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I want to welcome everyone back to the Peaking Yona show,
Thomas is here, and this little meeting series doing on
Islam and the Reich and Germany in general. We're going
to close that out today. So you know, what we've
heard from the subs is they're really enjoying this. So
thank you for the recommendation on this great subject. I've
learned a lot and you know, take it away.
Speaker 2: Thank you. That makes me very happy. And I appreciate
the subs and their kind words and feedback. That's essential.
This is an important subject matter for a lot of reasons.
I generally agree with Arm's and Nolty. Islamic dialectics are
very important to the post Cold War historical process in
conceptual terms. I don't think that needs to be said additionally,
and I'm including this as sort of an addendum to
my manuscripts. That's one of the reasons I haven't submitted
it for formal editing to publish your Yet there's this myth,
some of which derives from the testimony of Albert Spear,
which I consider it to be not remotely credible. Obviously,
he described the final months of the German Reich as
Hitler developing this sort of nihilistic apathy punctuated by fits
of rage and an impulse to sort of burn everything down.
Hitler's actions don't indicate that, and I've emphasized I'm bringing
this back to the subject matter. I'm not on a
senile tangent, I promise. I emphasized the fact of Donnit's
being designated as successor not just because Hitler thought that
he was a man the Allies would find acceptable and
they did. Other than he was really the only numbered
defendant that people in the United Kingdom, not just the Admiralty,
but a lot of the aristocracy and even people in
the war cabinet came to the defense of. But also
there was an understanding that the post war world would
need some sort of resistance legacy if Europe was going
to survive, and if the national socialist cause was going
to survive, albeit in a historically contingent configuration. And that's
a subject for a whole we get a whole series
on that, And like I said, I'm dedicating the final
third of PROC and leave my manuscript to the subject matter.
One of the only authors who I think truly understands
that and who really understands that there was a fascist
international of a sort during the Cold War and beyond
is Kevin Coogan. He was an unusual guy. He wrote
a biography of Francis Yaki, he called Dreamer of the
Day Francis Perkert Yaki in the Post Were Fascist International.
This was released in nineteen ninety nine. It's actually a
fantastic book. H Ke Thompson contributed to it and allowed
his testimony to be included. Elsa Davitt, who was a
longtime mistress of Francis Yaki. She participated in and proffered
a lot of her testimony as well as personal effects
and papers that had belonged to Yaki in the Things
you know. Coogan's definitely a left winger, but of a
more serious type. And I mean the fact that some
of these personages we're willing to participate in the book
project speaks for itself. It's not a purely punitive treatment,
but the real value of it, especially if you're reading
it as a researcher. There's a couple of hundred pages
of footnotes and endnotes that are really incredible, including a
substantial amount of material about Johann van Leer's about They're
vague and the National Socialist Resistance in Argentina and then
in the Near East, and I highly recommend that book
to students of the subject as well as people who
are just curious students of history. You want to get
a better understanding the subject matter. But I raised Kogan
not just because I like that book, but you know, again,
he's one of the only authors I know of who
has a deep understanding of this phenomenon and the efforts,
particularly of the SS and the SD to curate a
national socialist sensibility among Maslim populations. This ramped up in
earnest in the final year and a half of the war,
when it became clear that en zeg was no longer possible.
And that's not because everybody was delusional. It's not owing
to some desperation born of manpower shortages or any of
those confabulations. It was because at Base and particularly in
the SS, the truly diehard national socialists who were ideologically committed.
They had a profoundly Hegelian view of the war and
of the historical process generally, and of course Germany was
not a stranger to these sorts of apocalyptic conditions. We're
talking about our Thirty Years War series. I think in
the first episode we were talking about a Hitler himself
and Spear speaking of Spear as well as many personages
within the traditional military establishments as well as the national
Socialist cadre that took over the government. The historical polestar
of these people was the Thirty Years War and the
destruction of Germany, the destruction of the First Reich and
the scattering of the German racial organism to the proverbial
four wins, And in their mind, it had taken centuries
to reconstitute the German nation and to bring Europe into
an organizational modality whereby it could fulfill its historical mission
and and their estimation, this had taken close to three centuries.
So there was an understanding that a similar process was
emergent in nineteen forty four forty five, and there was
the added challenge of a world dominated by the communists
and by the American Zionist occupation that was looming. Both
of these challenges were related. That's why these ideological schema
were quite literally allied, but they were also very distinguishable
in terms of what they represented and what they were
trying to accomplish in terms of creating a global political
regime and the tactics required to counteract those efforts to
break people up. Their identitarian characteristics and historical memory were
somewhat different depending on whether the populations in question were
those situated in the East or in the West, and
Maslim populations runder unique pressure from the communists, and that
this endured throughout the existence of the Soviet Union. The
Islamic revolt was one of many proximate causes that ultimately
brought brought the Soviet Union down. I think that's irrebuttable.
So that's something that is important to understand here, and
that's one of the reasons why this remains a relevant,
irrelevant subject matter. It's not just some sort of trivial
curiosity related to aspects of the war that are sort
of not commonly emphasized, but the role of the Grand
Mofty to to change focused just a little bit. The
way that he's cast in the historical record is somewhat incorrect.
There's people with a superficial understanding of national socialism, and
there's some Palestinian liberation. Is to mean well, but they
they're somewhat conceptually impoverished understanding of the historical record. They
cast the moved he is almost like a Palestinian Naser.
That's not really accurate. I mean the point that I
believe if he can be analogized to any contemporary it'd
beside kute. And if you know anything about Islam, particularly
highest Sunni Islam, the role of a moufti is not
that of a political soldier. It's different. There's definitely a
partisan aspect that goes up saying, but the moft he
also he didn't have a sense of pan Arabism. What
became sort of the rallying cry of the of the
resistance in the Near East, which is a combination of
pan Arabism and a an East block aligned but this
but discernibly non communist uh sort of militant socialism. That
was not what he viewed as the way forward for Palestinians.
And he was absolutely a pan Islamist, but he didn't
he didn't view pan Arabism as a meaningful concept. Then, frankly,
it's not. On the other side. Zion Is then and
now have tried to cast the moves. He has sort
of a Palestinian KODRIANU or some sort of or some
sort of ethnosectarian nationalist who's a mirror of themselves, of
themselves who wanted to annihilate Jewelry owing to some sort
of highly binary, zero sum concept of racial and sectarian
struggle in the region. That's naked propaganda. And interestingly, when
people in the Churchill government who are particularly sympathetic to
designs perspective, tried to convince the Home Office of these
things and as far as trying to push the British
authorities is trying to capture the El Husseini. This was
quickly quashed and British intelligence simply refused to pursue it.
And there was an internal memo that indicated that this
was a propaganda effort devised by Zionus on the ground
who were concerned about a leadership cadre reconstituting among their enemies,
which they pretty successfully decapitated by this juncture. And to
be clear that moft he was in exile from nineteen
thirty six on, were going to the Arab revolt. The
Arab revolt is complicated. I don't want to deep dive
into that right now. Briefly, it was a general strike,
was it uprising as more and more European Jews streamed
into Palestine, became clear that the Palestinians were going to
be ethnically cleansed, okay, And we talked about how the
the British were inconsistent and how they responded to ethnosectarian
violence and you know, categorical attacks upon Palestinians to realize
annihilation oriented goals by the Zionists. So this represented an
existential fear. It wasn't just a question of resistance to
Palestine being dominated by a hospital Jewish majority. On the ground,
there was an element among the Palestinians under Arms two
that had always favored an armed struggle, and their reasoning
was we've got to pull the trigger now before the
situation deteriorate the point that it's no longer possible. There
was a a pious Islamist organization that was also highly militant,
led by Ease al Din al Hassam. He was a
shakeh and something of a lesser aristocrat, but it was
also a dedicated revolutionary and as early as the mid
nineteen twenties he was demanding that money that was coming
into mosques the equivalent of alms, be spent on arms
and military needs rather than on you know, proselytizing and
traditional ecclesiastical to activities and things of that nature, you know,
the equivalent they're in. This caused tension between him and
all Husseini. He'd approached al Husseini and tried to cultivate
his friendship and asked to be brought on to the
Supreme Moslem Council as an itinerant preacher of sorts, and
Husseini turned him away, but did help him find a
permanent place and a mosque that would be more receptive
to his revolutionary concepts. This is viewed to some people too,
including again some Palestinian liberationists who mean well today as
being perfectness and Alussini being political. I don't think that's fair.
And Alssini he also knew that his people weren't in
a position to win at that moment. He was continuing
to try and curate a relationship with the British too,
out of necessity, owing to again the hopelessness of the
military situation at that juncture. But as it happened in
nineteen thirty six, a general strike did kick off, and
once the uprising began, the move he stowed with Palestine.
He was very much accused though, of fermenting this and
being a leader of it, the British commanders on the
ground who he'd curated a relationship with. I believe they
talked to the Foreign Office and British intelligence, and that's
why the move he wasn't harmed. He was allowed to
live in exile relatively undisturbed at that juncture, because you know,
it was clear that he wasn't devising a revolutionary resistance movement,
He wasn't trying to force a kinetic outcome to then
extend conditions. But this was when all was seeing he
began approaching representatives of the Third Reich, and they began
approaching him, And we talked about gottlab Burger and elements
within the both the Algass and in various party offices
who viewed this as imperative. And aloisaying he only met
with Hitler face to face once in November nineteen forty one,
but the fact that he met him at all is
remarkable because it was not easy to get access to Hitler.
What he was able to procure Hitler guaranteed and he
convinced Alduce to co sign this guarantee that after the
defeat of the British Empire, Palestine would become an Arab
state and would be ethnically cleansed of Jews. Whether the
Mufti would become the ruler of that state, I find
that unlikely. Again, there's it's complicated how traditional Islamic authority
is organized. You need to be clear. People get the
people have this misconception because first of all, the look
at the place like Iran, and of course there's a
there's a sectarian divide there because She and Sunni are
very different, and even within those broad sects, there's there's
there's there's differences within Sunni Islam and She Islam that
are profound. The Iranian government called itself the revolutionary government
precisely because it's not this reactionary regime. The Fuku one
of the few essays he wrote that oriented towards ideological practice,
that that's in a you know, direct capacity. He went
to Tehran as the revolution was underway, and he made
the point that this was something people hadn't seen before.
It wasn't some reactionary regime of clerics. It was very
much an Islamic movement, but it was a hybrid ideology
that was a truly third position as tendency in the
true sense okay al Hussini didn't represent some Sunni variant
of that. And also once what became the Palestinian Liberation movement,
it's proverbial de in the Arab revolt and in the
men who they took inspiration from and the moved. He
wasn't really part of that. You know. He definitely was
a partisan, and he took on the function of a
political soldier as he became insinuated into the SS organization.
But military command and political credibility became inextricably bound up
in theater, and that some of that duras to this day.
But you know, it's not this idea that the move
He simply approached Hitler because he had ambitions to become
Emperor of Palestine or the the boss of the Arab
Committee or something, and wanted to parlay that into authority
over a Palestinian ethno state that was going to emerge
at NC guy that I don't think that's credible. What
was important was that he got a guarantee from Hitler.
He had the patronage of the Axis, and I guaranteed
that forces would be brought to bear, and Hitler made
clear to him. Hitler said he believed in the Arab people,
and he believed in the in the Scanty's cause, which
which I think was true. But he also said that
the German Reich had essential interests in the region and
they expected the Palestinians to help those things be realized.
So obviously it was a real politic aspect of this too.
But both men came to realize also that this had
become a planetary struggle, you know, And by November nineteen
forty one, America wasn't as I mean America the fact
it was at war with Germany. From September ninety forty
one onwards, the Reich was the Wehrmacht was closing in
on Moscow, and it became clear that the struggle was
global in character, and even after final victory was realized,
which appeared to be imminent as a November nineteen forty one,
no Germany needed allies in newly liberated formerly colonial spaces.
But there was also a basic affinity and that's coded
into national socialism through influences like Schopenhauer and things, and
the German character generally. Hitler wasn't some orientalists like von Weiers,
but I think it's clear to all but the most
literal and binary minds when I'm getting it and towards
that I mentioned before about Opra group and Feler and
Genaha Devafans got lad Berger, who I think was a
fascinating individual will and he was a key personage in
forcing the through policies within the SS relating to the
alliance with not just the Palestinians and al Hussini, but
with the Islamic nationalities in the East. He clarified. Berger said,
and I'm paraphrasing the relationship between Islam and national socialism.
There's a vocus imperative, but what is not intended is
a synthesis. He said, quote it is not intended to
find a synthesis of Islam and national socialism or to
impose national socialism and the Maslims. Rather, national Socialism is
to be seen as the genuine focused German worldview, while
Islam is to be seen as the genuine focused Arabic worldview.
He was using Arabic as a stand in for I mean, obviously,
the land of the Prophet and the Arabic language and
Muhammad himself means that Arab cultural forms have an outsized
significance in Islam. He was using Arabic in the Arabic
world view in a Shpangalarian sense to include, you know,
in most of the Islamic elements under the Reich authority,
where we're not Arab. And again there was this emphasis
on Sarajevo in specifically in Bosnia as the as the
heartland of European Islam, and thus they were to be
given priority. And Berger emphasized that. And mind you, Burger
was uh. He was second only to the right's fear
ss Himiler in his rank. He had a rank equivalent
to Paul Hauser and Scept Dietrich. So he his word
was uh law within the organization. And he clarified that
the Moslems, the Balkans were racially part of the Germanic
world well ideologically and spiritually part of the Arab world.
So he said, among other things, these Balkan Moslem peoples,
they represent, you know what the complimentary aspects are of
this alliance and this unity of veldenstrong against communism and Jewry.
And he continued by saying, through the deployment of a
Maslem ss division, speaking of the Bosniacs here they're made
hereby for the first time the established a connection between
Islam and national socialism, or rather between the Arab and
the Germanic world and an open, honest basis as this
division in terms of blood and race is influenced by
the North in terms of ideology, and contrast by the
orient I think I got into in the last episode.
I tried to clarify by reference to my outlines what
I covered, So stop me if I'm being redundant. But
in nineteen forty four the SS head office at behest
the Burger, they established two Islamic centers for religious education.
The first one, which I think I got into a bit,
was open in April nineteen forty four. It was in
a small town called Kuben in Brandenburg. This was this
was the Imam Institute, and we talked about emoms in
Navafen SS and the important role they played at not
just divisional level, but at company and even platoon level.
And this Al Hussini himself attended a ceremony with the
gott Love Burger and an email named Hussein Disozo, who
was a Bosniac. More significant, particularly to the subject matter,
that I started this discussion with what always colloquially called
the SS Mullus School it was, it didn't formally It
wasn't formally established until November forty four, and once again
there was an inauguration ceremony tailored to celebrate it up
the size a Germanic mods of alliance. The opening speech
was proffered by Walter Schellenberg, and the end of the
Soviet was interesting because again it it seemed very much
coded swords of post war world and proceeding under hostile
occupation without without resulting the language that suggested what in
the national socialist ideological culture would be looked upon pejoratively
as defeatism. But the crux of Schellensberg's speech was the
historical associations, the traditional bonds between the kaiser Reich and
darl Islam, the longstanding support for Moslem peoples who were
besieged by Jewish tyranny. And it emphasized too that the
Soviet Union, by its very existence it represented as not
just on focused ways of life, but on all confessional
practices and cultural expressions, first among them Islam. And Schellenberg
specifically said that the focus of Russia had been destroyed
for all practical purposes and totally deracinated, and that the
non Russian people under occupation and on the periphery of
the Soviet Empire were similarly being targeted for destruction, and
their fate would be the same as that of the
Russians if an effective resistance wasn't cultivated, and the only
way that that could be realized is by the dual
commitment to racial hygieni and confessional piousness. And in this respect,
Elenberg said Islam was the quote custodian of the Eastern
people and their biological substance as well as their confessional
heritage in linear terms back to the time of the prophet,
and he concluded by saying that because the Bolsheviks lack
traditions in the past, they're not long for this earth,
but that Moslims are able to cope with the future
no matter what hardships emerge, because not just to the
racial purity of the several populations who are very tribally
randed who constituted the Eastern Mauslims, but that basically their
faith would carry them through the historical destruction of Bolshevism
and the racially impure intermentioned who are the standard bearers
of the Bolshi gideology, who are really just the vestigial
remnants of the Russian racial corps that died in the
Soviet death camps. Very very hitty stuff, not not not typical,
just sort of grab bag propaganda, you know. And this
is important. And the Moullas School it was it was
far larger than the Email School. It was based at
this villa in uh, this affluent neighborhood outside of Dresden.
There was this Victor Klemper He was this Jewish writer
who curiously, you know, didn't get like shot shot into
space or something by the Nazi Holocaust. But he was
a lot of people, i think, including Shier, William Shier,
who wrote a very silly book that a lot of
quote historians hold out as some great treatment of the
Third Reich. Of course Shira pulled it. There was a
rise and fall of the Third Roag and then there
was the Nightmare Years. That's an objective and not at
all a sterical title for a history book. But Victor
Klemferry he kept diaries and he documented his observations on
various things.
Speaker 1: They really like to keep diaries, don't they.
Speaker 2: Well, it be fair that was something people did in
those days. I mean, I'm talking actual people, not fictitious
diaries of you know, girls who wrote like Judy Bloom
books that were marketed for like nineteen seventies junior high students.
You know most I mean Gebels was especially prolific. But
Yodel kept a diary, So did Kitle, so did Rosenberg,
Alfred Rosenberg, so did Erhard Milch. But no, I I
take your point. But Klemper's diary I believe was real.
And he noted he was observing obviously from without that
you know, what was going on in this old but
rather stately property, which I believe is a repurpose to hotel.
In blasphets this this neighborhood of Dresden, and he said
there was a quote mysterious Moslem study group there this
if you want to relate. But I when I read
that I had this, I had this funny image of
this like little Nevish dude like kieking out at h
at the end, things like going out of this cothing
building and what what does going on? I don't know?
Maybe uh I am from the silly, silly kind of
ship like that, but uh moving on it. Uh it
can't uh something that something you can't you can't you
can't chug us up to some sort of you know,
effort to corral halpless pow us in the frontline service
or something, the flesh out the ranks of of devastated
divisions and battalions. You know, the people suggest that sort
of thing, don't no the the subject matter. And there
was a a a guy named rayner O Shakka Olshacha.
He was assigned to set things up in the Moulla
school and uh make it culturally compliant with the students
who'd be attending it. So old Shaka Olshacha. He decked
out the interior building in ways that reflected Islamic architectural styles.
The main entrance hall was decorated with a mosaic patterns
specifically after mosques in Central Asia. There was a lot
of you know, Islamic artifacts on loan from museums in
the Greater German Reich. There was Kuranic verses and calligraphy
painted into the walls. There was a prayer niche in
one of the main assembly areas. There was an ornate
prayer hall which was sort of the center of activity
on the ground floor, you know. And so I mean
the SS went out of their way to create an
authentically Islamic environment, and they went as far as h
to hire Kurt Erdman. He was the foremost expert on
Islamic culture and art history in the Oriental department of
the Pergamon Museum in Berlin, and he consulted with our
intacts from Berlin and Dresden to mock this up. And
it took half a year. You know, there was a
great library. It had Islamic, authentic Islamic texts from France,
from Bosnia, from the Netherlands, including rare ancient texts that
have been purchased in Sarajevo. Around this time, anybody, no
matter there, or any any folks Deutsch or any any
any non Jewish Auslander could obtain a free Koran from
the Propaganda Ministry just by asking for one. There weren't
a lot of Qurans that have been properly translated into German,
so an effort was made to remedy that by the
Propaganda Ministry. And one of the reasons for these efforts
was the s S wanted to attract top religious scholars
and imams to teach at the school, but also to
attend it for political education and military education and with
in the SS model and reading between the lines, you know,
again this is the last year that wore under desperate conditions.
They were looking to build cadres. They were looking to
build dedicated national socialist cadres within these populations for a
post war world, you know. I that should be clear
to anybody who understands what they're looking at. Metaphorically speaking,
I think Alam John Idris or Idris, he was coveted
as director of the Mollus School, but he was still
in the service of the Propaganda Ministry as well as
the Foreign Office, and he was the top man in
charge of propaganda in the Islamic world, and neither the
Foreign Office nor the nor Gebels would let him go,
you know. And again this they were emphasizing the propaganda
aspect in the theater and in Palestine, as well as
in among the nationalities and in the Soviet Union, and
uh of course in in Bosnia. But the Bosniaks again,
they they were they were racial Europeans, and most of
them were multi lingualed just because where they lived, you know,
and they had a privileged position within within the the Reich.
So it was it would have been a redundant to
make them the focus group of these efforts, if you
follow me. But nevertheless, ultimately the propaganda ministry they let
Idris preside over the Mullas School three days a week.
He was young, comparatively charismatic. He was very modern and
had Western habits. He had a great admiration for the
European culture, and he assimilated very well into Germany culturally.
But he was also a very, very dedicated Moslem. He
was kind of viewed as the model Maslim national socialists.
He had a son who UH worked as an interpreter
and then ultimately joined UH the Eastern Maslim SS Corps
in the final year of the war. And that obviously
was I mean, I anybody who joined that late in
the game knew there's a good chance they weren't coming home.
I mean, he was a dedicated he was codated di Jahad.
But he this also was something of a propaganda coup. Yo.
Look this wealthy Molas offering up his son to fight
for the Reich. It's no small thing, obviously, you know.
And the and the ss UH it says that I
only employing Moslims as teachers in the mother school. In contrast,
to the Wehrmacht and in contrast to other party institutions
that dealt with the education and political indoctrination of Moslim peoples,
the SS took this very seriously, you know, and that
that tracks with its overall orientation, you know, the It's
a fascinating sort of aspect to the Reich's relationship to Romania.
You know, Hitler, Antoniscu and Hitler were very close, and
Antonescua was probably the fears best ali and I mean
Romania sacrificed tremendously for the Axis cause and also the
fact that they when Stalin began World War two with
his War of Conquest, obviously Romania was very much in
the crosshairs of of Moscow, so there was an existential
imperative as to why they'd welcome the Vermacht deploying its
scale there. But also obviously Antonescu not only to commit
close to a quarter million men the Barbarosa, but he
availed Romania as a staging ground for a huge component
of like forces and being in operational terms. But later,
you know, anton Escu he presided over the brief National
legionary state and then he banned the Iron Guard owing
to what he viewed as their revolutionary subversion. This was
in the aftermath of this is when Sema had succeeded Kodrianu,
who'd been murdered. But the SS famously they backed the
Iron Guard against Kodrianu, who the fear of himself, you know,
unconditionally backed Kadrianu. That there was an SS ideology into
itself which was very pan European, very revolutionary, very very different,
not just from the Wehrmachten, traditional German society and even
traditional German military culture, but distinguishedable from the mainstream of
the NSDAP as well. And I find it fascinating. But
to bring it back to the subject at hand. One
thing that the Mulla School emphasized, and this is another
reason why they insisted on on Moslim teachers exclusively the
theological program. It was very oriented towards overcoming sectarian hostilities
and in the SS tried to prioritize bridging the divide
between scenes and Schiites. There's a constant emphasis against of
religious sectarianism among Moslems, you know, and traditionally in in
Wehrmacht units where traditionally she and Sunnies were segregated and
the ss were not only refused to do that, but
they pursued an anti sectarian line, and the emphasis again
was that the schism was contrived by men who coveted
worldly power after the the center of the prophet of heaven,
and that the current struggle where the the dual threat
in existential terms to the Islamic faith and to the
race of the nationalities and populations that constituted darl Islam.
That calls for a healing of the schism, even were
it not a contrivance promised on worldly and thus actuallymatically
corrupt the ambitions, you know. And again the implication, in
my opinion is obvious. It's, you know, we a political
soldier looking ahead circa nineteen forty four forty five needs
to adopts as as primary concern the racial survival of
his people and the continuity of his faith on this planet,
you know, in the face of the dual assault of
Zionism and communism, and we'll we'll stop it there. I
hope this wasn't I hope people got something out of this.
I mean, I presume they did, because people have been
very nice in their feedback.
Speaker 1: No, I mean, if anything, I would like to hear
more people not talk about Islam like they're a boomer
right after nine to eleven.
Speaker 2: Well, yeah, I mean they're they're they're idiots. That's one
of the reasons. I mean, they're we we we've got
Islamic comrades who are great. But beyond that, you know,
I don't. But the same people lip off at me
about World War two or about the law. It's like, well,
you're the expert, you know how, like you we watch
a lot of you watch a lot of TV, you
watch a lot of cable legacy media, so you're you're
an Islam expert. I mean, I that's why. That's the
reason I emphasize these topics because even in supposely disitting
coded spaces, these people are conceptual alliterates by and large,
but you can't. The final reason I'm trying to get
more more guys who have a theological expertise or their
background is, you know, in in a Bible, Christianity or
or Catholicism or Orthodoxy or Islam, because that's I mean,
at the end of the day, I mean, I like
what we've talked about. It's I'm more a capital T
radical tradition with than i am anything probably. I mean
you're talking about like my political philosophy, you know. I
mean I identify as a YACKI as national socialist. But
what the it's renee g you know, on it's Mercia Eliotti,
Julius evil. Uh. That's a substantial part of my my
cannon if you want know what it like that? Okay,
And there's this kind of dummy anti intellectualism that's just
hostile to theology and religion, you know, I mean that
that's common to any epoch really, you know, even people
I've revererd that point with some of our Orthodox friends
and some of our Catholic friends who view the Medieval
era as a period of high culture that's unduly maligned,
which is absolutely true. Casting the Middle Ages is a
sort of hellish time of cultural poverty. I mean, that's ridiculous.
I mean, I don't know how any I don't know
how any Anglophone person can think that way anyway. I mean,
are theory and lore and the Ulster cycle, if you're
somebody like me, that's second only to the King James Bible,
you know, like I and that that that comes out
of the horrifying Medieval era, you know. But beyond that.
I think some people they kind of view with the
royals colored glasses, this idea. Oh well, then there's this,
there's this integrated concept. You know that they mean in
terms of trifunctional hypothesis, but they mean that religious life
informed everyday sensibilities. And that's somewhat true. But I think
it was, and I think most people are not about class.
This this doesn't know class in terms of where these
sensibilities are concentrated. But I think most people even then
it was a very kind of superficial thing. You know,
people are gonna look at scance at you if you
take religion seriously and you want to emphasize it as
the subject matter, that it is your sort of the
topical focus, you know. But yeah, I people like that
are I don't know, I mean I I I've had
to get havituated at tuning out ignorant people because they're
all around me and they're all really noisy. They're I
don't know, you know, I'm not I'm not here to
educate morons, and I'm not I'm not here to like
listen to assholes lip off on things they don't know about.
So I just the minority of people who want to
talk about serious stuff, and I think like little fucking kids.
I mean, you know, of the people I want to
interact with.
Speaker 1: All right, everybody, go over it to Thomas A substack
real Thomas seven seven seven dot substack dot com and
check out his website Thomas seven seven seven dot com.
T is a seven and you can hook up with
him uh from there. Thank you, Tom, I appreciate it.
Speaker 2: Thank you man.