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<v Speaker 1>Hello and welcome to episode two of Crime and Deviants

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<v Speaker 1>for the Sociology Show podcast. In this episode, we are

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<v Speaker 1>going to look at how crime is measured in the UK.

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<v Speaker 1>The first thing for you to remember is that there

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<v Speaker 1>are three different ways in which crime is measured in

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<v Speaker 1>the UK. We have official crime statistics, victim surveys, and

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<v Speaker 1>self report studies. So official crime statistics or the OCS

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<v Speaker 1>includes police records and the Crime Survey of England and

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<v Speaker 1>Wales or the CSEW. We then have victim surveys and

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<v Speaker 1>this includes the Crime Survey for England and Wales and

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<v Speaker 1>localized victim surveys. And victim surveys are where a person

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<v Speaker 1>indicates all the crimes that may have been committed against

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<v Speaker 1>themselves during the last year. We then also have self

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<v Speaker 1>report studies, which again are a survey conducted in which

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<v Speaker 1>the person indicates or admits any crimes that they have

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<v Speaker 1>committed over the course of the last year. These, of

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<v Speaker 1>course are anonymous. So firstly, let's just think about official

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<v Speaker 1>crime statistics in general. Remember, for some sociologists positivists in particular,

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<v Speaker 1>they see a real benefit of official crime statistics because

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<v Speaker 1>they tend to be large scale macro often largely generalizable

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<v Speaker 1>and representative, as they cover a large number of people. However,

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<v Speaker 1>for many sociologists, in particular interpretivist sociologists, they see a

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<v Speaker 1>real weakness to official crime statistics. They say that statistics

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<v Speaker 1>can lack depth, they can lack detail, they do not

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<v Speaker 1>give validity or insight or the shtayan, and so there

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<v Speaker 1>are many criticisms or problems of overall crime statistics. It's

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<v Speaker 1>also worth mentioning, of course, that crime statistics only really

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<v Speaker 1>show us a small fraction of the actual crime that's

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<v Speaker 1>going on. It's estimated that crime stats actually only show

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<v Speaker 1>about ten percent of all crime. The rest of crime

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<v Speaker 1>is what is known as the dark figure of crime.

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<v Speaker 1>Or perhaps a better analogy is the iceberg theory. You

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<v Speaker 1>imagine an iceberg. Only the tip of the iceberg tips

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<v Speaker 1>out of the water. The rest is hidden underneath. So

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<v Speaker 1>just try and remember that statistic that actually we probably

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<v Speaker 1>only see a small percentage around ten percent of real crime.

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<v Speaker 1>It could even be lower than that. So let's start

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<v Speaker 1>with official crime statistics. Official crime statistics refer to any

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<v Speaker 1>data produced or collated by the government. They are collated

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<v Speaker 1>by the Home Office and published by the Office for

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<v Speaker 1>national statistics. They include both or either police statistics and

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<v Speaker 1>court and prison records and the Crime Survey for England

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<v Speaker 1>and Wales. These crime statistics are published every six months.

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<v Speaker 1>So what are the advantages of the official crime statistics. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>your two groups, functionists and right realists really really do

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<v Speaker 1>like the use of crime statistics. They uncritically accept the

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<v Speaker 1>official crime statistics as a fair reflection of the problem

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<v Speaker 1>of crime. They argue that police statistics are useful because

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<v Speaker 1>they are widely geographically representative. Since they are supplied by

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<v Speaker 1>forty five territorial police forces plus the British Transport Police.

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<v Speaker 1>Most members of the public know the number nine ninety

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<v Speaker 1>nine and can therefore report crimes either in person or

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<v Speaker 1>over the phone. This means that the sample reported to

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<v Speaker 1>the police should theoretically include all ages, classes, genders, ethnicities

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<v Speaker 1>and so on, so that the statistics produce reflect a

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<v Speaker 1>huge data set and therefore can be used to generalize

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<v Speaker 1>across the UK. Functions and right realists also say that

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<v Speaker 1>the reliability should be high, and reliability may be high

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<v Speaker 1>for the police statistics because they are standardized thanks to

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<v Speaker 1>high levels of training for police officers to make sure

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<v Speaker 1>that crimes are recorded in the same way by all officers,

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<v Speaker 1>ensuring consistency. They also operationalize carefully. Each police force should

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<v Speaker 1>have the same understanding of key concepts around enforcing the law,

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<v Speaker 1>ensuring reliability e g. What constitute and assault, aggravated assault

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<v Speaker 1>or manslaughter, etc. The statistics are also gathered every year

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<v Speaker 1>and in the same way and again. This increases the

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<v Speaker 1>reliability as they are collected again and again to see

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<v Speaker 1>emerging trends and patterns over time. Functions, of course, believe

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<v Speaker 1>in the idea of consensus, so they see the polics

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<v Speaker 1>representing all of us and do not question their motives.

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<v Speaker 1>They therefore assume that what is reported and recorded is

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<v Speaker 1>what they call a social fact, and so the figures

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<v Speaker 1>reflect reality, meaning, according to functionists, there is high validity

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<v Speaker 1>in these statistics. Functionists trust the police figures. They reject

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<v Speaker 1>the suggestion that they are socially constructed. We know that

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<v Speaker 1>some crimes are highly likely to be reported. For example,

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<v Speaker 1>if victims see some benefit to themselves, such as an

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<v Speaker 1>insurance claim or a stolen car, they are going to

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<v Speaker 1>report it. So the statistics for some crimes are likely

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<v Speaker 1>to be higher in validity than others. Practically, police statistics

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<v Speaker 1>are also easy to access and they've already been compiled.

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<v Speaker 1>Remember they are secondary data for a sociologist. The data

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<v Speaker 1>is published and up to date, and so can be

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<v Speaker 1>accessed by any member of the public via the Internet.

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<v Speaker 1>According to these groups functioning some right realists, there are

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<v Speaker 1>also few ethical worries as offenders and victims are not

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<v Speaker 1>named and they remain anonymous. However, there are many disadvantages

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<v Speaker 1>to police statistics. Interactions are highly critical of police statistics

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<v Speaker 1>because they believe that they reflect only a narrow version

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<v Speaker 1>of reality, not the whole truth. They are incomplete because

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<v Speaker 1>not all crimes are reported or recorded, and only certain

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<v Speaker 1>people seem to get labeled as criminal. Therefore, interactionists suggest

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<v Speaker 1>that police statistics lack validity because they do not reveal

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<v Speaker 1>the dark figure of crime, or, as mentioned earlier, it

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<v Speaker 1>does not account for the Iceberg theory. Siicarell found that

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<v Speaker 1>police officers in his study were more likely to arrest

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<v Speaker 1>and charge working class youth the middle class youths, even

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<v Speaker 1>though they carried out the same amount of crime. Thus,

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<v Speaker 1>police statistics may have low validity because they reflect the

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<v Speaker 1>labeling process rather than the actual crimes that are being

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<v Speaker 1>carried out There are lots of instances where crimes go

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<v Speaker 1>undetected and unreported, and this challenges the police statistics because

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<v Speaker 1>many more crimes may exist, but they do not actually

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<v Speaker 1>appear in the statistics in terms of what we're seeing

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<v Speaker 1>as the general public. The main reasons for this is

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<v Speaker 1>because they've not been reported, they've not been recorded, or

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<v Speaker 1>they've gone unpunished. So why might this happen? Where There

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<v Speaker 1>are a variety of reasons as to why this may occur. Firstly,

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<v Speaker 1>the victim may be unaware that a crime is being committed,

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<v Speaker 1>such as if they were a victim of a financial fraud.

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<v Speaker 1>People may not report crimes because they were some way involved.

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<v Speaker 1>Imagine if a person were a drug dealer themselves and

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<v Speaker 1>their stash was stolen from them, are they really going

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<v Speaker 1>to go to the police. Likewise, they may fear retaliation,

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<v Speaker 1>particularly if they were a victim against a very dangerous

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<v Speaker 1>individual or gang. It may be that the crimes perceived

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<v Speaker 1>as too trivial or too small. Let's imagine that you

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<v Speaker 1>had an old, rusty bike tied up outside your house

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<v Speaker 1>and someone stole it. Perhaps you couldn't be bothered to

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<v Speaker 1>let the police know because it's seen as far too

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<v Speaker 1>insignificant disadvantage. Communities are also less likely to have faith

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<v Speaker 1>in the police and therefore are much less likely to

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<v Speaker 1>report crimes, which arguably compacts the problem. Some groups just

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<v Speaker 1>simply don't want to have any connection or relation with

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<v Speaker 1>the police at all. Some people may also not report

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<v Speaker 1>certain crimes, such as sexual offenses and domestic violence, because

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<v Speaker 1>they're too embarrassed or they just simply don't want to

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<v Speaker 1>report it. We know that those two offenses in particular

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<v Speaker 1>are massively underreported. And finally, maybe the person who's a

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<v Speaker 1>victim may lack power. For example, a young child may

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<v Speaker 1>be neglected or abused, but doesn't understand that they've had

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<v Speaker 1>a crime committed against them, or may not have the

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<v Speaker 1>ability to be able to report it to the police

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<v Speaker 1>in the first place. One might assume that if a

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<v Speaker 1>crime is reported to the police that they would obviously

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<v Speaker 1>record every instance of this, but this isn't always the case.

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<v Speaker 1>The police are trained to be professional and use a

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<v Speaker 1>discretion when appropriate. This means that officers may decide that

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<v Speaker 1>a crime is too trivial and thus not record it

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<v Speaker 1>as a crime. In twenty twenty, the hm Inspectra of

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<v Speaker 1>Constabulary reported that in the Greater Manchester Police Force alone,

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<v Speaker 1>around two hundred and twenty crimes a day when unrecorded.

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<v Speaker 1>In the twelve month period reviewed by inspectors, it was

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<v Speaker 1>estimated the force of recorded only seventy seven point seven

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<v Speaker 1>percent of reported crimes. This shows that police recorded practices

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<v Speaker 1>can impact on the validity of crime statistics. In other words,

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<v Speaker 1>they don't show a true picture, but also the reliability

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<v Speaker 1>of the statistics because they're not being recorded in the

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<v Speaker 1>same way each time. Simply, the recording of crime may

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<v Speaker 1>also be different in different localities, for exact example, between

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<v Speaker 1>the inner city areas and urban areas. Marxists reject police statistics.

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<v Speaker 1>The sociologist Gordon, for example, suggests that the bourgeoisie selectively

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<v Speaker 1>enforce the law against the less powerful groups. Gordon argues

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<v Speaker 1>that police officers are the strong arm of the bourgeoisie

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<v Speaker 1>and so operate in ways which reflect the interests of

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<v Speaker 1>the ruling class. As such, the police may choose to

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<v Speaker 1>pursue people and groups they perceive to be a threat

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<v Speaker 1>to society and not others. Gordon suggests that the police

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<v Speaker 1>are selective in the way in which they apply the law,

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<v Speaker 1>choosing challenging members of the working class to prosecute and

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<v Speaker 1>imprison to uphold the illusion of a perfect capitalist system.

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<v Speaker 1>The research of Waddington also conductive research on what he

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<v Speaker 1>calls canteen culture. His research on canteen culture of the

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<v Speaker 1>police also suggests that the police statistics are not to

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<v Speaker 1>be trusted because they reflect the police stereotypes of who

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<v Speaker 1>they believe to be typical criminals, which influence them to

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<v Speaker 1>stop and search groups. This includes ethnic minorities, youths, men

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<v Speaker 1>rather than women in the working class. This may also

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<v Speaker 1>lead to a self fulfilling prophecy where the only people

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<v Speaker 1>found to be committing these crimes are the groups who

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<v Speaker 1>are stopped and searched in the first place. Many criticize

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<v Speaker 1>statistics therefore for lacking in validity because they fail to

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<v Speaker 1>understand in any depth why something is happening or why

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<v Speaker 1>a crime is being committed. Statistics are quantitative, and as

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<v Speaker 1>a result, they may indicate that something is the case,

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<v Speaker 1>but not the reasons why. Remember that feminists also prefer

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<v Speaker 1>to use methods which focus much more on the victim,

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<v Speaker 1>offering a much more empathetic and qualitative approach. Although official

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<v Speaker 1>crime statistics are formed mostly by figures from the police

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<v Speaker 1>and courts. The government does supplement this with extra information

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<v Speaker 1>an annual survey called the Crime Survey of England and Wales.

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<v Speaker 1>Victim surveys are studies about the victims of crime, rather

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<v Speaker 1>than offenders. Interviewers ask people if they have been a

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<v Speaker 1>victim of crime in the last year and whether they

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<v Speaker 1>reported it to the police. Respondents are asked questions in

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<v Speaker 1>their own homes by trained interviewers using a structured interview,

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<v Speaker 1>with some questions administered on a laptop. Victim surveys reveal

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<v Speaker 1>the dark figure of crime and the reasons why people

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<v Speaker 1>may not have reported the crime committed against them to

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<v Speaker 1>the police in the first place. Positivists argue that the

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<v Speaker 1>Crime Survey for England and Wales is high in representativeness

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<v Speaker 1>because it uses a nationally representative sample a stratified random

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<v Speaker 1>sampling technique of thirty five thousand adults and three thousand

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<v Speaker 1>children aged between ten and fifteen with parental consent per year.

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<v Speaker 1>The response rate, though, has fallen from around seventy percent

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<v Speaker 1>pre pandemic to around forty two percent in twenty twenty three.

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<v Speaker 1>The information is collected by professional, trained interviewers and the

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<v Speaker 1>interview is structured so that there is high reliability because

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<v Speaker 1>the key terms are off operationalized clearly. Each interview we'll

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<v Speaker 1>use the same questions phrased in the same way, and

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<v Speaker 1>answers are coded. It can also be argued that this

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<v Speaker 1>survey does produce some high validity because respondents are asked

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<v Speaker 1>questions in their own home where they feel more comfortable.

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<v Speaker 1>The Crime Survey for England and Wales has been successful

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<v Speaker 1>at developing special measures to estimate the extent of domestic violence, stalking,

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<v Speaker 1>and sexual victimization, which are least likely to be reported

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<v Speaker 1>crimes to the police. For these questions, the laptop is

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<v Speaker 1>given to the respondent and they are asked to complete

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<v Speaker 1>in privacy to avoid embarrassment and thus raise validity. There

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<v Speaker 1>are many disadvantages, however, of the Crime Survey of England

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<v Speaker 1>and Wales, such as it very very rarely reflects white

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<v Speaker 1>collar crimes, that's crimes committed by the middle and upper classes.

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<v Speaker 1>Those with power. Marks Is such as Snyder, argue that

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<v Speaker 1>by continually asking about issues such as street crime rather

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<v Speaker 1>than white collar crimes, we reinforce the narrative that crime

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<v Speaker 1>is a working class issue. People may not be aware

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<v Speaker 1>they are victims of crimes, and the crime Survey for

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<v Speaker 1>England and Wales relies on victims to have objective knowledge

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<v Speaker 1>of the crimes committed against them. People's memories of traumatic

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<v Speaker 1>events are often not that accurate, or they may fail

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<v Speaker 1>to remember all of the crimes they've actually experienced over

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<v Speaker 1>the previous twelve months. As with police statistics, people may

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<v Speaker 1>be embarrassed or fear reprisals, and so that data is

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<v Speaker 1>not entirely valid. In addition, victim surveys don't reveal victimless

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<v Speaker 1>crimes such as underage drinking. The response rate, as already noted,

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<v Speaker 1>is forty two percent, not one hundred percent, so some

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<v Speaker 1>data has not been captured. Where's all that missing data gone?

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<v Speaker 1>This means that representativeness may be lowered if not every

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<v Speaker 1>person completes the survey. If those that don't respond are

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<v Speaker 1>the people who have suffered any crimes, this distorts our

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<v Speaker 1>view since we may not be able to generalize what's

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<v Speaker 1>actually occurring with data in relation to crime. Therefore, we

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<v Speaker 1>do have real problems with potential validity, representativeness, and generalizability

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<v Speaker 1>when it comes to the Crime Survey of England and Wales.

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<v Speaker 1>Now let's be a little bit more specific to victim surveys.

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<v Speaker 1>Some victim surveys can help uncover the wider impact of

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<v Speaker 1>crime on a community. Left realists are particularly keen to

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<v Speaker 1>focus on working class victims and to provide solutions to

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<v Speaker 1>cope with the crime. Jones carried out the Islington Crime Survey.

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<v Speaker 1>This survey not only focuses on a specific geographical area

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<v Speaker 1>that in his city, but also on the impact of

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<v Speaker 1>crime on individuals, lives, and particularly vulnerable groups. The studies

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<v Speaker 1>showed that a third of all households have been touched

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<v Speaker 1>by serious crime in the last twelve months. Crime has

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<v Speaker 1>rated a major problem behind unemployment. The qualitative element of

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<v Speaker 1>the survey unveiled that crime really altered people's lives. Twenty

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<v Speaker 1>five percent of all people avoided going out after dark

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<v Speaker 1>because of a fear of crime. Twenty eight percent said

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<v Speaker 1>that they felt unsafe in their own homes. More than

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<v Speaker 1>half of women stated that the fear of crime is

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<v Speaker 1>real and rational, and that it is not an exaggeration

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<v Speaker 1>to conclude that many women in inner city urban areas

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<v Speaker 1>live in a state of virtual curfew. These findings and

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<v Speaker 1>victimization were influential in developing the theory of left realism.

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<v Speaker 1>They led left realists to believe that crime and fear

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<v Speaker 1>of crime, especially in inner city areas, is very important

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<v Speaker 1>in shaping people's lives, and the official crime statistics alone

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<v Speaker 1>doesn't truly reflect this fact and so needs to be

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<v Speaker 1>supplemented by victim surveys. The Islington Crime Survey also found

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<v Speaker 1>that not everyone has the same likelihood of becoming a victim,

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<v Speaker 1>since young household's, lone parents, and the unemployed were more

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<v Speaker 1>than twice as likely to be a victim of crime

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<v Speaker 1>as the average person. The poor were also more likely

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<v Speaker 1>to be subject to multiple Victimization surveys can also be

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<v Speaker 1>useful in testing the success of social policy initiatives. For example,

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<v Speaker 1>Farrington and Painter use a victim survey to test where

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<v Speaker 1>their improved street lighting reduce crime rates. They sent victimization

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<v Speaker 1>surveys to household a thousand in total before and after

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<v Speaker 1>the new street lighting was installed. Respondents reported that they

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<v Speaker 1>felt safer and this led to safer spaces because potential

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<v Speaker 1>criminals feared being spotted. Victimization fell by forty three percent.

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<v Speaker 1>Farrington and Painter point out that the importance of using

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<v Speaker 1>a victimization survey helps reveal crimes such as receiving drugs,

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<v Speaker 1>which the police may not be aware of. This study

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<v Speaker 1>shows the importance of using victim surveys rather than police

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<v Speaker 1>statistics to reveal crime and fear of crime from a

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<v Speaker 1>personal perspective. Feminists also favor victim surveys because they believe

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<v Speaker 1>criminology should start with the victim, not the perpetrator. Feminists

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<v Speaker 1>seek empathetic, in depth, qualitative data which reveals what it

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<v Speaker 1>feels like to be a victim. For example, do Bash

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<v Speaker 1>and Dobash used two female researchers to carry out one

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<v Speaker 1>hundred and nine structured interviews with women who had experienced

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<v Speaker 1>domestic violence. Forty two of the women were living or

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<v Speaker 1>had been living in a women's refuge. Dobash and Dobash

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<v Speaker 1>found that twenty three percent of their sample actually experienced

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<v Speaker 1>violence before their marriage, but believed it would cease once

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<v Speaker 1>they were married. The other seventy seven percent had not

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<v Speaker 1>experienced before marriage, but did experience it once they were married.

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<v Speaker 1>The first violent episode usually consisted of a single blow

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<v Speaker 1>with little physical injury. It was often preceded by an argument,

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<v Speaker 1>usually about the husband's possessiveness and his ideas about his

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<v Speaker 1>wise responsibility to him. This episode was normally followed by shock, shame,

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<v Speaker 1>and guilt from both parties. The husband begged for forgiveness

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<v Speaker 1>and promised it would not happen again, whilst wives often

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<v Speaker 1>attempted to understand the action in terms of her own behavior,

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<v Speaker 1>the idea that perhaps she brought it upon herself. Few

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<v Speaker 1>females responded to the attack with physical force themselfs do

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<v Speaker 1>Bash and Dobash found that such violence became routine and normal.

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<v Speaker 1>They found that men felt they had the right to

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<v Speaker 1>punish or discipline their wives for being bad wives or mothers.

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<v Speaker 1>Women too, expected domestic violence to be a normal part

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00:18:27.599 --> 00:18:31.000
<v Speaker 1>of their marriage and consequently rarely complained about it or

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00:18:31.039 --> 00:18:34.759
<v Speaker 1>sought medical attention. They left the relationship when children were

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00:18:34.799 --> 00:18:39.039
<v Speaker 1>threatened with violence, too feministy in depth data is much

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<v Speaker 1>more valuable than statistics because it allows us to see

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<v Speaker 1>how crime impacts on individuals and crime, and therefore gives

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<v Speaker 1>us better validity. There are, of course, many problems with

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<v Speaker 1>smaller scale victim surveys and studies. Many victim surveys often

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<v Speaker 1>use small samples, which of course reduces the generalizability. For example,

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<v Speaker 1>in that dobashan day Obash study. They used a sample

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<v Speaker 1>of women who were living in domestic violence hostels, and

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<v Speaker 1>therefore they were not probably representative of women who may

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<v Speaker 1>experience low levels of domestic violence, may not experience any

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<v Speaker 1>domestic violence, or to the men who experienced domestic violence. Finally,

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<v Speaker 1>let's move on to self report studies. Remember this is

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<v Speaker 1>an anonymous questionnaire, self completed, and it is where the

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<v Speaker 1>person completing it admits to crimes that they've committed over

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<v Speaker 1>a twelve year period. As well as being asked how

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<v Speaker 1>often they commit illegal acts. Respondents are generally asked details

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<v Speaker 1>of their background, such as age, gender, or ethnicity. One

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<v Speaker 1>of the advantages of self report studies is that they

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<v Speaker 1>provide evidence against the typical delinquent, as shown in the

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<v Speaker 1>crime rate Graham and Bowling conducting the self report study

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<v Speaker 1>of twenty four hundred people aged fourteen to twenty five.

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<v Speaker 1>They were interviewed in their own homes face to face,

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<v Speaker 1>then completed as self completion questionnaire which used twenty three offenses,

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<v Speaker 1>and are asked them to admit which, if any, they

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<v Speaker 1>had committed. Crime rates for blacks and whites were almost

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<v Speaker 1>equal forty four percent for whites and forty three percent

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<v Speaker 1>for blacks, only thirty for British Asians, and so this

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<v Speaker 1>self report study was helpful in providing a more valid

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<v Speaker 1>account of patterns of offending regarding ethnicity and perhaps reinforces

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<v Speaker 1>the need for sociologists to be suspicious of the possibility

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<v Speaker 1>of police racism. Self report studies are useful as they

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<v Speaker 1>can reveal hidden aspects of crime not picked up in

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<v Speaker 1>the statistics, and this raises the validity in terms of gender.

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<v Speaker 1>For example, Anne Campbell found that levels of crime and

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<v Speaker 1>deviants admitted to by females and males were much closer

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<v Speaker 1>than police recorded figures tended to suggest. The official crime

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<v Speaker 1>statistics show that for every one crime committed by women,

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<v Speaker 1>men commit five, so the ratio is one to five.

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<v Speaker 1>This shows that men are much more criminal than women. However,

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<v Speaker 1>Campbell carried out small scale self report studies with their

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<v Speaker 1>A level classes and found that for ever every one

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<v Speaker 1>crime that women committed, men committed one point five, So

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<v Speaker 1>the difference between crime rate of men and women is

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<v Speaker 1>much closer than the official crime statistics suggests one to

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<v Speaker 1>one point five. This backs up the idea of Pollock's

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<v Speaker 1>chivalry theory. Perhaps females are committing crime, but they are

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<v Speaker 1>much less likely to be targeted, punished and reported. Self

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<v Speaker 1>report studies may also be useful to see trends over

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<v Speaker 1>time and track changes that Edinburgh Study of Youth Transitions

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<v Speaker 1>and Crime is one of the largest prospective longitudinal studies

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<v Speaker 1>of youth offending ever carried out in the UK. It

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<v Speaker 1>was first established in nineteen ninety eight and it began

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<v Speaker 1>with a cohort of around four thousand, three hundred children

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<v Speaker 1>aged twelve on average, who are all in their first

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<v Speaker 1>year of secondary school in the city of Edinburgh. The

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<v Speaker 1>main aim of the study was to further increase our

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<v Speaker 1>understanding of criminal behavior amongst young people by studying them

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<v Speaker 1>over a long period of development from early adolescents through

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<v Speaker 1>to adulthood. This is an example of a self report

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<v Speaker 1>study and victim survey together so could be used to

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<v Speaker 1>answer both exam questions. The study found that children from

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<v Speaker 1>single parent families and those in care to have the

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<v Speaker 1>highest levels of criminality, showing that crime rates rise as

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<v Speaker 1>you go down through the social class scale. Boys were

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<v Speaker 1>twice as criminal as girls, and crime rates were higher

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<v Speaker 1>when parents were unemployed. They found correlations between impulsivity in

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<v Speaker 1>children who had high levels of criminality were also more

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<v Speaker 1>likely to be victims. They found lower offending rates for

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<v Speaker 1>those youths who were closely supervised by parents. The strongest

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<v Speaker 1>correlation was between offending rates and the use of alcohol

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<v Speaker 1>or drugs and friends who were also offenders. There are, however,

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<v Speaker 1>many problems with self report studies. Feminists would criticize them

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<v Speaker 1>for failing to highlight the way in which women are

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<v Speaker 1>treated differently by the criminal justice system. Self report studies

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<v Speaker 1>failed to highlight the victimization that women suffer, and therefore

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<v Speaker 1>they would suggest that victimization studies are much more effective.

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<v Speaker 1>According to feminists, these will reveal the level of victimization

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<v Speaker 1>that women suffer in relation to sexual and domestic violence,

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<v Speaker 1>which can often be lost in self report studies. Self

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<v Speaker 1>report studies are often carried out on young adults and

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<v Speaker 1>often include quite minor crimes, meaning they do not represent

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<v Speaker 1>the older population and cannot be generalized across other groups.

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<v Speaker 1>They also tend to be unrepresentative because they focus on

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<v Speaker 1>relatively small groups of people, as we found in Campbell's research,

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<v Speaker 1>and or particular types of crimes. They do not include

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<v Speaker 1>sexual crimes, domestic violence, and white collar crimes or murder.

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<v Speaker 1>Participants may also conceal offending or make false claims about

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<v Speaker 1>what they have done even though they are anonymous, because

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<v Speaker 1>they may have a mistrust of the police. So, therefore,

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<v Speaker 1>do we know that we're still getting accurate and high

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<v Speaker 1>levels of validity from self report studies? In conclusion, it

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<v Speaker 1>may be best to use what we call method pluralism

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<v Speaker 1>when we're trying to understand crime, and this means the

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<v Speaker 1>truly measure crime. We should use official crime statistics, self

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<v Speaker 1>report surveys, and victim surveys altogether to offer a much

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<v Speaker 1>broader picture rather than just relying on one method alone. So,

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<v Speaker 1>from listening to this episode, could you answer the following questions. Firsty,

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<v Speaker 1>can you name the three different ways in which crime

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<v Speaker 1>is measured in the UK? Can you also name three

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<v Speaker 1>examples of studies that use victim surveys as their research method.

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00:24:32.599 --> 00:24:36.119
<v Speaker 1>Could you name three studies that use self report studies

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<v Speaker 1>as their research method? Imagine you had an essay on

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<v Speaker 1>one of these. Could you name two advantages and two

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<v Speaker 1>disadvantages of official crime statistics? Could you name two advantages

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<v Speaker 1>and two disadvantages of victim surveys? And finally, could you

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<v Speaker 1>date two advantages and two disadvantages of victim studies. Thank

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<v Speaker 1>you very much for listening, and in episode three we

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<v Speaker 1>are going to look at the functionist explanations for crime

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<v Speaker 1>and deviants. The Sociology Show podcast now offers online tutoring.

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00:25:12.880 --> 00:25:15.759
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00:25:15.759 --> 00:25:17.759
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00:25:18.039 --> 00:25:22.400
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