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<v Speaker 1>Section thirteen of the grochy Marius and Sola by A. H. Beasley.

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<v Speaker 1>This librovox recording is in the public domain. Read by Pamelinagami,

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<v Speaker 1>chapter eleven, the First Mithridateic War. Events have been anticipated

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<v Speaker 1>in order to relate the close of Sinna's career, But

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<v Speaker 1>it is time now to say what Sullah had been

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<v Speaker 1>doing and who that Mithridates was, whose name for so

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<v Speaker 1>long had been formidable at Rome. After the defeat of

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<v Speaker 1>the Northern Hordes and the suppression of the second slave revolt,

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<v Speaker 1>there was a war with the Keltiberi in Spain in

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<v Speaker 1>ninety seven, in which Sertorius showed himself already an adroit

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<v Speaker 1>and bold officer. He was in winter quarters at Castulo Caslona,

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<v Speaker 1>and his men were so disorderly that the Spaniards were

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<v Speaker 1>emboldened to attack them in the town. Sertorius escaped, rallied

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<v Speaker 1>those soldiers who had also was escaped, marched back, and

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<v Speaker 1>after putting those in the town to the sword, dressed

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<v Speaker 1>his troops in the dead men's clothes, and so obtained

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<v Speaker 1>admission to another town which had helped the enemy. But

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<v Speaker 1>the hero of the campaign was Titus Didius. Afterwards Caesar's

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<v Speaker 1>lieutenant in the social war. He had some hard fighting

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<v Speaker 1>and captured Termasus, the chief town of the Aravaki, and Colenda.

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<v Speaker 1>He earned his triumph by other means. Also. There was

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<v Speaker 1>a town near Colenda, the inhabitants of which the Romans

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<v Speaker 1>wished to destroy. Didius told them that he would give

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<v Speaker 1>them the lands of Colinda, and they came to receive

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<v Speaker 1>their allotments. As soon as they were within his lines,

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<v Speaker 1>his soldiers set on them and slew them all. In

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<v Speaker 1>ninety six b C. Tolemaus Appian bequeathed Sireni, a narrow

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<v Speaker 1>strip of terraced land on the north coast of Africa,

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<v Speaker 1>situated between the Libyan deserts and the Mediterranean, to Rome.

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<v Speaker 1>The Romans did not refuse the legacy, but they took

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<v Speaker 1>no trouble to govern the country. The cities of Syreni

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<v Speaker 1>were declared to be free. In other words, while nominally

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<v Speaker 1>subject to Rome, so that she might interfere when she pleased,

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<v Speaker 1>they were left to govern themselves. Such government was no government,

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<v Speaker 1>but it was in accordance with the deliberate policy of

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<v Speaker 1>the Senatorial Party. It was in the same year ninety

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<v Speaker 1>six b C. That Mithridatees committed the first of the

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<v Speaker 1>series of crimes which eventually brought him into collision with Rome.

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<v Speaker 1>His sister had married the king of Cappadocia, Mithridatees assassinated him. Nicomates,

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<v Speaker 1>king of Bethynia, seized Cappadocia, and married the widowed sister

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<v Speaker 1>of Mithridates. Having slain one brother in law, Mithridatees expelled

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<v Speaker 1>the other and set on the throne his sister's son.

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<v Speaker 1>But when his nephew refused to welcome home Gordius, the

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<v Speaker 1>man who had murdered his father, Mithriddes marched against and

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<v Speaker 1>assassinated him. Then he set on the throne his own son,

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<v Speaker 1>to whom he gave his nephew's name, and made Gordius

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<v Speaker 1>his guardian him. The Cappadocians expelled and raised to the

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<v Speaker 1>throne another nephew of Mithridates, but Mithridatees instantly drove him

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<v Speaker 1>from power. Nicomedes now appealed to the Senate and produced,

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<v Speaker 1>as he asserted, a third nephew of Mithridatees as a

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<v Speaker 1>claimant for the crown. To support his assertion, he sent

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<v Speaker 1>his wife to Rome to swear she had had three sons. Mithridates,

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<v Speaker 1>as if in burlesque of the imposture, sent Gordius to

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<v Speaker 1>swear that the youth on the throne was son of

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<v Speaker 1>a Cappadocian king who had died more than thirty years before. Four.

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<v Speaker 1>The Senate decided as a lion might between two jackals

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<v Speaker 1>quarreling over a carcass. It took Cappadocia from Mithridates and

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<v Speaker 1>Paphlagonia from Nicomedes and declared both countries free. But the

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<v Speaker 1>Cappadocians clamored for a king, and so in ninety three

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<v Speaker 1>the Senate appointed Ariobarzanus, the first. Mithridates then stirred up

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<v Speaker 1>to Granus, king of Armenia, to expel Ariobarzanus, who fled

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<v Speaker 1>to Rome. Sullah was sent to restore him, and did

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<v Speaker 1>so in ninety two after defeating the Cappadocians under Gordius

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<v Speaker 1>and the Armenians. It was when he was on this

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<v Speaker 1>mission that the Romans and Parthians confronted each other for

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<v Speaker 1>the first time. The Parthians sent an embassy to ask

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<v Speaker 1>for the alliance of Rome. Three chairs were set for Ariobarzanus,

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<v Speaker 1>Sollah and Orobazas and Solah, who was only proprietor took

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<v Speaker 1>the central seat. This incensed the Parthian king, and he

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<v Speaker 1>revenged himself, not on Sullah, but on the unfortunate Orobazus,

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<v Speaker 1>whom he put to death. A Kaldean in the Parthian suite,

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<v Speaker 1>after studying Sullah's face, predicted great things for him, which

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<v Speaker 1>pleased Sullah as much as it would have done Marius,

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<v Speaker 1>for he believed in his luck, just as his rival

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<v Speaker 1>did in his seventh consulship. But when he came home

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<v Speaker 1>he was impeached for taking bribes from Ariobarzanus. No doubt,

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<v Speaker 1>he had made his trip, which was so gratifying to

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<v Speaker 1>his pride, not less profitable also, and had had his

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<v Speaker 1>appetite wedded for a second taste of Eastern treasures. Mithridates, meanwhile,

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<v Speaker 1>was brooding over his humiliation and meditating revenge. He went

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<v Speaker 1>on a journey incognito through the Roman province of Asia

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<v Speaker 1>and Bithynia, intending to attack both if he found himself

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<v Speaker 1>strong enough. When he came back, he found that his wife,

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<v Speaker 1>who was also his sister, had been unfaithful to him,

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<v Speaker 1>and he put her to death. He had now murdered

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<v Speaker 1>a wife, a sister, a brother, and a nephew. He

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<v Speaker 1>had also imprisoned his mother, and was equally merciless to

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<v Speaker 1>his sons, his daughters, and his concubines. At his death,

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<v Speaker 1>it is said a paper was found in which he

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<v Speaker 1>had foredoomed his most trusted servants, and he slew all

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<v Speaker 1>the inmates of his harem in order to hinder them

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<v Speaker 1>from falling into his enemy's hands. His whole history is

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<v Speaker 1>in fact one long record of sensuality, treachery, and murder.

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<v Speaker 1>From his earliest years, he had breathed, as it were,

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<v Speaker 1>an atmosphere of assassination. His father had been assassinated when

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<v Speaker 1>he was eleven years old. His guardians and even his

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<v Speaker 1>own mother had then plotted to assassinate him. They placed

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<v Speaker 1>him on a wire horse and made him perform exercises

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<v Speaker 1>with the javelin on it. When his precocious vigor defeated

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<v Speaker 1>their hopes, they tried to poison him, but by studying antidotes,

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<v Speaker 1>he made his body poison proof, or at least was

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<v Speaker 1>reputed to have done so, and, flying from his enemies,

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<v Speaker 1>lived for seven years through all the hardships of a

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<v Speaker 1>wild and wandering life in which he never slept under

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<v Speaker 1>a roof and hunted and fought with wild beasts to

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<v Speaker 1>emerge in manhood. A very tiger himself for strength and

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<v Speaker 1>beauty of body and ferocity of disposition, a tyrant who

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<v Speaker 1>spared neither man in his ambition nor woman in his lust.

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<v Speaker 1>His stature was gigantic. His strength and activities such as

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<v Speaker 1>took captive the imagination of the East. He could, it

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<v Speaker 1>was believed, outrun the deer, out eat and out drink

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<v Speaker 1>anyone at the banquet, strike down flying game, unorringly, tame

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<v Speaker 1>the wildest steed, and ride one hundred and twenty miles

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<v Speaker 1>in a day. Twenty two nations obeyed him, and he

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<v Speaker 1>could speak the dialect of each of An ear of

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<v Speaker 1>Greek refinement was spread thinly over the savage animalism of

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<v Speaker 1>the man. He was a virtuoso and had a wonderful

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<v Speaker 1>collection of rings. He maintained Greek poets and historians, and

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<v Speaker 1>offered prizes for singing. He had shrewdness enough to employ

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<v Speaker 1>Greek generals, but not enough to keep him from being

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<v Speaker 1>grossly superstitious. For twenty years, from one ten to ninety

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<v Speaker 1>b c. He had been with never resting activity, extending

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<v Speaker 1>his empire before the Romans assailed him. He had inherited

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<v Speaker 1>from his ancestors the kingdom of Pontus or Cappadocia on

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<v Speaker 1>the Pontus, which had been one of the two satropies

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<v Speaker 1>into which Cappadocia was divided at the time of the

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<v Speaker 1>Macedonian conquest. Mithridates the fourth had married a princess of

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<v Speaker 1>the Greek race, the sister of Seleucus, king of Syria.

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<v Speaker 1>His grandfather had conquered Sinope and Paphlagonia as far as

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<v Speaker 1>the Bithynian frontier. His father had helped the Romans in

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<v Speaker 1>the Third Punic War, had been styled the Friend of Rome,

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<v Speaker 1>and had been rewarded with the province of Phrygia nominally

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<v Speaker 1>for his services against Aristonicus the Pretender to the Kingdom

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<v Speaker 1>of Adilas, but had been deprived of it afterwards when

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<v Speaker 1>it was found out that really it had been put

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<v Speaker 1>up for auction by Manius Aquilius, who was completing the

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<v Speaker 1>subjugation of the adherents of the Pretender. The boundaries of

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<v Speaker 1>Pontus at his accession cannot be strictly defined. On the east,

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<v Speaker 1>it stretched towards the Caucasus and the sources of the

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<v Speaker 1>Euphrates lesser Armenia being dependent on it. On the south

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<v Speaker 1>and southwest, its frontiers were Cappadocia and Galicia. On the west,

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<v Speaker 1>nominally passed Phlagonia was the frontier for the grandfather of

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<v Speaker 1>Mithridatees had been induced by the Romans to promise to

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<v Speaker 1>evacuate his conquests, but Snobi was then and continued to

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<v Speaker 1>be the capital of the Pontic Kingdom, and both Paphlagonia

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<v Speaker 1>and Galicia were virtually independent. This was the territory to

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<v Speaker 1>which Mithridates was heir, and which, true to the policy

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<v Speaker 1>of his father and grandfather, he constantly strove, by force

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<v Speaker 1>or fraud, to extend. To the east of the Black Sea.

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<v Speaker 1>He conquered Colchis on the Faces and converted it into

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<v Speaker 1>a satrope. To the north. He was hailed as the

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<v Speaker 1>deliverer of the Greek towns on that coast, and in

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<v Speaker 1>the region now known as the Crimea, which from the

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<v Speaker 1>constant exaction of tribute by barbarous tribes, were in the

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<v Speaker 1>absence of any protectorate like that of Athens, falling into

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<v Speaker 1>decay by sea, and perhaps across the Caucasus by land,

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<v Speaker 1>Mithridates sent his troops under the Greek generals Neoptolemus and Diophantis.

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<v Speaker 1>Neoptolemus won a victory over the Tawera Scythians at Panticapium Kirch,

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<v Speaker 1>and the kingdom of Bosphorus, and the Crimea was ceded

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<v Speaker 1>to his master by its grateful king. Diophants marched westwards

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<v Speaker 1>as far as the Tyras Neister, and in a great

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<v Speaker 1>battle almost annihilated an army of the Roxalani, a nomadic

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<v Speaker 1>people who roamed between the Boristhenes, the Neper and the

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<v Speaker 1>Tenaius don. By these conquests, Mithridates acquired a tribute of

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<v Speaker 1>two hundred talents forty eight thousand pounds and two hundred

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<v Speaker 1>and seventy thousand bushels of grain, and the rich recruiting

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<v Speaker 1>ground for his armies. On the east, he annexed Lesser

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<v Speaker 1>Armenia and entered into the closest alliance with Tigranus, king

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<v Speaker 1>of Greater Armenia, which had lately become a powerful kingdom,

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<v Speaker 1>given him his daughter Cleopatra in marriage. If the allies

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<v Speaker 1>had any defined scheme of conquest, it was that Mithridates

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<v Speaker 1>should occupy Asia Minor and the coast of the Black Sea,

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<v Speaker 1>and to Granus the interior and Syria. How the king

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<v Speaker 1>intrigued and meddled in Cappadocia and Bithynia had been previously related.

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<v Speaker 1>And when he had marched into Cappadocia, it was at

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<v Speaker 1>the head of eighty thousand foot, ten thousand horse and

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<v Speaker 1>six hundred scythed chariots. Such was the history, the power,

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<v Speaker 1>and the character of the great Potentate, who had yielded

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<v Speaker 1>to the demands of Sullah the Proprietor, but who now

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<v Speaker 1>awaited the attack of Sullah the Proconsul with proud disdain. Much, indeed,

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<v Speaker 1>had happened since the year ninety two to justify such feelings.

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<v Speaker 1>Hardly had Celery and stated Ariobarzanus, when Tigranus drove him

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<v Speaker 1>out again and restored the son of Mithridates. While in Bithynia,

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<v Speaker 1>the younger son of Nicomedes, Socrates appeared in arms against

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<v Speaker 1>his elder brother, Nicomedes the Second, who on his father's

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<v Speaker 1>death had been acknowledged as king by Rome. Socrates had

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<v Speaker 1>soldiers from Pontus with him, but Mithridates, though his hand

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<v Speaker 1>was plain in these disturbances outwardly stood aloof and the Senate,

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<v Speaker 1>sending Manius Aquilius to restore the two kings, ordered Mithridates

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<v Speaker 1>to aid him with troops if they were wanted. The

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<v Speaker 1>king submitted, as before, not indeed sending troops, but without resisting,

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<v Speaker 1>and as a proof of his complacency, put Socrates to death.

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<v Speaker 1>This happened in the year ninety when Rome was pressed

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<v Speaker 1>hardest by the Italians, and at first sight it seems

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<v Speaker 1>astonishing that he should not have seized on so favorable

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<v Speaker 1>a moment. But in those days news would travel from

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<v Speaker 1>the west of Italy to Sinopia, but slowly and uncertainly,

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<v Speaker 1>and Mithridates would have the fate of Antiochus in mind

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<v Speaker 1>to warn him how the foes of the Great Republic fared,

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<v Speaker 1>and the history of Pergamus to testify to the prosperity

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<v Speaker 1>of those who remained its friends. Sullah's proud tone in

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<v Speaker 1>ninety two would not have lessened this impression, and before

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<v Speaker 1>he appealed to force, the crafty king hoped to make

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<v Speaker 1>his position securer by fraud, partly therefore from real awe,

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<v Speaker 1>partly because he was not yet ready. He obeyed Aquilius

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<v Speaker 1>as he had obeyed Sullah. But Aquilius, who had once

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<v Speaker 1>put up for Jia to auction, knew what pickings there

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<v Speaker 1>were for a senator when war was afoot in Asia,

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<v Speaker 1>and perhaps may have had the honester notion that as

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<v Speaker 1>Mithridatees were sure to go to war soon, it was

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<v Speaker 1>for the public as well as for his private interest,

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<v Speaker 1>to act boldly and strike the first blow. So he

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<v Speaker 1>forced the reluctant Bethynia king to declare war and to

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<v Speaker 1>ravage with an army the country round a Mastris, while

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<v Speaker 1>his fleet shut up the Bosphorus. Still, Mithridates did not stir.

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<v Speaker 1>All that he did was to lodge a complaint with

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<v Speaker 1>the Romans and solicit their mediation or their permission to

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<v Speaker 1>defend himself. Acuilius replied that he was in no case

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<v Speaker 1>to make war on Nicomades. It is easy to conceive

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<v Speaker 1>how such an answer affected a man of the king's temper.

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<v Speaker 1>He instantly sent his son with an army into Cappadocia.

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<v Speaker 1>But once more he tried diplomacy. Pelopotus, his envoy, came

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<v Speaker 1>to Acuilius and said that his master was willing to

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<v Speaker 1>aid the Romans against the Italians if the Romans would

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<v Speaker 1>forbid Nicomedes to attack him their ally. If not, he

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<v Speaker 1>wished the alliance to be formally dissolved, or there was

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<v Speaker 1>yet another alternative, let the commissioners and himself appeal to

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<v Speaker 1>the Senate to decide between them. The commissioners treated the

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<v Speaker 1>message as an insult Mithridatees, they said, must not attack Nicomedes,

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<v Speaker 1>and they intended to restore Ario Barzanis. Possibly the conduct

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<v Speaker 1>of Aquilius was due to his having been heavily bribed

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<v Speaker 1>by Nicomedes, who must have felt that when the Romans

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<v Speaker 1>were gone, he would be like a mouse awaiting the

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<v Speaker 1>cat's spring. For it is difficult to imagine the foolhardiness which,

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<v Speaker 1>without some such tangible stimulus, would at that moment have

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<v Speaker 1>plunged him into war. But when once the die was cast,

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<v Speaker 1>Mithridanes threw himself into the war with the energy of

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<v Speaker 1>long suppressed rage. He sent to court the Alliance of

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<v Speaker 1>Egypt and the Cretan League, to whom he represented himself

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<v Speaker 1>as the champion of Greece against her tyrant. He tried

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<v Speaker 1>to stir up revolts in Thrace and Macedonia. He arranged

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<v Speaker 1>with Tagranus that an Armenian army should co operate with him,

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<v Speaker 1>leaving him the land it occupied, but carrying off the plunder.

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<v Speaker 1>He gave the word, and a swarm of pirate ships

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<v Speaker 1>swept the Mediterranean. Under his colors. He summoned an army

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<v Speaker 1>of two hundred and fifty thousand foot, forty thousand horse

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<v Speaker 1>and one hundred and thirty scythed chariots, a fleet of

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<v Speaker 1>three hundred decked vessels, and one hundred other ships called

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<v Speaker 1>die Crota, with a double bank of oars. He formed

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<v Speaker 1>an armed in Roman fashion, a foreign contingent in which

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<v Speaker 1>many Romans and Italians enlisted, and he placed able Greek

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<v Speaker 1>generals Archelaus and Neoptolemus over his troops. To meet this

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<v Speaker 1>formidable array, the Romans had a fleet off Byzantium, the

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<v Speaker 1>Army of Nicomedes, which was still between Sinopian a Mastris,

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<v Speaker 1>and three corps, each of forty thousand men, but composed

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<v Speaker 1>for the most part of hastily organized Asiatics, one under

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<v Speaker 1>Cassius between Bithynia and Galatian, another under Aquilius between Bithynia

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<v Speaker 1>and Pontus, and a third under Appius in Cappadocia. The

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<v Speaker 1>war was decided almost in a single battle. Neoptolemus and

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<v Speaker 1>Archelaus routed the Bithynian army on the River Omnius and

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<v Speaker 1>captured the camp and military chest. It was a fierce

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<v Speaker 1>and for some time a doubtful fight, and seems to

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<v Speaker 1>have been decided by the scythed chariots, which spread terror

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<v Speaker 1>in the Bithynian ranks. Nicomedes fled to Aquilius, who was

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<v Speaker 1>defeated by Archelaus near Mount Scorobas, and fled with the

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<v Speaker 1>king across the Sangarius to Pergamus, whence he attempted to

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<v Speaker 1>reach Rhodes. Cassius retreated to Phrygia and tried to discipline

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<v Speaker 1>his raw levies, but finding this impossible, he broke up

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<v Speaker 1>the army and led the Roman troops with him to Apamea.

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<v Speaker 1>The fleet in the Black Sea was surrendered by its commander.

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<v Speaker 1>Thus tried triumphant by sea and land. Mithridatees, after settling Bithynia,

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<v Speaker 1>marched through Phrygia and Mesia into the Roman province of Asia,

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<v Speaker 1>and was hailed everywhere as a deliverer, for after his

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<v Speaker 1>victories he had sent home all his Asiatic prisoners with presents.

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<v Speaker 1>Then he sent messengers into Litia and Pamphylia to seek

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<v Speaker 1>the alliance of those countries. Opphius was in Laodicea on

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<v Speaker 1>the Lychas the king offered the townsmen immunity if they

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<v Speaker 1>surrendered him, and when they did so, carried him about

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<v Speaker 1>as a show. Aquilius was also given up by the

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<v Speaker 1>middle Inanians and made to ride in chains on an

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<v Speaker 1>ass calling out who he was wherever he went. At Pergamus,

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<v Speaker 1>Mithriddes slew him by pouring molten gold down his throat,

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<v Speaker 1>a savage punishment which perhaps confirms the impression that it

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<v Speaker 1>was Roman avarice which forced the war. Magnesia on the Maander,

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<v Speaker 1>Ephesus and Midelini welcomed the king joyfully, and Stra Tanisea

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<v Speaker 1>in Carea was captured. He then attacked Magnesia near Mount Sephalus,

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<v Speaker 1>prepared to invade Rhodes, and issued a hideous order for

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<v Speaker 1>the exterminating massacre of every Roman and Italian in Asia

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<v Speaker 1>on an appointed day. Punishments were proclaimed for anyone who

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<v Speaker 1>should hide one of the proscribed or bury his body.

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<v Speaker 1>Rewards were promised for all who killed or denounced them

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<v Speaker 1>slaves who slew their masters were to be freed. The

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<v Speaker 1>murder of a creditor was to be taken as payment

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<v Speaker 1>by a debtor of half his debt. There were dreadful

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<v Speaker 1>scenes on the fatal day, the thirtieth after the order

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<v Speaker 1>was issued in the Asiatic cities. In Pergamus, the victims

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<v Speaker 1>fled to the temple of Iceculapius and were shot down

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<v Speaker 1>as they clung to the statue. At Ephesus, they were

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<v Speaker 1>dragged out from the temple of Artemis and slain At Adramitium,

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<v Speaker 1>they swam out to sea, but were brought back and killed,

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<v Speaker 1>and their children were drowned at costs. Alone was any

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<v Speaker 1>mercy shown there. Those who had taken refuge in the

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<v Speaker 1>temple of Iceculapius were spared. The number of the slain

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<v Speaker 1>was said to be eighty thousand, or even one hundred

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<v Speaker 1>and twenty thousand, which must have been, however, an incredible exaggeration.

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<v Speaker 1>By this fiendish crime, Mithridates must, though he was mistaken,

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<v Speaker 1>have felt that he had cut himself off forever from

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<v Speaker 1>any reconciliation with Rome. But no doubt he acted on calculation,

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<v Speaker 1>for not only did he get rid of men who

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<v Speaker 1>might have recruited the Roman armies. Not only did he

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<v Speaker 1>gratify the long hoarded hatred of the farmers and peasants

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<v Speaker 1>of whom Roman publocani and Roman slave masters had so

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<v Speaker 1>long made a prey. Not only did he obligin the

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<v Speaker 1>debtors by wiping out their debts and even the very

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<v Speaker 1>memory of them and their creditor's blood, but he might

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<v Speaker 1>well count on putting his accomplices also beyond the pale

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<v Speaker 1>of Roman mercy, and so linking them to his own fortunes. Moreover,

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<v Speaker 1>vengeance seemed remote, for Sullah had just marched on Rome

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<v Speaker 1>instead of to the east, and the civil war in

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<v Speaker 1>Italy might make Mithridates permanently supreme in Asia. So he

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<v Speaker 1>made Pergamus his capital, leaving Sinopi to his son as

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<v Speaker 1>vice regent. While Cappadocia, Phrygia, and Bithynia were turned into satrpies.

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<v Speaker 1>All arrears of taxes were remitted, and so wealthy had

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<v Speaker 1>his spoils made him that exemption for five years to

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<v Speaker 1>come was promised to the towns that had obeyed his orders.

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<v Speaker 1>But the tide was already on the turn. In Paphlagonia,

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<v Speaker 1>there was still resistance, Archelaus was repulsed and wounded at Magnesia.

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<v Speaker 1>CI Deities in person was forced to abandon the siege

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<v Speaker 1>of Rhodes. His revenge was stated he was tired of

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<v Speaker 1>the hardships of a war which he meant his generals

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<v Speaker 1>to conduct in future, and with a new wife, he

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<v Speaker 1>went back to Pergamus, to his rings in his music

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<v Speaker 1>and debaucheries, at the very time that a shudder had

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<v Speaker 1>gone through Italy at the tidings of the massacre, and

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<v Speaker 1>when Sullah was on his way to avenge it. End

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<v Speaker 1>of Section thirteen.
