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<v Speaker 1>Hello and Welcome to Western SIEV episode four hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>fifty eight. Charles alone, with the Duke of Buckingham now

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<v Speaker 1>firmly in the ground, the King took sole charge of

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<v Speaker 1>the administration. It was reported by his secretaries that he

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<v Speaker 1>dispatched more business in two weeks than Buckingham had managed

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<v Speaker 1>in three months. He told his Privy Council that he

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<v Speaker 1>would postpone the opening of Parliament until the following year.

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<v Speaker 1>He retained the same minister as as before, but of

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<v Speaker 1>course he didn't trust them as much as he had

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<v Speaker 1>trusted Buckingham. There would be no more royal favorites for

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<v Speaker 1>the remainder of his reign, except for maybe his Queen,

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<v Speaker 1>Henrianta Maria, who, after the death of Buckingham, entered into

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<v Speaker 1>a much more intimate relationship with her husband. Now, there

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<v Speaker 1>were still a lot of problems that were besetting the kingdom.

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<v Speaker 1>Law Rochelle still needed to be relieved, and so in

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<v Speaker 1>the early autumn of the year, a third expedition was

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<v Speaker 1>sent to the besieged town, but it was no more

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<v Speaker 1>successful than any of its predecessors, and the Protestants there

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<v Speaker 1>continued to languish, and so as a result, in October

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<v Speaker 1>of sixteen twenty eight, the authorities of law Rochelle signed

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<v Speaker 1>a treaty of surrendered to the French King. The walls

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<v Speaker 1>of the city were demolished, the Protestants dispersed, and now

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<v Speaker 1>Charles had no purpose to intervene. Now, in the absence

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<v Speaker 1>of Buckingham, the King became more uncertain and prevaricated than ever.

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<v Speaker 1>He couldn't decide who should he make a treaty with.

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<v Speaker 1>Should he make a treaty with France against Spain or

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<v Speaker 1>Spain against France. Now there was no question of waging

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<v Speaker 1>outright war against either nation. Frankly, the king did not

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<v Speaker 1>have the resources to do so, or any realistic prospect

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<v Speaker 1>of raising money by other means. In any case, the

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<v Speaker 1>zeal for war was rapidly ebbing in the country. There

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<v Speaker 1>might have been some delay in signing all the relative treaties,

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<v Speaker 1>but after the Duke of Buckingham, the reality was a

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<v Speaker 1>period of peace had become inevitable. Parliament did finally open

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<v Speaker 1>in January of sixteen twenty nine, and almost immediately became

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<v Speaker 1>clear that its opening did not bode well for the country.

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<v Speaker 1>The biggest issue remained that of religion. A royal declaration

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<v Speaker 1>had been issued in the parliamentary recess that the quote

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<v Speaker 1>Church has the right to decrease ceremonies and authority to

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<v Speaker 1>decide controversies of religion end quote. But what did they

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<v Speaker 1>mean by church? The English Episcopal Church had a series

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<v Speaker 1>of bishops, but it didn't have hope. Technically, the king

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<v Speaker 1>was in charge of the church. Does that mean that

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<v Speaker 1>he would be issuing religious decrees? William Laude, now the

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<v Speaker 1>Bishop of London, had helped to draw up the proclamation,

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<v Speaker 1>and in the same period a number of his supporters

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<v Speaker 1>had been promoted to vacant positions. These were the Armenians,

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<v Speaker 1>or high churchmen, who clearly rejected the practices of Calvinism.

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<v Speaker 1>For parliament, this was a direct challenge to the old

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<v Speaker 1>creed of the church. Sir John Ellman MP told his

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<v Speaker 1>parliamentary colleagues that the prelates with the King's authority might

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<v Speaker 1>quote order it which way they please, and so for

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<v Speaker 1>aught I know, to bring in popery and Armenianism, to

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<v Speaker 1>which we are told we must submit. Quote. Another member

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<v Speaker 1>named Christopher Sheerland said of the Armenians that they creep

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<v Speaker 1>into the ears of the King Majesty and suggest that

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<v Speaker 1>those that oppose them also oppose his majesty. It became

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<v Speaker 1>a confrontation therefore, between the Calvinists of the old Church

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<v Speaker 1>that have been much more successful over the previous administrations,

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<v Speaker 1>and the Armenian bishops of the new. Now there's a

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<v Speaker 1>lot of division here, and there was a lot of

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<v Speaker 1>name saying and a lot of claiming that people did

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<v Speaker 1>different things that maybe they didn't necessarily do or necessarily

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<v Speaker 1>believe in. It was claimed, for example, that the Calvinists

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<v Speaker 1>were ready to take up the cause of individual concepts

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<v Speaker 1>against the precepts of established faith and prerogative of the sovereign.

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<v Speaker 1>That is, you could choose for your own moral reasons

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<v Speaker 1>to ignore the king. Clearly, that wasn't going to go

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<v Speaker 1>well with Charles. The Armenian bishops were, on their own turn,

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<v Speaker 1>accused by their opponents of preaching passive obedience and the

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<v Speaker 1>divine right of kings, which is a little bit more

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<v Speaker 1>close to accurate, but not exactly. Certainly, the Calvinists believed

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<v Speaker 1>in predestination, grace, and the Gospel. The Armenians put their

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<v Speaker 1>faith in free will, the sacraments, and deference the ceremonial order.

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<v Speaker 1>It was not conceived by any contemporary that these were

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<v Speaker 1>controversies that could stir a civil war. But this was

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<v Speaker 1>the moment when members of Parliament and members of the

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<v Speaker 1>Court first decided to take sides. Now the Commons, animated

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<v Speaker 1>by various speeches, continued to affirm that it alone had

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<v Speaker 1>the right to determine the will and the religion of

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<v Speaker 1>the country, and as a consequence, Charles adjourned Parliament on

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<v Speaker 1>the twenty fifth of February for a week as both

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<v Speaker 1>sides continued this talk of war, so by early March

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<v Speaker 1>things were headed towards a final confrontation. On March, the

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<v Speaker 1>second Speaker, Sir John Finch, announced to the comments that

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<v Speaker 1>it was the King's wish that they should adjourn for

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<v Speaker 1>a further eight days. Such a request in the past

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<v Speaker 1>had always just been summarily accepted, but now the members

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<v Speaker 1>stood up and began to shout no, no, over and

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<v Speaker 1>over again. Finch moved to rise from his chair, thus

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<v Speaker 1>abruptly ending the session, but some members barred his way

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<v Speaker 1>and thrust him back into his seat. Denzil Hall's, another MP,

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<v Speaker 1>told him quote God's wounds, you shall sit till we

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<v Speaker 1>please to rise end quote. Elliott then announced that the

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<v Speaker 1>members would have the privilege of adjourning themselves after he

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<v Speaker 1>had read out a declaration of their intentions. Of course,

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<v Speaker 1>Finch didn't know what to do in this situation, then

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<v Speaker 1>pointedly asked everyone, what would you do if you were

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<v Speaker 1>in my place? Let not my desire to serve you

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<v Speaker 1>faithfully lead to my ruin end quote. He of course,

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<v Speaker 1>was now in an impossible situation with incompatible loyalties. Were

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<v Speaker 1>going into an era and people didn't necessarily recognize it yet,

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<v Speaker 1>but an era where you couldn't be loyal to Parliament

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<v Speaker 1>and the king. It was, as I mentioned before, a

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<v Speaker 1>time for choosing sides. Some members, realizing the gravity of

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<v Speaker 1>the approaching confrontation, tried to get up to leave, but

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<v Speaker 1>the sergeant at arms was ordered to close the doors.

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<v Speaker 1>When he hesitated, another member locked the doors and put

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<v Speaker 1>away the key. Elliott then spoke out in a ferocious

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<v Speaker 1>attack upon the evil counselors that had surrounded the king.

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<v Speaker 1>He also assaulted Armenianism as quite frankly, nothing more than

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<v Speaker 1>an open door to Rome. Suddenly, as all this was

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<v Speaker 1>going going on, knocks were heard at the door. The

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<v Speaker 1>king had now taken an own step and ordered the

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<v Speaker 1>Sergeant at Arms to bring away the royal mace, which

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<v Speaker 1>technically deprived the proceedings of any royal authority. So ends

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<v Speaker 1>this is going on. Member of Parliament that I mentioned

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<v Speaker 1>earlier at denzil Halls swiftly proposed three resolutions. Number one,

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<v Speaker 1>anyone who tried to introduce popery or Armeniumism into the

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<v Speaker 1>Kingdom would be considered a capital enemy. Number two, anyone

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<v Speaker 1>who should advise the King of levying customs duties without

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<v Speaker 1>the authority of the Parliament would similarly be considered an enemy.

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<v Speaker 1>And lastly, if any merchant should voluntarily agree to pay

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<v Speaker 1>the duties of tonnage and poundage, he would be reputed

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<v Speaker 1>to be a betrayer of the liberties of England and

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<v Speaker 1>an enemy all the same. Again, you can see the

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<v Speaker 1>lines being drawn. Thelllutions were quickly adopted. Having delivered his

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<v Speaker 1>message to the nation he felt, Collins asked that the

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<v Speaker 1>House now adjourn itself, to which there were immediate cries

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<v Speaker 1>of I. The doors were thrown open, and the triumphant

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<v Speaker 1>parliamentarians streamed out to announce the news to a happy nation.

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<v Speaker 1>They would not meet again for another eleven years. Two

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<v Speaker 1>days after the members of Parliament streamed triumphantly out the doors.

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<v Speaker 1>The King announced the dissolution of Parliament. At the same

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<v Speaker 1>time he ordered nine of its members arrested. John Elliot,

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<v Speaker 1>of course, was the principal object of the King's wrath.

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<v Speaker 1>Not only was he furious about some of the actions

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<v Speaker 1>that he had taken within those closed doors, but Charles

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<v Speaker 1>blamed Elliot for the death of Buckingham because of his

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<v Speaker 1>angry Philippics against his favorite. The immediate aftermath of the

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<v Speaker 1>disillusion was one of dismay and bewilderment throughout the country.

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<v Speaker 1>The majority of merchants refused to pay the customs duties

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<v Speaker 1>demanded of them on the grounds that a future parliament

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<v Speaker 1>might condemn them as betrayers of the kingdom, and so

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<v Speaker 1>they simply declined to trade. There were caalcil trans lasted

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<v Speaker 1>for two months until the prospect of financial ruin ended

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<v Speaker 1>their resolve. The Venetian ambassador wrote at the time that

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<v Speaker 1>quote affairs grow more bitter every day, and by these disputes,

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<v Speaker 1>the King has made his people see that he can

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<v Speaker 1>do much more than they may have imagined. I guess

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<v Speaker 1>in theory this had all been a victory for Charles,

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<v Speaker 1>but it had gravely impaired his legitimacy, his authority, and

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<v Speaker 1>his reputation. Charles had revealed himself to be arbitrary and

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps even illegal in his measures. It was a moment

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<v Speaker 1>I'm sure he would come to regret now. After the

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<v Speaker 1>disillusion of Parliament in March of sixteen twenty nine, the

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<v Speaker 1>King entered upon a period of personal government that was

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<v Speaker 1>to last for eleven years. To all in pents and purposes,

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<v Speaker 1>Charles had now become truly the first English experiment in

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<v Speaker 1>absolute monarchy. The people of England were simply asked to

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<v Speaker 1>trust in his benevolent intentions and to be fair. In

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<v Speaker 1>many ways, he was a gentle monarch, and there weren't

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<v Speaker 1>really any political purges or executions that took place. An

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<v Speaker 1>unparliamentary government was not, in and of itself a fruitless endeavor.

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<v Speaker 1>It was a time of a lot of improvements, and

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<v Speaker 1>especially in transport. Roads were repaired, new canals were dug,

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<v Speaker 1>The national post as service was improved. There were now

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<v Speaker 1>regular posts on the principal roads taking place of the

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<v Speaker 1>irregular system of carriers, and the absence of any national emergency,

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<v Speaker 1>the administration of local government was strengthened and extended. Now.

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<v Speaker 1>Of course, the only way that all this domestic tranquility worked, though,

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<v Speaker 1>was if there were external peace treaties. The king could

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<v Speaker 1>not afford war, and as long as he could raise

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<v Speaker 1>money for his own government by fines and taxation, there

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<v Speaker 1>was no need to call for a parliament. Therefore, the

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<v Speaker 1>foreign policy of England now made itself. Peace was concluded

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<v Speaker 1>with France in the spring of sixteen twenty nine, and

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen months later a truce was arranged with Spain. By

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<v Speaker 1>treaty with France, Charles was obliged to abandon his cause

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<v Speaker 1>of the Protestant Huguenots on the understanding that the principles

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<v Speaker 1>of his marriage treaty with Louis the thirteenth need not

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<v Speaker 1>be strictly applied. This would dub vice versa. By the way,

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<v Speaker 1>worked both ways. He didn't have to, for example, grant

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<v Speaker 1>freedom of worship to Roman Catholics, because Louis the thirteenth,

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<v Speaker 1>as we know, had no intention of granting the same

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<v Speaker 1>rights to Protestants within his country. He also concluded a

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<v Speaker 1>peace with Spain, which made now no mention of the

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<v Speaker 1>restoration of the Palatinate to Charles's sister and brother in law.

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<v Speaker 1>The fate of Germany was now up to itself. In

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<v Speaker 1>another clause of the treaty, it was agreed that Spanish

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<v Speaker 1>silver could be minted in England, being shipped to Antwerp,

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<v Speaker 1>where the Spanish were still engaged in fighting the Dutch.

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<v Speaker 1>Of course, it was an open question for these alliances

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<v Speaker 1>with the Catholic powers of Europe, France and Spain would

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<v Speaker 1>become a cause of discontent, But for the moment Charles

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<v Speaker 1>didn't care about any of that. He needed peace to

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<v Speaker 1>avoid calling parliament, and so he secured it. In fact,

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<v Speaker 1>the public reaction to both peace treaties was rather subdued.

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<v Speaker 1>Nobody really cared about the matter, and in fact, in

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<v Speaker 1>foreign affairs on the continent, Charles was quickly usurped because

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<v Speaker 1>in sixteen twenty nine, as we know, the King of Sweden,

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<v Speaker 1>Gustavus Adolphus, marched into Germany and embarked upon a military conquest,

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<v Speaker 1>as unexpected as it was at the time unprecedented. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>how was the English king to treat with the man

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<v Speaker 1>who had become known as the Lion of the North.

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<v Speaker 1>Gustavus Adolphus demanded men in materials from the fellow Protestant monarch.

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<v Speaker 1>But if Charles entered into an alliance with the Swedish King,

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<v Speaker 1>his friendship with Spain would come to an end, and

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<v Speaker 1>of course trade with Spain was very important, as was

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<v Speaker 1>peace with it. If he refused an alliance with Gustavus Adolphus,

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<v Speaker 1>he would lose honor and of course influence on the continent.

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<v Speaker 1>If Adolphus emerged ultimately successful and victorious. So Charles, as

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<v Speaker 1>he's wont to do, just prevaricated and couldn't decide, and

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<v Speaker 1>he tried half measures to try to maintain friendship with

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<v Speaker 1>both sides. He agreed that a private force of six

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<v Speaker 1>thousand Scottish soldiers under the command of the Marquis of

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<v Speaker 1>Hamilton could join the Swedish army, but like most expeditions

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<v Speaker 1>in this era, it was a disaster, made worse by

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<v Speaker 1>epidemic disease and chronic in subordination. The king then sent

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<v Speaker 1>a delegation to the Swedish king quote to enter into

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<v Speaker 1>a league upon emergent occasions end quote. This is one

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<v Speaker 1>of those agreements that could mean a lot of things, or,

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<v Speaker 1>as was the case here, it could mean absolutely nothing

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<v Speaker 1>at all. In practice, it did mean nothing At one

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<v Speaker 1>point Charles band news gazettes from reporting on Swedish victories

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<v Speaker 1>because they cast such a sad light on his own

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<v Speaker 1>woeful ineptitude. That being said, Charles, as we know, didn't

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<v Speaker 1>have to deal with Gustavus Adolphus for long. The fortunes

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<v Speaker 1>of the Swedish king came to a rather abrupt end

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<v Speaker 1>in a battle outside Leipzig, where his bottle was eventually

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<v Speaker 1>found among a heap of naked corpses. The King of

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<v Speaker 1>England truly had done nothing to help the line of

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<v Speaker 1>the North. English in action had created what was called,

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<v Speaker 1>in one anonymous pamphleteer quote the practice of princes described

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<v Speaker 1>as quote hispanolized, Frenchified, Romanized or neutralized policy end quote.

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<v Speaker 1>That being said, if you were a lover of peace,

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<v Speaker 1>there was nothing wrong with any of that. After all,

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<v Speaker 1>remember how devastating the Thirty Years War was on Central Europe,

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<v Speaker 1>how costly it was for both Spain and France. Maybe

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<v Speaker 1>it was better for England to sit this one out,

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<v Speaker 1>but funds still had to be raised in England by

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<v Speaker 1>one means or another. The fines against the illegal enclosure

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<v Speaker 1>of common Land were now more strenuously enacted. The King

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<v Speaker 1>also raised a lot of money from a great scheme

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<v Speaker 1>to drain the fens of eastern England. Many articles of

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<v Speaker 1>ordinary consumption were granted for a fee to monopolists, who

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<v Speaker 1>could then set their own prices. The articles included iron

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<v Speaker 1>and salt, hans and playing cards, starch and tobacco, seaweed,

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<v Speaker 1>hand spectacles, combs and gunpowder, hats and hops, literally pattens

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<v Speaker 1>and monopolies could be purchased now for everything. In other words,

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<v Speaker 1>it wasn't a particularly great time in England if you

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<v Speaker 1>were a consumer. One of the most infamous cases of

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<v Speaker 1>selling monopolies is the case of soap. The Company of

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<v Speaker 1>Soap Makers was granted a monopoly in sixteen thirty one

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<v Speaker 1>to manufacture soap out of domestically made ingredients like vegetable oil,

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<v Speaker 1>rather than out of imported whale oil or fish oil.

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<v Speaker 1>The company agreed in turn to pay the King an

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<v Speaker 1>annual tax of twenty thousand pounds, but the previous soap

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<v Speaker 1>makers kept trying to make soap, and they were prosecuted

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<v Speaker 1>in the Star Chamber. It was actually agreed at the

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<v Speaker 1>time and thought that the Company of Soap Makers was

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<v Speaker 1>in fact controlled by the Catholic Friends of Queen Henrietta Maria.

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<v Speaker 1>Some of the new monopolies were actually rumored to be

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<v Speaker 1>financed by the Jesuits. In other words, that this was

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<v Speaker 1>all had nothing to do with income and was entirely

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<v Speaker 1>about religion. Many Protestant households therefore objected to buying the

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<v Speaker 1>new soap, so much so that it became known as

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<v Speaker 1>Popish soap. Other expedients were practiced, of course, Royal rights

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<v Speaker 1>over forest lands were resurrected. Those who had encroached upon

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<v Speaker 1>forest boundaries were now charged large sums, even if they

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<v Speaker 1>had done so one hundred years prior, and those who

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<v Speaker 1>had built in London upon new foundations without a permit

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<v Speaker 1>were also fined. What, then, the question was, was the

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<v Speaker 1>king's general attitude towards the personal property of his people.

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<v Speaker 1>That was what was on the tongue of everyone. Could

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<v Speaker 1>he simply take property and sell it to make up

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<v Speaker 1>the difference if he had to? After all, if he

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<v Speaker 1>could invent new taxes without recourse to parliament, what was

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<v Speaker 1>to stop the king from simply seizing the money of

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<v Speaker 1>good Englishmen and using it for his own purposes. Many

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<v Speaker 1>suggested that the king could indeed tax without consent, that

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<v Speaker 1>the public good took precedence over private rights. Now, others,

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<v Speaker 1>of course, argued that the Englishman's right to property on

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<v Speaker 1>his goods in the state was absolute and sacrisanct. It

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<v Speaker 1>couldn't be removed by any court or sovereign. Now these

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<v Speaker 1>questions were starting to unravel domestic peace, making matters worse.

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<v Speaker 1>Of course, the harvest of sixteen thirty was absolutely disastrous.

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<v Speaker 1>This pushed up the price of grain from four shillings

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<v Speaker 1>to fourteen shillings a bushel. The prospect of starvation alarmed

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<v Speaker 1>many communities. Food riots were rampant in Kent, Hampshire and elsewhere. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>of course, all this was going on, the question of

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<v Speaker 1>religion continued to be unanswered. At the end of sixteen

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<v Speaker 1>twenty nine, William Laude had, with the assent of the King,

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<v Speaker 1>composed a quote Declaration on the Articles of Religion. It

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<v Speaker 1>was designed to impose order and uniformity upon the English

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<v Speaker 1>Church by prescribing forms of worship, the words of prayers,

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<v Speaker 1>and even the gestures of the clergy. It was ordained

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<v Speaker 1>that all clerics must accept the letter of thirty nine

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<v Speaker 1>articles attached to it, a demand which would in effect

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<v Speaker 1>prohibit any discussion by Calvinists on such matters as predestination

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<v Speaker 1>and any other issues which had been condemned by Laud

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<v Speaker 1>and the other bishops. The declaration was conceived thoroughly in

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<v Speaker 1>the spirit of the monarch, who believed in order above

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<v Speaker 1>all things and uniformity. Now Laud in the Capitol was

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<v Speaker 1>considered to be little more and a papist in other clothing,

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<v Speaker 1>and in due time those chickens as well would come

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<v Speaker 1>home to roost. The king, however, expressed appreciation of Laud

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<v Speaker 1>and his efforts. He appointed him chancellor of Oxford University

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<v Speaker 1>in the spring of sixteen thirty, and that wasn't the

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<v Speaker 1>only celebration. In sixteen thirty, The glory of Charles the

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<v Speaker 1>First himself was celebrated. Richard Weston, the Treasurer, commissioned a

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<v Speaker 1>statue of the king on horseback. It is perhaps the

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<v Speaker 1>most memorable image of his entire reign. The authority of

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<v Speaker 1>the king's image was amplified by the evidence of his fertility.

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<v Speaker 1>In the spring of sixteen thirty, Queen Henrietta Maria presented

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<v Speaker 1>him with a son, an heir, also to be named Charles.

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<v Speaker 1>In fact, the infant Charles was also the first in

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<v Speaker 1>English history to be born as heir to all three kingdoms.

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<v Speaker 1>Charles had been born before his father James ascended to

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<v Speaker 1>the English throne. The birth of Suns seemed to indicate

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<v Speaker 1>that the Stuart dynasty might continue forever, and in fact,

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<v Speaker 1>if we go back and we look at other histories

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<v Speaker 1>of the realm, Edward Hyde, the first Earl of Clarendon,

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<v Speaker 1>claimed in his History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars

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<v Speaker 1>in England that during the personal rule of Chiles, quote,

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<v Speaker 1>the like peace and plenty and universal tranquility for ten

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<v Speaker 1>years was never enjoyed by any nation end quote. Another historian,

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<v Speaker 1>Sir Philip Warwick, in his Memoirs of the Reign of

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<v Speaker 1>Charles the First wrote that quote from the year sixteen

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<v Speaker 1>twenty eight onto the year sixteen thirty eight. I believe

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<v Speaker 1>England was never master of a profounder peace, nor enjoyed

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<v Speaker 1>more wealth, or had the power and form of Godliness

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<v Speaker 1>more visible in it end quote. But even though some

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<v Speaker 1>contemporary historians believed that this was a perfect period of peace,

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<v Speaker 1>as we will find out in our next episode, there

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<v Speaker 1>were many many people in England who did not agree.

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<v Speaker 1>In fact, the Cracks and Fishers were already appearing across

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<v Speaker 1>English society that would lead inexorably to Civil war
