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<v Speaker 1>Hello and Welcome to Western sev Episode four hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>eighty three The American Revolution, Part one. On the night

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<v Speaker 1>of April eighteenth, seventeen seventy five, General Thomas Gage dispatched

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<v Speaker 1>troops to see his colonial military stores at Concord, Massachusetts.

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<v Speaker 1>Paul Revere, William Dawes, and Samuel Prescott road into the

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<v Speaker 1>countryside with the alarm the regulars are coming out. At

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<v Speaker 1>dawn on April nineteenth, militia under the control of Captain

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<v Speaker 1>John Parker based British troops on Lexington Green. Stand your ground,

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<v Speaker 1>Parker told his men don't fire unless fire to pong,

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<v Speaker 1>but if they mean to have a war, let it

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<v Speaker 1>begin here. A single shot, its origin never certain, set

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<v Speaker 1>off a volley and eight Americans fell dead. The British

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<v Speaker 1>pressed on to conquered, but at north Bridge they faced

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<v Speaker 1>a stiff resistance. Militia sniping from behind stone walls and

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<v Speaker 1>trees turned a retreat into a running gauntlet, killing or

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<v Speaker 1>wounding more than two hundred and fifty Red Coats. Within days,

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<v Speaker 1>militia from New England surrounded Boston, beginning an eleven month siege,

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<v Speaker 1>and June British troops under General William Howe assaulted America's

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<v Speaker 1>position on Breed's Hill. By June of seventeen seventy five,

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<v Speaker 1>the siege of Boston was in full swing. After Lexington

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<v Speaker 1>had conquered in April, thousands of New England militia had

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<v Speaker 1>encircled the city, hemming in the British under General Thomas Gage.

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<v Speaker 1>The British still controlled the harbor, but their supply lines

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<v Speaker 1>over land had been cut. Now Boston itself settled in

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<v Speaker 1>a narrow peninsula, connected to the mainland by a single

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<v Speaker 1>neck of land. To the north across the Charles River

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<v Speaker 1>lay the Charlestown Peninsula, with two prominent rises, Bunker Hill,

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<v Speaker 1>which was further inland, and Breed's Hill, which was closer

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<v Speaker 1>to the water. Whoever controlled these heights could command the

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<v Speaker 1>harbor and northern approach to Boston with artillery. Rumors swelled

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<v Speaker 1>that the British intended to seize these hills. On the

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<v Speaker 1>night of June sixteenth, seventeen seventy five, colonial commanders decided

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<v Speaker 1>to beat them to it. Colonel William Prescott, accompanied by

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<v Speaker 1>about one thousand men from Massachusetts and Connecticut, marched quietly

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<v Speaker 1>across the Charlestown Neck under cover of darkness. Their orders

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<v Speaker 1>were to fortify Bunker Hill, but for reasons still debated,

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<v Speaker 1>they dug in at Breed's Hill instead, closer to Boston

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<v Speaker 1>but more exposed to attack. Throughout the night, militiamen worked

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<v Speaker 1>feverishly shovels clinking against rocky soil, shaping a square earthen

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<v Speaker 1>redoubts about eight feet high. By dawn, British lookouts in

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<v Speaker 1>Boston were stunned to see the new fortification, silhouetted against

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<v Speaker 1>the morning sky. From this position, Colonial guns could threaten

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<v Speaker 1>British ships in the harbor. General Gage ordered an immediate

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<v Speaker 1>assault to drive the rebels off, but instead of attacking

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<v Speaker 1>at once, the British spent the morning preparing. This delay

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<v Speaker 1>gave the Americans more time to reinforce their position. Those

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<v Speaker 1>supplies and ammunition were limited. Reinforcements under John Stark of

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<v Speaker 1>New Hampshire and others took up positions along a rail

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<v Speaker 1>fence running from the hill toward the Mystic River, improvising

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<v Speaker 1>cover with whatever they could find bales of hay, some brush,

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<v Speaker 1>fence rails. In the early afternoon, British troops about two

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<v Speaker 1>two hundred strong, crossed the Charles River in longboats and

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<v Speaker 1>formed ranks on the Charlestown shore. They were led by

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<v Speaker 1>Major General William Howe and Brigadier Robert Piggott. Red coated

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<v Speaker 1>infantry advanced in tight formation under a blazing June sun,

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<v Speaker 1>burdened by heavy packs and wool uniform. Before they could

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<v Speaker 1>even close with the Americans, British artillery began pounding the

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<v Speaker 1>Redoubt and Friends line. At the same time, British guns

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<v Speaker 1>in Boston set fire to Charlestown, sending up a massive

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<v Speaker 1>pall of smoke to cover the battlefield. As the first

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<v Speaker 1>wave of infantry approached, the Americans held their fire, waiting

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<v Speaker 1>until the enemy was dangerously close. Accounts differ on who

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<v Speaker 1>gave the famous command, but the intent was clear. Conserve

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<v Speaker 1>ammunition and make every shot count. One officer we don't

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<v Speaker 1>know who is remembered to shouting, don't fire until you

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<v Speaker 1>see the whites of their eyes. The first British assault

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<v Speaker 1>staggered up the slope into a withering wall of musket fire.

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<v Speaker 1>Red coated ranks crumbled. Survivors retreated down the hill to regroup.

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<v Speaker 1>A second assault and me at the same fate. House

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<v Speaker 1>officers struggled to keep their men advancing against the relentless

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<v Speaker 1>volleys from the redoubt and the rail fence, but the

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<v Speaker 1>americans ammunition was running out. By the third British advance,

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<v Speaker 1>they were down to their last shots, resorting to firing

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<v Speaker 1>scrap metal when musket balls were gone. This time, the

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<v Speaker 1>British fixed bayonets and surged forward. Inside the redoubt, Prescott

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<v Speaker 1>fought desperately, parrying his sword and urging his men to hold,

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<v Speaker 1>but with ammunition or bayonets of their own, the defenders

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<v Speaker 1>were forced into a brutal hand to hand combat before

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<v Speaker 1>the Americans eventually retreated toward Bunker Hill and across the

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<v Speaker 1>Charlestown Neck. In the end, the British had taken Breed's Hill,

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<v Speaker 1>but at a massive cost, over one thousand killed and wounded,

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<v Speaker 1>nearly half the attacking force, a pyrrhic victory if there

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<v Speaker 1>ever was one. The Americans suffered similar casualties, around four

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<v Speaker 1>hundred and fifty, but the morale effect was immense. They

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<v Speaker 1>had stood toe to toe against the best army in

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<v Speaker 1>the world and inflicted heavy losses, proving that the rebellion

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<v Speaker 1>could fight as equals on the field. In the days

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<v Speaker 1>that followed, even General Gage admitted the high price of

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<v Speaker 1>the victory, telling London that quote the loss we have

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<v Speaker 1>sustained is greater than we can bear end quote. For

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<v Speaker 1>the colonists, Bred's Hill became a rallying point, as Abigail

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<v Speaker 1>Adams wrote to her husband John, quote, our hopes are

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<v Speaker 1>not lost. We have only begun as a people. By

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<v Speaker 1>Nate Fall On June seventeenth, seventeen seventy five, the Charlestown

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<v Speaker 1>Peninsula was effectively a smoking ruin, but the revolutionary cause

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<v Speaker 1>had gained something far greater than ground. It had finally

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<v Speaker 1>gained some confidence. The Battle of Breds Hill, forever misnamed

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<v Speaker 1>as the Battle of Bunker Hill, had shown that Liberty's

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<v Speaker 1>defense would be costly, but it would be possible. The

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<v Speaker 1>Siege at Boston ended in March seventeen seventy six, when

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<v Speaker 1>Colonel Henry Knox hauled cannon from Fort Tykwonderoga to the

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<v Speaker 1>Dorchester Heights, forcing the British fleet to evacuate Boston. The

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<v Speaker 1>focus of the war then shifted south, where Britain sought

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<v Speaker 1>to crush the rebellion in New York. And we need

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<v Speaker 1>to explain why. When the war began in April seventeen

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<v Speaker 1>seventy five. Boston was the center of armed resistance, but

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<v Speaker 1>it was also a limited position from which Britain could

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<v Speaker 1>control its war effort. It had extremely limited access to

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<v Speaker 1>the countryside once the colonial militia surrounded it after Lexington

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<v Speaker 1>and conquered, British General Thomas Gage could only supply his

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<v Speaker 1>army by sea, and it was worse than that because

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<v Speaker 1>Boston's harbor was more shallow than the British needed its

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<v Speaker 1>large as ships. The Ship of the Line was essentially

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<v Speaker 1>the modern day equivalent of an aircraft carrier in its usefulness.

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<v Speaker 1>But those ships had a huge draft, which means that

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<v Speaker 1>they have a huge They need a lot of water

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<v Speaker 1>to be able to navigate really deep ports, and Boston

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<v Speaker 1>wasn't effective for that. The other of Boston harbor is

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<v Speaker 1>it kind of looks like a giant half moon semi circle,

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<v Speaker 1>and once you put cannons on the Dorchester Heights, they

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<v Speaker 1>can hit any position within that harbor because they can

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<v Speaker 1>surround it completely. So you'd have two choices if you

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<v Speaker 1>were a British naval officer. You could leave your ship

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<v Speaker 1>in the harbor and get blasted to smitherings, or you

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<v Speaker 1>can move out to the North Atlantic, where a storm

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<v Speaker 1>might wipe you out at any moment. As a consequence,

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<v Speaker 1>General William Howe, who was overall commanded the British forces

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<v Speaker 1>at this point, recognized the untenable position and so he

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<v Speaker 1>recognized that he needed to get out of Boston, and

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<v Speaker 1>he did. In March of seventeen seventy six. He left

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<v Speaker 1>with his troops to Halifax, Nova Scotia, and took along

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<v Speaker 1>any loyalist that he could. The withdrawal of the British

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<v Speaker 1>made it clear that Boston was too small, too exposed,

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<v Speaker 1>and too easily blockaded to serve as Britain's main base

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<v Speaker 1>in the colonies. But the question then is, of course

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<v Speaker 1>why New York. Well, New York had a series of

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<v Speaker 1>advantages that I want to walk through. One is just geographic.

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<v Speaker 1>New York was ideally positioned at the mouth of the

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<v Speaker 1>Hudson River, Controlling it offered a potential link between British

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<v Speaker 1>forces in Canada and those operating in the South. If

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<v Speaker 1>the British could seize the Hudson Corridor, they could split

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<v Speaker 1>New England, the hotbed of rebellion, from the rest of

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<v Speaker 1>the colonies, isolating it politically and militarily. Unlike Boston, New

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<v Speaker 1>York had one of the best deep water harbors in

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<v Speaker 1>North America. This allowed the Royal Navy and its massive

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<v Speaker 1>ship of the Line to anchor large fleets and maintain

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<v Speaker 1>secure supply lines across the Atlantic. Its islands and waterways

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<v Speaker 1>Staten Island, Long Island, Sound, the East and Hudson Rivers

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<v Speaker 1>gave the British flexibility and maneuvering troops by ship. New York,

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<v Speaker 1>unlike Boston, also had a very large loyalist population, particularly

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<v Speaker 1>among the merchants and wealthy landowners. British commanders hoped that

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<v Speaker 1>taking the city would rally loyalist sentiment and encourage more

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<v Speaker 1>colonists to declare for the Crown. As the second largest

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<v Speaker 1>city in the colonies in a major commercial hub, New

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<v Speaker 1>York was also symbolically and materially valuable. Occupying it could

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<v Speaker 1>strike a blow to rebel morale while giving Britain a

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<v Speaker 1>secure administrative center for future operations. So the British plan

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<v Speaker 1>was pretty straightforward, was to launch a massive assault on

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<v Speaker 1>New York City in the summer of seventeen seventy six.

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<v Speaker 1>He would bring overwhelming force, eventually over thirty thousand troops

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<v Speaker 1>and hundreds of ships to crush the Continental army in

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<v Speaker 1>one quick, decisive campaign. The British believed that capturing New

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<v Speaker 1>York could both sever the rebellion's lifeline and compel the

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<v Speaker 1>Continental Congress to the negotiation table. But meanwhile, as we

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<v Speaker 1>turned to that Continental Congress, we have to consider they's

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<v Speaker 1>perspective and all this up until the summer of seventeen

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<v Speaker 1>seventy six, this was not really for most American colonists

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<v Speaker 1>about independence. This was about settling grievances with Great Britain.

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<v Speaker 1>Most historians seemed to take the position that had George

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<v Speaker 1>the Third been willing to negotiate with the colonists up

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<v Speaker 1>to the summer of seventeen seventy six, this whole thing

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<v Speaker 1>could have been averted. And now there's a lot of

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<v Speaker 1>factors that start to change American attitudes. And then the

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<v Speaker 1>least of which is of course George's and transigents. But

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<v Speaker 1>there are others, and so I want to talk about

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<v Speaker 1>one really quickly, So enter stage left. Thomas Payne. Thomas

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<v Speaker 1>Payne was born on January twenty ninth, seventeen thirty seven,

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<v Speaker 1>in the small market town of Thetford in Norfolk, England.

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<v Speaker 1>His father, Joseph Payne, was a Quaker and a corset

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<v Speaker 1>maker by trade. His mother, Francis Cook, was an. This

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<v Speaker 1>mixed religious household gave young Thomas a perspective unusual for

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<v Speaker 1>the time. He saw early tensions between faiths, but he

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<v Speaker 1>also began to understand the ways in which different creeds

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<v Speaker 1>can share the same home bed and obviously therefore country.

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<v Speaker 1>Payne attended that Third Grammar school until he was thirteen,

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<v Speaker 1>learning and excelling in Latin arithmetic and scripture, but his

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<v Speaker 1>formal education ended abruptly. Like many young men at his time,

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<v Speaker 1>his family couldn't afford to keep him in school, and

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<v Speaker 1>so he entered his father's trade, cutting whalebone and stitching

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<v Speaker 1>stays for women's bodices, hardly a calling for an ambitious mind.

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<v Speaker 1>Payne's twenties were a series of attempts to find steady footing,

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<v Speaker 1>each ending in frustration. He tried the sea, serving briefly

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<v Speaker 1>on a privateer during the Seven Years War. He became

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<v Speaker 1>an excise officer, inspecting goods to enforce custom laws, but

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<v Speaker 1>he was twice dismissed for neglect of duty. His sympathies

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<v Speaker 1>for struggling merchants and smugglers did not endear him to

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<v Speaker 1>the Crown's revenue service. During this period, Hayne married twice.

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<v Speaker 1>His first wife, Mary Lambert, died of illness within a

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<v Speaker 1>year of their wedding. His second marriage, to Elizabeth Olive,

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<v Speaker 1>ended in separation. The losses, combined with his career setbacks,

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<v Speaker 1>left Pain in financial distress. In seventeen seventy two, he

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<v Speaker 1>published The Case of the Officers of Excise, the pamphlet

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<v Speaker 1>petitioning Parliament for better wages for custom inspectors. It was

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<v Speaker 1>a small work, but it revealed two key traits that

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<v Speaker 1>would define his later career, a sympathy for the working

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<v Speaker 1>poor and a knack for clear, forceful prose. In seventeen

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<v Speaker 1>seventy four, Paine was in London, nearly destitute and seeking

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<v Speaker 1>new opportunities. Fate intervened when he met no less than

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<v Speaker 1>Benjamin Franklin, then serving as an American colonial agent in Britain.

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<v Speaker 1>Franklin recognized in Pain both intelligence and discontent with Britain's

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<v Speaker 1>political order. He advised Paine to emigrate to the American colonies,

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<v Speaker 1>writing him letters of introduction and arranging for his passage.

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<v Speaker 1>Paine arrived in Philadelphia in November of seventeen seventy four,

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<v Speaker 1>weakened by a bout of shipboard Typhus, but invigorated by

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<v Speaker 1>the energy of the city, a bustling port alive with

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<v Speaker 1>political debate, he quickly found work as the editor of

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<v Speaker 1>the Pennsylvania Magazine, where his essays championed abolition, women's rights,

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<v Speaker 1>and the dignity of labor. He signed many articles simply

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<v Speaker 1>common sense, foreshadowing what was to come. The outbreak of

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<v Speaker 1>fighting at Lexington and Concord in April seventeen seventy five

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<v Speaker 1>transformed colonial unrest into open war. Pain new to America,

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<v Speaker 1>but quick to grasp the stakes. Frustrated with those still

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<v Speaker 1>hoping for reconciliation with Britain, he began drafting a pamphlet

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<v Speaker 1>to cut through the legal arguments and emotional ties binding

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<v Speaker 1>the colonists to the Crown. In a rented room, Pain

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<v Speaker 1>wrote with unrelenting directness, quote, the sun never shined on

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<v Speaker 1>a cause of greater worth tis not the affair of

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<v Speaker 1>a city, a country, a province, or a kingdom, but

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<v Speaker 1>of a continent of at least one eighth part of

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<v Speaker 1>the habitable globe. End quote. Rejecting monarchy, outright. Pain argued

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<v Speaker 1>that hereditary rule was quote an insult and imposition on

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<v Speaker 1>posterity end quote, and that America's destiny was independence. The manuscript,

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<v Speaker 1>sharpened by the advice of Philadelphia printer Robert Bell, appeared

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<v Speaker 1>in January seventeen seventy six as Common Sense, selling an

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<v Speaker 1>estimated one hundred and twenty thousand copies in its first

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<v Speaker 1>three months, a staggering number for the era. Common Sense

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<v Speaker 1>was read aloud in taverns, reprinted in newspapers, and carried

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<v Speaker 1>eventually by soldiers in the field. Its plain, impassioned style

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<v Speaker 1>reached farmers and tradesmen who might never read a long

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<v Speaker 1>political tract. Pain had given the revolution a language ordinary

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<v Speaker 1>people could claim as their own. Before seventeen seventy six,

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<v Speaker 1>Pain was a failed corset maker, a dismissed exciseman, a

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<v Speaker 1>twice bereaved husband, and a newcomer to the American shore.

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<v Speaker 1>By the time the ink dried on Common Sense, he

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<v Speaker 1>had become the pen of the revolution, his words a

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<v Speaker 1>drum beat for independence. By the time Congress met in

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<v Speaker 1>June seventeen seventy six, the war for Independence had already begun.

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<v Speaker 1>In the battlefield. Blood had been shed at Lexington and

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<v Speaker 1>Concord on Breed's Hill, and in Canada, George Washington's army

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<v Speaker 1>stood between the British and New York City. Yet politically

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<v Speaker 1>the colonies remained bound to the British crown. Many delegates

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<v Speaker 1>still hoped for reconciliation. Others feared that declaring independence would

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<v Speaker 1>alienate wavering colonists and invite devastating retaliation. But of course,

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<v Speaker 1>as I mentioned, there were several developments that pushed the

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<v Speaker 1>issue forward. In January, Thomas Paine's pamphlet Common Sense had

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<v Speaker 1>sold tens of thousands, making the case for independence painfully obvious.

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<v Speaker 1>Quote the sun never shined on a cause of greater worth,

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<v Speaker 1>tis time to part end quote. In May of seventeen

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<v Speaker 1>seventy six, the Continental Congress had advised each colony to

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<v Speaker 1>form its own government, an unmistakable sign that the old

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<v Speaker 1>imperial relationship was ending. On June the seventh, seventeen seventy six,

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<v Speaker 1>Virginia Delegate Richard Henry Lee rose on the floor of

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<v Speaker 1>Congress with instructions from the Virginia Convention. His resolution was

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<v Speaker 1>bold and unambiguous that these United Colonies are and of

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<v Speaker 1>right ought to be free and independent states that are

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<v Speaker 1>absolved from all allegiance of the British Crown. The Chamber

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<v Speaker 1>was now charged retention. Some delegations, Massachusetts, Virginia, North Carolina,

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<v Speaker 1>were already Others Pennsylvania, Delaware, South Carolina were hesitant or divided.

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<v Speaker 1>New York's delegation was bound by instructions not to vote

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<v Speaker 1>for independence at all. Because such momentous steps require unanimity,

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<v Speaker 1>Congress decided to postpone a final vote. Instead, they appointed

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<v Speaker 1>a committee to draft a formal declaration should the resolution

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<v Speaker 1>eventually pass. This committee of five consisted of Thomas Jefferson,

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<v Speaker 1>John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston. Jefferson,

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<v Speaker 1>at thirty three years old, was chosen to write the

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<v Speaker 1>first draft. Working in his lodgings on Market Street, he

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<v Speaker 1>composed a sweeping statement of principles and grievances, drawing on Enlightenment, philosophy,

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<v Speaker 1>and colonial experience. His opening, we hold these truths to

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<v Speaker 1>be self evident, that all men are created equal, echoed

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<v Speaker 1>John Locke's Natural Rights, but gave them a truly American voice.

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<v Speaker 1>Jefferson's draft listed King George the Third's offenses dissolving colonial legislators,

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<v Speaker 1>imposing taxes without consent, keeping standing armies in peacetime, cutting

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<v Speaker 1>off trade, and waging war against his own subjects. Franklin

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<v Speaker 1>and Adams made stylistic etics, softening some language and sharpening

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<v Speaker 1>other points. By the twenty eighth of June, the draft

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<v Speaker 1>was presented to Congress for consideration, And so we come

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<v Speaker 1>to July first and second, seventeen seventy six, the days

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<v Speaker 1>of the decisive debate. When Congress reconvened on July the first,

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<v Speaker 1>the debate was fierce. John Dickinson of Pennsylvania urged caution,

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<v Speaker 1>arguing that independence would close the door on any chance

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<v Speaker 1>of a negotiated peace. John Adams responded in what contemporaries

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<v Speaker 1>called one of the most powerful speeches of his life,

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<v Speaker 1>insisting that the colonies had already been driven to endepen

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<v Speaker 1>pendants by Britain's actions. Quote we are in the very

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<v Speaker 1>midst of revolution, the most complete, unexpected, and remarkable of

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<v Speaker 1>any in the history of nations. End quote. By the

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<v Speaker 1>end of the day, the delegations of Pennsylvania and South

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<v Speaker 1>Carolina opposed the Lee resolution, Delaware was split, and New

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<v Speaker 1>York still abstained. Then On the second of July, the

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<v Speaker 1>tide shifted overnight. Caesar Rodney had ridden eighty miles through

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<v Speaker 1>a thunderstorm to reach Philadelphia and join Delaware's delegation to

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<v Speaker 1>cast his vote, and casting what had been a two

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<v Speaker 1>to two deadlock in favor of independence. South Carolina, persuaded

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<v Speaker 1>by Edward Rutledge, switched sides, and Pennsylvania's majority changed when

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<v Speaker 1>two delegates opposed in abendance liberately stayed away. The vote

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<v Speaker 1>was taken twelve colonies in favor, none opposed. New York abstained.

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<v Speaker 1>John Adams wrote to his wife and Abigail that July

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<v Speaker 1>second quote will be celebrated by succeeding generations as the

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<v Speaker 1>Great Anniversary Festival end quote. He was close with the

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<v Speaker 1>question decided, Congress turned to Jefferson's draft. They made over

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<v Speaker 1>eighty changes, removing some passages. They made over eighty changes,

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<v Speaker 1>removing some passages, including a denunciation of the slave trade

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<v Speaker 1>that angered delegates from South Carolina and Georgia. On the

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<v Speaker 1>fourth of July, Congress approved the final text. The vote

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<v Speaker 1>for independence had actually been taken two days earlier, but

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<v Speaker 1>now the declaration would be the public justification to be

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<v Speaker 1>in town squares and printed in newspapers across States. John Hancock,

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<v Speaker 1>President of Congress, affixed his bold signature, and copies were

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<v Speaker 1>sent to the States and to the army. But while

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<v Speaker 1>conger Is debated and ratifying the Declaration of Independence in Philadelphia,

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<v Speaker 1>Britain continued to shift its gaze to New York. The

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<v Speaker 1>British returned in overwhelming force, some thirty two thousand troops

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<v Speaker 1>and four hundred ships to seize New York City on

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<v Speaker 1>August twenty seventh. At the Battle of Long Island, Washington's

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<v Speaker 1>army was flanked and nearly trapped. Only a nighttime evacuation

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<v Speaker 1>across the East River saved the Continental Army from destruction.

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<v Speaker 1>Through September and October, Washington fought delaying actions at Harlem

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<v Speaker 1>Heights and White Plains before retreating across New Jersey. By December,

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<v Speaker 1>the situation was desperate. Enlistments were expiring, morale was collapsing,

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<v Speaker 1>and Philadelphia braced for the British advance. By late December

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<v Speaker 1>seventeen seventy six, the American Revolution was truly on the

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<v Speaker 1>brink of collapse. Washington's army, now battered from defeat in

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<v Speaker 1>New York and driven across New Jersey had dwindled to

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<v Speaker 1>a few thousand, ragged, frostbitten men. Enlistments would expire on

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<v Speaker 1>the thirty first at the end of the year. Morale

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<v Speaker 1>was so low that Thomas Paine, who was marching with

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<v Speaker 1>the army, took up his pen to remind the soldiers

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<v Speaker 1>in the public what they were fighting for, writing quote,

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<v Speaker 1>these are the times that try men's souls. The summer

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<v Speaker 1>soldier and the sunshine patriot will in this crisis shrink.

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<v Speaker 1>But he that stands now deserves the love and the

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<v Speaker 1>thanks of man and woman. End quote. And it was

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<v Speaker 1>in this desperate moment that George Washington decided to throw

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<v Speaker 1>the dice. He put everything on a pretty bold gamble,

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<v Speaker 1>if I must say. The British, under General William Howe,

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<v Speaker 1>had settled into their winter quarters. By this time their

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<v Speaker 1>German allies, the Hessian troops, commanded by Colonel Johann Rahul,

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<v Speaker 1>were stationed in a string of outposts along the Delaware River.

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<v Speaker 1>Washington set his sights on Trenton, New Jersey, a Hessian

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<v Speaker 1>held town of about fifteen hundred soldiers. The plan was risky.

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<v Speaker 1>Crossed the ice choke Delaware River on Christmas night, marched

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<v Speaker 1>nine miles to Trenton and strike at dawn. The choice

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<v Speaker 1>of timing was deliberate. The Hessians, Washington believed, would be

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<v Speaker 1>caught off guard after Christmas festivals, perhaps dulled by drink,

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<v Speaker 1>and confident that no attack would come in the dead

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<v Speaker 1>of winter. On the evening of December the twenty fifth,

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<v Speaker 1>under a freezing sleet rain, Washington led about two four

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<v Speaker 1>hundred men from mcconnie's ferry north of Trenton. The operation

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<v Speaker 1>was made harder by the river itself, swollen by the

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<v Speaker 1>winter melt, packed with chunks of ice, and whipped with

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<v Speaker 1>strong winds. Colonel Henry Knox oversaw the ferrying of men, horses,

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<v Speaker 1>and eighteen pieces of artillery across the treacherous waters in

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<v Speaker 1>Durham boats. The crossing took far longer than expected. Instead

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<v Speaker 1>of reaching the New Jersey shore by midnight, the last

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<v Speaker 1>units landed around four in the morning. Washington pressed on

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<v Speaker 1>despite the delay, knowing that the surprise was the key.

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<v Speaker 1>The men marched south through blinding sleet, most without proper shoes.

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<v Speaker 1>Some left bloody footprints in the snow. Washington divided the

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<v Speaker 1>force into two columns, one under his direct command and

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<v Speaker 1>under Major General Nathaniel Greene. The plan was to converge

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<v Speaker 1>on Trenton from different roads and envelop the Hessians. The

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<v Speaker 1>storm that made the march miserable for the Americans had

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<v Speaker 1>also massed their approach. Hessian patrols saw nothing unusual at

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<v Speaker 1>all in the near white out conditions. At around eight

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<v Speaker 1>am on December the twenty sixth, Washington's column burst into

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<v Speaker 1>Trenton from the north, Greens from the west. Knox's artillery

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<v Speaker 1>was quickly unlimbered and began pounding the streets, cutting off

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<v Speaker 1>escape routes. The Hessians, surprised and disorganized, scrambled to form ranks.

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<v Speaker 1>Colonel Rawl tried to rally his men, but he was

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<v Speaker 1>mortally wounded in the fighting. In less than an hour,

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<v Speaker 1>the American forces had surrounded the town. By the time

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<v Speaker 1>that the shooting had stopped, over nine hundred Hessians had surrendered,

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<v Speaker 1>with minimal American casualties. The victory at Trenton electrified the colonies.

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<v Speaker 1>It proved that Washington's army, even after months of defeat,

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<v Speaker 1>could still strike a decisive blow. It also reinvigorated morale,

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<v Speaker 1>inspiring many soldiers to re enlist and fresh recruits to

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<v Speaker 1>join Washington followed that with another triumph at Princeton on

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<v Speaker 1>January the third, seventeen seventy seven, keeping the momentum alive

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<v Speaker 1>in a war where perception and spirit were as important

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<v Speaker 1>as territory. The Delaware crossing and the capture of Trenton

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<v Speaker 1>transformed the narrative from one of inevitable collapse and defeat

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<v Speaker 1>to one of determined resistance. As one Continental soldier wrote

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<v Speaker 1>in his journal, this day will be remembered when our

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<v Speaker 1>cause seem lost, Providence smiled upon our arms.
