom is almost certainly gonna
be like the nominee in twenty twenty eight, and that
guy's like as that guy and his wife for like
his old money in California as it comes. You know,
this is very very fake, is my point. You know,
like it's not like the way people talk, you'd think
that Mexico was making like sovereign territorial claims on like California,
and that like Caesar Chavez type guys were popping up
and demanding access to government. Like nothing like that is happening.
And that's one of the ways you know that this
is fake. And like, don't get me wrong, there's like
definitely a capital flight from California and they've lost like
a huge number of like white people. But anybody who
can is leaving California. And what's interesting too, you know,
I make the point of you know, I emphasized the
point a lot. That's a mistake to try and like
extrapolate from what goes on in the street or in
the penitentiary or you know, to like broader political demographic tendencies.
But it does tell you something. You know, Whites and
Mexicans on the street in California like click up very heavily,
and California is hyper racialized, and like both Serranos and
whites like look at black like their ops. I go
as far as to say they actually hate them, you know.
And South Central interestingly, you know, the California City Council
like they don't call it South Central anymore. They really
I've been trying to like wipe its reputation out of
existences like this kind of failing black hood you know,
in the middle of LA I mean, that's kind of
another issue. But you know what's now South Los Angeles
Like basically within fifteen years, it lost like forty percent
of their black population, you know. I mean, that's the
real ethnic cleansing in my opinion.
Speaker 2: But the.
Speaker 3: You know, like we were talking about the other week,
and I'll get into the brass tacks of data and
things in a minute.
Speaker 1: We can, I can I kind of jump in real quick. Yeah,
of course, was that a I mean I've heard stories
of Mexicans basically going in, ye know, armed to clear
out parts of South Central and to chase blacks out,
like is an open war.
Speaker 3: I mean, I don't know, it's possible. Like all, what
I do know is this even like seriously racialized like
white guys they click up with. It's it's not just convenience.
Like them in the Serenos, they have this weird affinity
and they both like really really really have bad feelings
towards the blacks. And it's not like that here, you know,
like racist as we are in Chicago. Even dudes in
the game, even like white dudes who gang bang, and
even in the early nineties, like when things were really bad,
you generally don't find dudes who like hate blacks, even
if they don't like associate with them, and even if
they like respect the color line kind of rigidly. So
I mean, I I guess my point is it's I
don't know, I said, the California is one day being
super liberal everything else aside, when you've got this like
profound enmity between people's like that just that doesn't happen,
you know, like that that's just not the way things are.
And I think too, I think one of the things
that kind of killed the fortunes of black folks in California,
I mean, the LA Riots. It wasn't despite the way
I mean now people just don't talk about it, which
is interesting, I mean, like regime people and adjacent media elements.
But you know, the LA Riots were basically blacks becoming
like ebks, like they went to war with everybody. Like
It's not like it was some like you know, colored
revolt or whatever. I mean, that kind of sho doesn't
really happen anyway. But this is like very nakedly like
black folks on the warpath and that really scared a
lot of people, would also like radicalized a lot of people.
And like after that, it's kind of like the gloves
came off. I mean, I know, you got this like
random black lead he was like the mayor of Los Angeles,
but that but that's fake as fuck, you know, like
California's got they do not have like a friendly relationship
with their black population, you know, and a lot of that.
Uh but that's also too you know. I mean that's
one of the reasons like when people try and painted
with something like Reconquista, there's not some like equivalent of
the Watts riots, where like Spanish people like went berserk
instead of like burning shit down, like that never happened,
and like it's not about to happen. I mean, not
that that's the metric, but it's okay. If if Mexicans
are supposedly these guys with like conquest on their mind,
who you know again are basically like the you know,
the provos of the of Latin America, who are trying
to like turn California to Mexico. Why aren't they doing that?
You know, Like it doesn't really play out and it's
a different like it's a different culture. Like these East
A lot of these La guys too, I mean their
families have been there for like a century and a half.
Like the fact they don't really identify with America, okay,
but they don't like want to be part of Mexico either.
I mean, it's like its own thing.
Speaker 1: You know, Like they're sort of like they're sort of
like the Tejanos in Texas.
Speaker 2: Yeah.
Speaker 3: Yeah, I mean, don't get me wrong. Like in East La,
it's very much like a proletarian culture, and it's very
rough culture, you know, but it's it's like its own thing, man.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: Like uh, and I do have. I haven't been out
there in a long time, you know, since like two thousand.
But as a kid, I was like around this ship,
you know. I mean like I spent a lot. I
spent a lot of time in La and in like Ventura,
ox Nart and and you know, like it's not like
my point is it's time. I was just like going
to Orange County or something, you know, Like I I
I was I was around like Sokale like Mexicans. You know,
I could play like ball with them and stuff, you know,
and like skate with him, and shit, you know, I
got to know somebody these guys like reasonably well, and
it was I when I realized the nineteen eighties were
a lot different. But you know that well, for our purposes,
it's it's material, but it's also just you know, I'll
get into our dad in a minute. But you know too,
I can't remember who made the point. It might have
been roun Ones. They made it for a different the
context he invoked it was different. But from this nineteen
sixties onward, like the early sixties I'm talking about, like
Kennedy era, both houses of the state legislature were usually Democrat,
at least by narrow majority, but they weren't particularly liberal.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: So this idea that uh oh, you know there if
the Republican Party dies in California, then everybody's liberal, like
that doesn't track either, you know, like you had you
had you had these name mestizo people who are not
remotely liberal in their outlook, and you had these guys
who worked in you know, like machine shops and stuff
that kind of serve the aerospace industry. Like a lot
of those people they vote Democrat because like their union
ship Steward is like, yeah, this is who we vote for,
you know. So that's that's kind of like a false
veneer too, because like the supposedly the metric of what's
going on in California is like who's voting for Republicans?
Speaker 2: You know?
Speaker 3: And I I don't know, Schwarzenegger is a total idiot,
but he uh, you know, the the way he got
elected was basically it was basically a singlish you campaign
and people were outraged at was it Davis Gray Davis
or was it somebody else?
Speaker 2: But who.
Speaker 3: Wilson or Great Davis? I can't remember. But the big
issue with Schwartzaer's campaign was he was, you know, I'm
gonna I'm gonna I'm gonna repeal the I'm gonna repeal
the statute that allows illegal aliens to get drivers licenses.
So then suddenly like people just like swarm to Schwarzenegger
is like their candidate, you know, and I mean so
supposedly you know that, I mean, why would that even
be an issue of California after ninety two? Is is
like this irridentist like Hispanic Paradise that's basically like his
left wing as Sweden. I mean, like that doesn't that
doesn't make any It doesn't describe a political culture that
actually exists, you know, And I think what's most kind
of damn.
Speaker 1: Is uh, by the way, it was great Davis.
Speaker 3: Okay, okay, yeah, yeah, thanks ms Sleepy, like forgive me.
But the uh, you know, the referendum votes are really
kind of what tells us that this narrative is false.
And you know, proposition one eighty seven, it's kind of
like ominously named.
Speaker 1: Consider I remember that when that happened. I was like, oh,
that they did that on purpose.
Speaker 3: Yeah, so prop onety seven it was. It was also
known by the political adgent committees that devised it as
the SOS Initiative Save Our State. So this is in
nineteen ninety four. Yah, supposedly after like the new majority
is is controlling political processes only the demographic shifts.
Speaker 2: It.
Speaker 3: Uh. It was basically the harshest legislative regime in the
country that would have deprived the illegal aliens of like
all health services other than you know, like emergency care,
public education, you know, social services. Like basically it basically
precluded anybody who couldn't prove they were a citizen from
availing themselves of any of any of any social welfare
aspects at the state level, you know. And this passed
by supermajority on November eighth, nineteen ninety four. I mean
it was over five million votes, about three and a
half millions, I mean, about a fifty nine percent majority.
But what's most significant it was only the Bay Area
that opposed it. And I mean the Bay Area is
not in the kind of I mean in the conventional
sense that's und some man of European it's like to
visit it. So basically, you've got California with Prop Oney seven.
You got California from the Oregon border to San Diego.
You could drive from tip to tip, and every single
county you'd passed through voted for prop Oneity seven, with
the exception of like San Francisco in Berkeley. Like that's
that's freaking insane, you know, like that's that's an absolute landslide,
you know. And and again too, we're not I don't
accept this notion that, you know, a majoritarian consensus in
counties is meaningless if they're quote like a rural or flyover.
That's this cap But it would tell us something if
LA had come out against one eighty seven. But LA
fifty six percent voted yes, you know, and it's like, okay,
that was thirty years ago. But the whole point is
nineteen ninety two was when it was declared that as
of now, California is permanently blue, you know. So then
the Supreme Court steps in and reverses it, you know.
But the follow up two years later was Prop. Two nine,
which was euphimistically branded the California Civil Rights Initiative, which
basically it was basically like the quota ban that was
floated by people like Jesse Helms like federally, but it
went further and it amended the California Constitution. It prohibited
like any state government institution from considering identitarian category's like race, sex, ethnicity,
national origin like it. They had to be like totally
blind and and they're hiring in their contracting and allocation
of education resources college admissions. And this was a big deal.
It was authored by these two like sociologists, these two
academic types, you know, and they did that because that
way opponents of it couldn't come out and say like, well,
this is a cynical xenophobic ploy. It's like no, they
really dotted their eyes and crossed the proverbial teas. This
was the first referendum on affirmative action, like true referendum.
You know, it passed with fifty five percent, and once again,
like the entire state like went for it.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: It was the same basic breakdown as Prop one eighty seven.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: So it's like so what so what exactly is happening here?
Speaker 2: You know, and the.
Speaker 3: Record, so the open borders crowd, you know, was the
shop around for a federal judge who'd repudiated and uh,
Pete Wilson. Pete Wilson was willing to fight in the
in the federal courts, but when Grey Davis replaced him,
like like Davis basically just uh he basically with the
appeal died just by like refusal to take action on it,
you know. And so once again, I remember at the
time and people were still banding this a decade later,
during like Obama's campaign, like oh this this was the
last gasp of white America and conservatives. It's like, what
the hell are you talking about? Like it's like every
time one of these, every time one of these referendums
comes up, it passes by super majority, and basically, you know,
basically like the Ninth Circuit intervenes to like undo the mandate.
I mean, like that's not you know, and of course too,
I mean obviously, like a like a substantial number of
Hispanics like voted for these initiatives, you know, like this
idea that oh, Hispanics want to compete with illegal aliens
for you know, for for for jobs, and they're totally
cool with wages being bottomed out, and they're totally fine
with you know, paying property taxes to you know, to
provide like daycare and grade school for for random people
who hass the border. Like why that's ridiculous, you know,
I mean that, you know, so it and that's what
should have been that that's what should have like allowed
people to allow the verbial scales to fall from their eyes.
You know, even if you're one of these deluded people
who thinks that like the Republican Party is somehow like
synonymous with like white American opinion, or even if you
think that the way to you know, diagnose the the
political culture of any locale is like by how the
Republican Party is doing. I mean, that's that's fucking ridiculous.
But even if the rebuttal is well what's the alternative metric.
It's like, well, in California, it's right here because they've
got this constitutionally mandated referendum structure or system. So there
you go. You know, like we talked about when last
week convene, you know, for to talk about this series.
Speaker 2: It was.
Speaker 3: From nineteen fifty two to nineteen eighty eight, every presidential
election but one went Republican, and more often than not,
it was a landslide, you know, and then suddenly, suddenly
after nineteen eighty eight, you know, the Republicans always lose,
the always lose California in the presidential election, and it's
always by ten points or more. Like that's not a
statistical impossibility obviously, But that doesn't really make any sense,
you know, because there was no there was no there
was no transition period. It's just like one day this changed, supposedly,
and not only did it change, but it's like now
California can never be a swing state. It's just always blue,
you know, it just can never be flipped.
Speaker 2: You know this not.
Speaker 3: That that doesn't make any sense. You know, there's a obviously,
California is like the single greatest electoral prize if you
had an actually competitive system, Like, no matter how solidly
in like actual organic terms, California was aligned in partisan capacities. Obviously,
in an actually competitive system, you campaign your ass off
in California to try to flip it, because anywhere can
be flipped, even if it's just a single issue like
this idea that, oh, this is a safe state, so
it can't be flipped. That's ridiculous, that's soviet, you know,
like why that it metaphysically you can't be flipped, Like
what does it even mean? You know, the people should
be smarter about that shit.
Speaker 2: You know, it's and the only.
Speaker 3: You know, and again too, I mean, like I said,
Schwarzenegger was an idiot, but the and he is an idiot,
but uh, you know, the whole the reason why, like
his his campaign and his ultimate election that was that
was like the big Republican comeback. And again like the
only thing that campaign was built on was like single
issue immigration concerns, man, you know. And so it's like
and then every time something like this happens, whether it's
Prop onety seven, whether it's Prop two nine, whether it's
you know, ad Middle East, you know, he's an idiot.
But like somebody like Schwarzenegger getting elected, or whether it's
you know, a sudden like massive uptick and like support
for Trump, like and so oh, this is the last
gasp of white America and conservatives. It's like like like
every ten years there's like another last gasp. I mean,
like I don't you know, and like I said, I
I don't. I I stipulate that there's been this like
massive capital flight, but such that there is any says
that there is like any any, any equity remaining in California.
It's you know, it's it's it's the it's the vestige
of white population that's responsible for that. I mean, it's
just like a fact. I don't if if if they
if they truly get chased out, there's kind of no
more California. You know, nobody really wants that to be
a self fulfilling prophecy, like they don't, you know, and
obviously they don't because again, like it's not, it's not,
it's not.
Speaker 2: It's not.
Speaker 3: It's not some Spanish guy who's you know, talking about
a more dignified life for migrant farm workers, who's he's
like he's like leading the California Democrats. It's uh, it's
Gavin Newsome, he's like a caricature of uh, the caricature
that's some douchey old money, you know, social registered type.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: So, I mean, none of this is really by the metrics,
by by its own metrics, it doesn't it doesn't track
with anything, you know, And.
Speaker 2: I, uh, yeah, the that's the.
Speaker 3: That's the core of Ah, that's the core of the issue.
And it's also to something that peak don't. I don't
know what. I've had a hard time finding meaningful data
sets on this, but in the later nineties through I
think about two thousand and three, about one hundred thousand
self identified white Californians were leaving a year, and people
claim this is what was responsible. This is primarily responsible
for Asians capturing a bigger slice the verbial demographic pie
in terms of overall relative population numbers. But that seems
to have stabilized. I mean, California is still hemorrhaging people.
But it's also these these minority populations as they're called,
you know, they're they're not monolithically left wing like quite
the contrary, you know, and.
Speaker 2: If you look at.
Speaker 3: In terms of income and assets, you know, I find
it hard to believe that a bunch of Taiwanese and
Koreans and Japanese Americans in California are really really enthusiastic about,
you know, voting for for for some like permanent you know,
social justice regime out there. You know, it's just not
it just doesn't track man And maybe I think this
is somewhat difficult for people to fully grasp who haven't
spent time there, because it is a strange state culturally
and in every other way. But you have to spend
time at a fully grass But it's not a liberal
state culturally. You know, it's very segregated, it's very there's
a very sharp there's a very sharply defined distance between
people who are well off, and we're not far more
so than here, for example.
Speaker 2: You know, So any.
Speaker 3: Any kind of effort reconfigure or socially engineer the political
culture there, it would very much be an edifice that
isn't really propped up by anything. But I reckon jerry mandering,
which will take you fairly far in at the state
level in a in a corrupt system.
Speaker 2: But it's not.
Speaker 3: It's not it's not sustainable, and it's it's certainly not
some spontaneous development, you know. And the point I make
that's talking to Jay Burden about this on our last
Radio Free Chicago episode, I don't I don't understand whether
Republican Party still exists, Like why why does it Premier
League exist? You know, that's not really precedented in America
for the for for party systems, you know, to exist
in perpetuity. I mean, just like it doesn't really have
mechanics anymore, like the Republicans don't. But even if that
weren't the case, it really doesn't have a context in California,
you know. So again, that's a really piss poor metric
for trying to discern the mood of the culture in
terms of political values. If if like your your canary
in the mind proverbially is like how the Republicans are doing,
I mean that doesn't really mean anything. You know, Like
if I, if I live in a truly battleground state,
I'd vote for Donald Trump. But I fucking hate the
Republicans and I'm by by the by American standards, I'm
pretty right wing, okay, I'd uh, I'd rather have a
root canal than like vote for the Republicans, you know,
like they're Vegas like it, so that that doesn't really
tell us anything. And and plus two, I mean even
beyond that, beyond any kind of like ethical objection, like
what are the like, like what are the Republicans done
for California? Like the nomine idiots like Schwarzenegger, they don't.
You don't even get like tash relief from him in California,
you know, and like any time that they don't, they
don't have the stones too, they don't like like like again,
I mean Wilson, he mounted like a kind of token
challenge when the Federal Circuit overturned overturned proper onety seven.
But I mean they don't even like deliver on that stuff.
They don't even go through the motions. So it's like
even if you know, even if you were inclined to
be like a GOP loyalist, like there's no percentage in
that in California because they never deliver on anything, you know,
So you're better off, you know, place like Tom Metzger said,
like when Metzger during his brief career, weren't even like
running for Congress and stuff, and he actually did pretty well.
It's an interesting story in its own right. But you
know Metzger generally ran as a Democrat, because like, what
difference does it make? It doesn't you know.
Speaker 2: It?
Speaker 3: So, yeah, it's it's a very it's very it's very imprecise.
And I go as far to say dishonest. You know
now that I expect a lot of integrity from it's
kind of superficial sociology that supposedly deciphers the meaning of
electoral patterns and things, you know, But in the case
of California, it's particularly dishonest to invoke the Republicans as
anything other than, you know, the official opposition.
Speaker 2: But it also.
Speaker 1: I was reading the other day and I can't remember
who it was. It might have been like William Lynn
Villin or someone like that was saying he does I
think he was saying he doesn't think that, Like you
can even have a circulation of elites, like a new
class of people ruling until the dollar falls. So you ask, like,
how does the republic you know, why do we still
have the Republican? I mean, can anything really change until
there's a like a drastic a drastic cause something like
a dollar failure, which has never happened. And Stormy says
it's not going to happen.
Speaker 3: It does, Like people talk about how it's going to
be like a punctuated event like the crash of twenty
nine like that that wouldn't happen. And again it's the
systems too rubberized and information awareness and and this literally
like the velocity of Dad like would preclude it. No, no,
I I agree with the fact that I I understand.
I understand exactly why there's it's like a closed circle,
you know, like the circulation of the leads as it were.
But like this like this like totally out of date branding,
like oh, this is the Republican Party. All the Republicans
were the committee to elect Abraham Lincoln. Then they became
like the America First Party, like post reconstruction, like the
party in Northern industry, and then they became like the
Cold War Hawk Party, which didn't make a lot of
sense in legacy terms. But it's like why why are
we still talking in these terms? You know, like it
doesn't it doesn't really make sense. I mean, diddo, how diddo?
How How Like in the U K's like the Labor Party,
like what what what like the laborers are they representing?
You know, it's you'd think that there would have been
like a rebranding or they in America, they do a
way because America because like Repulicans aren't a party, you know.
I mean there's that too. You would think that, especially
after you would think that after Rule War too, especially
after the Cold War. You think that it'd be like, Okay,
here's the president. You know, here's like his loyalists. This
is like the ruling coalition, and this is the opposition,
Like where are they the Democrats?
Speaker 2: Like that?
Speaker 3: That's what's hurted. You know that there are a bunch
of people like Andrew Jackson really like I take some
exception to that.
Speaker 1: But well and well they it seems to just be
holding onto ideology. So you the party adopts an ideology,
whether it's a good ideology or not, whether it's coherence
or not, and that keeps that keeps a certain portion
of the yea of the population on one side or
the other. Oh we believe, you know, we're fit. We're
we're fiscally conservative, but you know, culturally liberal over here
in the Republican side and on the Democrat side, you
can be completely nuts and do anything you want. It's
just it seems like it's just to keep people, you know, motivated,
to keep this thing moving.
Speaker 2: Existence.
Speaker 3: Yeah, yeah, it's important, not because it's not. It's important
not to confuse people. So it's just familiarity that like
sustains it. But it I I think it's very strange.
I mean that's one of the I I haven't published
it yet, but I did a write up on James
Webb because I reread his novel Fields of Fire, which
is one of my favorite novels. The web was an
important guy in the later Cold War, and he also
he takes uh like the center uh like Ulster Scott
identity seriously and I appreciate that. But you know, like
Web ran as a Democrat, you know, like later like
after he left the Senate, because he's like, what what
is it? Why why am I a Republican? Like why
why would a southern white guy like run as a Republican?
It's asinine, and like people understand what he was talking about,
and unfortunately is his campaign was kind of dead in
the water.
Speaker 2: I mean he.
Speaker 3: I like what he did in the Senate, but I
he kind of lost his way I think in tactical
terms subsequent. But he was but he was absolutely right
about that, you know, it's it doesn't It doesn't make
any sense, you know, if I I mean I'd never
I like I was talking to one of the fellas.
Speaker 2: We were on the road.
Speaker 3: I mean like I I'd never run for office, but
if I did ease where I'm at, I'd run as
a Democrat, you know, because that's just what you do here.
You know, Like, does that mean I does? I mean,
I'm suddenly like I become like gay and like open borders,
like you know, it's a yeah, shit doesn't make any sense,
but it's.
Speaker 1: Well, I mean, politics is supposed to be a tool.
So if you run as a Democrat, you're supposed to
be using a tool, wielding a tool. Why does a
tool have to have an ideology attached to it?
Speaker 3: Well, especially it's not even a party. I mean it's
like the whole you're a party if you have dues,
paying members, if there's some apparatus in place like enforces consensus.
There's an actual party manifesto and platform I and if
you don't abide it, you get kicked out of the party.
Like there's not like a Republican party, You're like a
Democrat party. I mean, arguably you can't have a political
party in a system where there's single member districts and
and and a winner take all like electoral paradigm, because
like how could you you know, it's the whole as designed,
you know, the the constitutionally mandated electoral system. It's it's
basically set up to like prevent the emergence of parties.
Speaker 2: So yeah, there's.
Speaker 3: That's why it's goofy as hell when when these kosh
are cons and and and these cringe fucking people like
just the Democrat Party, you see, it's like what what
is the Democrat Party? Like what like who'd dues? Paying members?
Like what's it's what's it's what's its official like platform?
Like none of these things exist, you know. It's just
it's just like Rando is saying, like, yeah, we're the Democrats,
and in some way, yeah, like what what's called the Democrats?
They're they're like they're like the official ruling party, you know,
and and the Republicans of the FAU opposition. But it's
like okay, so then say that, like say that like
again like whoever the president is and whoever is loyalists
are Okay, they're you know, this is the ruling coalition,
like everybody outside of that is the opposition, you know.
Speaker 1: Yeah, and that also that also points to like how
you can't really have a party without an ideology. And
whenever somebody comes along with like okay, well here in ideology,
like the palaeocons did, like in the early nineties, you
have to kick them out because it's like, no, we
can't have an ideology here. We have to be whatever
we need to be at this one from moment to moment,
which makes sense, which makes sense in a in a
structure where you're just trying to get elected and you
just want political power. But if you're actually going to
be a coalition like a party or something like that,
you're going to need an ideology. So all ideology has
to go out the window.
Speaker 3: No, and that's what that was the reason for like
the coup against Nixon, you know, and I and that
because that's exactly what Wallas did, Like wall is basically forced,
which is incredible because he basically got like he basically
forced like Yankee Republicans like take on or he viewed
as like the essential aspects, so like the you know,
the Dixie cred play it like manifesto, albeit they were
like moderated somewhat, but like that's exactly what he did.
It's then like the deep state shit, it's pants and
they're like this cannot be allowed to happen.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: Trump's a little bit different, but it's it's the same
tendency like on display. But it's what I'm curious about.
I mean, this is a similarly another show.
Speaker 2: I mean the.
Speaker 3: Go straight too far afield from the topical focus, but
you know, as there's this weird paradigm emerging where like
complex interdependence, like true globalism on the economic side is
like the permanent reality, but in terms of self governance,
like it's it's all going to be local and uh,
you're gonna see, you're gonna see, you're gonna see like
cities and even like at state level like systems emerging
where they basically have like what amounts of proportional representation
system and like all the name and you're you're're gonna
see the emergence like real party structures and if they're
not called that did they echoes of that in a
lot of municipalities, which I paid more attention to because
like in Illinois, it's weird and like the outlying areas,
especially south, especially south and especially northwards like Detroit. We're
all we're all kind of the same, like sociological ecosystem
and like good ways in bed. But you know, there's
there's a kind of a di y and ethical secessionists
the tenden't see a foot Like I'm not saying people
want to like formally secede, but the fact though they
kind of are, and there's a lot of that goes
into that, everything from what you know what technical like
consumer technology facilitates to traditional ideas about policing and law
and order kind of going by the wayside, and you know,
people being able to make money in non traditional ways.
And I mean that that. I mean, that's like my
bread and butter. That's what I'm trying to accomplish. And
I I think that's going quite splendidly, I might add,
but you know that's that's the future. So a lot
of some of this is gonna take care of itself.
But I am says the California then, because like I said,
I it's very positive especially among young people like zoomer
people and like a little younger like they they don't
like they they look at legacy media is being totally
full of shit. You know, they're not susceptible to the
bully pulpit, like the what remains of it, But for
some reason it's still got the capacity these like legacy,
this legacy apparatus taken like in total it's you know,
it's it's it's like man made weather, you know, that's
the quote from the movie. And people say take it
face to value, like, oh, this is what the electro
map is, you know, like California is just like safe blue.
It's like, no, it's not man You've got stuff thinking
that way. That's not reality, you know. And uh, it's
not just about like being right or kind of like
thumbing your nose at this, you know, kind of pitiable
octogenary and tyranny. You know, it's important because this this
is built on an edifice of evinent falsehoods, you know.
And that's that's that's what Soucial Nation and can say
with the Soviet Union, it'd be like it's not as
that the Soviet Union brutalizes people and like it sends
them to these Arctic death camps, or that it punishes
you for putting God over a man. I mean that
that's obviously that those are like very evil things. But
he's like it forces you to like accept a lie,
and if you accept a lie is long enough and
it's kind of like abide to them. Like pretty soon
you start lying to yourself, you know, pretty soon you
kind of lose not just the ability but any injuring,
you know, behaving as a rational adult. You know, like
even in the conversations, you have yourself and that's kind
of that that's kind of the ultimate like the self
conditioning towards slavery.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: That's why I I I hammer home the point about
the twenty twenty steal. It's not because like I care
as much about Donald Trump, because I don't care about
Donald Trump, you know. And it's it's not because like
I I care so much about you know, arguing with
like infertainment adult morons. It's because you know, you you
can't just like accept like abject whys at face value,
or like act like it's not important because it is important,
you know, categories of minor categories of reality, like this
idea that like well if i'm if you know, hypothetically
counter fixedly, I'm an authority, So I mean it's kind
of like an event concept for reality is because it's
it's a noble lie like, no, that's not acceptable, you know,
and any no rational like no rational adult like whatever
is creed or race, but especially a white person like
should not think that way even for a minute.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: It's not that's not the way. That's not the way
free men with agency think, you know. But that was yeah,
for even kind of like sermonizing. Man, I'm just like
I said, I'm just I'm just really tired today. I don't
makes me sound way, but it's all.
Speaker 2: It's all good.
Speaker 1: I led the discussion. And you know, one of the
things you're when you talk about like local more local
kind of and regional politics usually when you get more
rural like around here, really the only thing that people
talk about when it comes to the whole discussions about
national politics are how it's going to affect us. It's like,
how how is it going to interrupt our lives? How's
it going to screw us up? It's not like, oh,
we want this done for us, you know, we we
need we need them to come do this for us. No,
it's like, how how is this going to infringe upon us?
Speaker 3: We's something too Yeah, No, and that's when I when
I was on in Baltimore, when I starting out to
Harper's Theory on the weekends. That's like the way the
culture was. Like I made friends with like the local
police and stuff like it was pretty much, uh, you know,
a different way of life. And I didn't make friends
with like the coppers because like I want to, I
want to hang out with flat floids because that way
they like they were used to seeing me and like
my lady friend and rather buddy and they they you know,
they just it was just it's you know, politics of
a of a certain of its own of it of
its own type.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: That's also why like I'm I'm gonna start, you know,
spending the winter mon in Lynchburg, because that's exactly Yeah,
that's exactly the kind of culture I want to I
want to cultivate. And I mean it's that I I
like the South anyway because it's awesome, but you know,
that's that's the future. And like one of the reasons
when I write Amtrak is it's not just because I'm
I don't like flying and I feel like Jacques who
Still's cat when I'm in a plane and find it
like it like terrorizes me. But but if you like
when you write the answer that you realize how much
there still remains like vast amounts of like just wide
open space in America and like even with like you know,
with telecom and the electric I been truly piquitous, you know,
like in America, unlike in Europe. I'm like in Japan,
I'm like in you know, Argentina. You know, you the
regime is like somewhat just like limited by physical distance,
by what it can do to you. I mean obviously,
unless you're doing crazy things or you know, like like
like like whipping up massive like pounds of fentanyl or
metama fetamine and like you know, like sticking up like
millions of dollars and ill gotten gains or something. I mean, yeah,
there's there are limits, and there's certainly there certainly acts
no missions that will like cause the regime to like
go all out and come after you. But I mean,
failing those sorts of things, you know, you can you can,
within reason, do what you want, and it's basically like
not gonna be worth it to the state to like
try and fuck with you, you know, and like people
that's something they take for granted, I don't think people
realize how vast this country is, and they do, like intellectually,
not really, I think they don't realize that there's you know,
like stress Or one of the few things I think
Gregor stress Or said that was intelgen despite uh, despite
his sympathy for arguably a sympathy for communism, and despite
hiss uh kind of autocratic paradigm. You know, you talk
about like Year of one Thousand Flags and it was
like all about like kind of distributed socialism, and you know,
there is I do understand the appeal of that they're
they're wrong, I think in there and the way they
conceptualize economics, but that that's not real far from what
I'm trying to accomplish in like ethical terms, you know,
although it shakes out differently. But yeah, no, that that's
why these are exciting times, man, because these objectives are
being a reached. In twenty twenty five is when I
am gonna make you know, I'm gonna I'm gonna snowbird
down in Lynchburg. And that's that's not just exciting because
I like it down there and our friends are there,
but that's kind of gonna that's kind of gonna be
like my base of operations for some of this stuff,
you know, and like if you build it, like they
will come, you know, like in the in the like
in the movie where Kevin Costner's like playing baseball the
ghost to Shoeless Joe. I can't remember what it's called,
but yeah, you know, yeah yeah, which which seems like
kind of I And so some people think that's like
a hockey movie, but like I like baseball a lot,
you know, and uh that that's actually like a really
good movie.
Speaker 2: But yeah, that's a wholesome.
Speaker 1: It's a wholesome story that we don't really hear a
lot about anymore.
Speaker 3: Yeah, no, And baseball is chill man like it's and
like to me, the pigskin game is king. But I,
especially when I'm ill, sayving a whole lot of anxiety
and stuff like right, uh, when I got back online,
like this twenty twenty baseball season, I I actually became
like a Red Sox fan too, Like the Red Socks
had an interesting lineup that year. Like watching baseball like
chills you out, at least I always thought, so, I
mean maybe not so much. You gotta wager around, but
I don't know, I bet On Sportsbook. But no, yeah,
this this was great. Man, forgive me if it was
those two tangential I'm kind of conversational, but I, like
I said, I my energy levels aren't quite recovered yet,
although I feel good and last night was kind of
a late night going to New Year's.
Speaker 1: All Right, man, do some quick plugs.
Speaker 2: We'll get well it.
Speaker 3: Yeah, I'm kind of on a hiatus from the pod
because we just wrapped up season two. I'm I'm gonna
aim to February first at the latest. It's probably gonna
be like the last week in January that like the
season three open earl drop. But in the introim, I'm
recording other stuff with other people's including you know, with
the stuff we're doing. But so so, my substick remains active.
It's real Thomas seven seven seven. That's substack dot com.
Other than that, hit up my website. That's like the
one stop location from my content. It's number seven h
as seven seven seven dot com. And you can find
my social media links and stuff there, like I'm on X,
I'm on an Instagram, I'm launching I launched a new
t gram channel. There's not gonna be like a discussion
aspect because I just get bumpbarded with like ops and
like gross like porn bullshit and other shit I don't
want to be available to. But I'm gonna start. I'm
gonna try, and i'm gonna I'm gonna start like uploading
some more like video content and a lot of that's
gonna find it's way to the t gram channel, so
be where it's at.
Speaker 2: Yeah, that's all I got for an
Speaker 1: All right, thank you till the next one.