Speaker 1: I want to welcome everyone back to the pet Conana show.
I'm here with Paul Fahrenheit again and we're going to
continue talking about mister Francis Parker. Yaki, how are you doing, Paul.
Speaker 2: Doing very well, mister Pete, Thank you again for having
me on. It is always an honor, a pleasure, and
a privilege to be on your platform.
Speaker 1: Thank you very much. Well, we're not going to read
Yaki today, but there is a phrase that Yaqui uses
over and over again. If you get a PDF of Imperium,
you control effort and you type in spirit of the Age.
He uses that term fifty two times. He uses it
fifty one times. It's once used in the introduction by
Cardo or some people say somebody else. But he mentions
the spirit of the age fifty one times. And I
want to just I'll read one part. I will read
a part of his introduction that includes the Spirit of
the Age and will use it as a jumping off points.
So he says in this book Imperium are the precise
organic foundations of the Western soul, and in particular it's
imperative at this present stage either Europe will become totally
integrated or it will pass entirely out of history, its
people will be dispersed, its efforts and brains will be
at the disposal forever of extra European forces. This is
shown herein not to be abstract formulae and intellectualized theories,
but organically and historically. The conclusions are not arbitrary, not
a subject for choosing or rejecting, but absolutely compelling to
minds which wish to take part in affairs. Real author
is the spirit of the age, and its commands do
not admit of do not admit of argumentation, and their
sanction is the crushing might of history, bringing defeat, humiliation,
death and chaos. So when you hear the term the
spirit of the age, where does your mind first go?
Speaker 2: Well, mister p uh, whatever YACKI uses the spirit of
the age, you have to understand he was writing in
the twentieth century, which is possibly the most atheistic century
that has ever existed, second only or well seconded only
by the seventeenth century, which is ironic because that century
is known for the wars of religion.
Speaker 3: But you know he's he's.
Speaker 2: Writing that to basically basically shorthand in the will of
God without like saying the will of God. So understanding
this from a top down perspective, the spirit of the
age must be understood first and foremost is how God
exerts his will upon the world vis a vis the
forces of history.
Speaker 1: Correct. And let's talk a little bit about just the term,
the term spirit, because you know, you've already mentioned that
we basically live in a in an age of atheism.
Whenever anybody hears spirit, somebody who is religious is going
to interpret it as one thing, somebody who is quote
unquote spiritual is going to interpret it as another. And
the atheist, the real atheist, well, we're all there are
is So is he using it because he is purposely
trying to reintroduce it. He's trying to make sure that
we don't forget it in a time where when he's
writing this, where you know, the war has just ended,
millions upon millions are dead, and he's already witness first
hand that a takeover of the West is underway.
Speaker 2: You know, I think I think that is I mean
to say underway as an understatement, like it's already done,
Like it's already over, They've already won. And he's basically
like the last one of the last burning vestiges of
what it used to be, trying to preserve a kernel
of what the.
Speaker 3: West once was.
Speaker 2: And I mean, yeah, he's he's he's framing it in
the way that I think mid twentieth century individuals would understand,
because by the time of the mid twentieth century, people
have these myths about the Greatest Generation and all this
other stuff, and to a large extent, some of them
were true, especially in the American South, but for the
most part, the Greatest Generation were more degenerate and atheistic
than we are today. Like like, you know, anyone who
takes five seconds to scratch beneath the veneer of mid
century American and Western European society realizes it was nothing
but drugs and you know, illicit sexual activities and all
these other things and so and this was because in
the mid twentieth century they were pretty much at the
peak of atheism. And so Yaki is attempting to kind
of reintroduce more metaphysical concepts. And you see a reintroduction
of more metaphysical concepts in the latter half of the
twentieth century as things start breaking down a little bit
and people start questioning what they were all doing in
the first place. This is exemplified by the evangelical surge
and Billy Graham and other individuals, as well as the
New Age movement in the eighties.
Speaker 3: But Yaqui's kind of.
Speaker 2: A precursor to this, and this was largely Thomas will
tell you this largely predicated by the Cold War. America
was sort of looking for things that differentiated it from
the Soviet Union. It's this weird irony America. America publicly
called itself this Christian nation. That was that was that was,
you know, we were we we love God and all
this other stuff compared to the atheistic Soviet Union. When
the Soviet Union, even though it was legally atheistic, basically
acted in a more religious manner despite themselves than the
than the United States did. But I digress. So, yes,
Yaki is kind of introducing this as a as a
new sort of metaphysical reintroduction. And the problem with the
word metaphysics is that you can throw that word out
there and use it to me in whatever you want.
But basically he is trying to start putting a little
nail into this secular sort of dominance in modern popular
society or whomever in the society of whomever was reading
this book, intellectual circles, people who were tuned into these things,
John Bircher's stuff like that.
Speaker 4: And so.
Speaker 2: That's why Yaki is trying to reintroduce through this way,
because he's speaking to a mid twentieth century peak of
a you know, you think atheists now are insufferable, like
they're nothing compared to compared to their great grandparents. But
that's why he's using it that way, because you know,
as you said, he is trying to reintroduce an idea
of metaphysics into popular discourse through a term of even
the word.
Speaker 4: Spirit of the age.
Speaker 2: It kind of you might mention this a bit later,
but like it comes from the concept of the Zeitgeist,
which comes out of continental philosophy German idealism, and it's
a sort of strange literal translation or a semi literal
translation of Zeitgeist literally means time ghost if you translate
it literally, and so he's trying to translated that into English.
He kind of takes liberty to say the spirit of
the age, like it's kind of like a season. You know,
It's kind of like how when spring comes around you
feel a certain way when winter around, you feel a
certain way, even if on a winter day it's like
seventy outside and on a spring day it's like thirty outside.
Speaker 1: You know what I mean, Yes, totally understand. So he's
writing this in nineteen forty eight, can you give an
overview of what you your interpretation of his interpretation is of
the spirit of the age at that point.
Speaker 3: Yeah, this is so.
Speaker 2: Nineteen forty eight is an interesting year. It's probably one
of the most significant years after the Second World War.
It was when the US Air Force was created, was
in nineteen forty eight as well as I think I
could be wrong on this. I think the military was
desegregated in nineteen forty eight. It's also tournament was Truman
still in I think Truman was still in the White
House office. But this is like the peak of like
the initial sort of breakdown of relations between the Soviet
Union and the United States. And I think the Greek
Civil War was.
Speaker 3: Heating up.
Speaker 2: Things like that. Basically, you know, the post war order
was consolidating itself, both East and West China was having
I think I think Chang Kai Shek had fallen in
nineteen forty eight.
Speaker 3: If I if I remember correctly. Please.
Speaker 2: You know, people in the comments are probably gonna fact
check me and call me a call me a retard,
and I understand because I don't get things right. But
this is the general, the general time as to what's
happening around the time Yaki is writing here. Another thing
that Yaqui was writing too, is there is at this
point there is still a very large portion at least
compared to later times, of people who have the Third
Reich like right in their memory. You know, Auto Reamer,
Hans Ulrich Rudel, other figures like that of the post
of the post war right. You know, Wan Perona is
still in power in Argentina. Gotulio Vargas is I think,
still in arge in Brazil. So basically you have you
still have this like remnants of this mid century sort
of reactionary world order that a lot of these exiled
Third Reich individuals are trying to put little footholds in.
And so, you know, Yaki, my interpretation of the spirit
of the age JACKI, it's it's like, basically, we have
lost the idea of reaction, any sort of reactionary idea
as it would exist in the time period of the
mid century was defeated in the ruins of Berlin, and
in essence, a very dark period is going to follow this.
Speaker 3: And so and so he's he's kind of trying.
Speaker 2: He's planting seeds. Basically, he's planting seeds. He is he
is trying to pull upon well the spirit of the age.
The spirit of the age is triumphed against against what
he was advocating for and what the Third Reich generally
was advocating for of a sort of continental Catholic worldview. Generally,
even though it was removed from removed from religion to
a large part, it was the vestigial holder. Thomas always
makes this point. You know, Hitler was a Austrian Catholic.
He was in Austrian he wasn't like practicing, but his
worldview was this sort of Habsburg Germany model. And it's
kind of ironic that at the end the buzzer beater,
you know, after the Austrian Empire ceased to exist, that
the Greater Germany was achieved with the Austrian vision and
not the Prussian vision and the sort of Anglo American
world order that is the sort of Protestant liberal worldview.
Speaker 3: And Spengler wrote.
Speaker 2: About this in Prussianism and socialism. This was going to
be the conflict of the mid twentieth century. It was
going to be the sort of final Thomas calls it.
You know, we're right Hegelians and left Hegelians because those
are both sort of evolutions of this general of these
two general worldviews when they come to conflict, and you know,
and and and so so in essence, that's that's Yaki's
kind of idea of the spirit of the age. Well,
the liberal worldview, the Anglo liberal worldview, with all of
its strengths and all of its weaknesses, and he very
much emphasizes the weaknesses, and even in imperium, he also
emphasizes the strengths of it. If you read it, if
you read it with a with a keen eye. He
Yaki is very much of the continental vein, but he
he is objective enough to speak to what the strengths
of the sort of Anglo.
Speaker 3: Liberal worldview are were.
Speaker 4: And had been.
Speaker 2: He simply disagrees that it is the uh. He thinks
that it's it's a spirit of a previous age that's
kind of preventing the spirit of the next age from
coming into being. But it can't keep doing that because
inherently history has to keep moving. The will of God
will force the sort of great wheel or cycle or
spiral or s curve, or however you want to imagine
the shape of history. It will keep turning and changing
into another direction, just like you know, the seasons changed
with more or less regularity. So that's kind of that's
kind of my interpretation of what he's talking about.
Speaker 3: If that answers your question.
Speaker 1: It seems to me also that he, when he looked you,
mentioned history a couple of times there when he talks
about history, I think for him, if you were to
look at say World War two or World War One,
and you were to examine them, understanding the spirit of
the age and the spirit of what compelled it and
how it was fought, and what the spirit of what
happened afterwards is more important than even the facts on
the ground when it comes to how the war was fought,
who won which battle, you know, who was the first
to invade, who, whenever. It seems to everything has to
point to if you understand the the why from a
once you leave the material and you understand the metaphysical why,
then you can really start to understand history.
Speaker 2: That's true, and I mean once again, that word, that word,
that word metaphysics has been critiqued by some, but I
think I think it's a good placeholder for what we're
trying to get at, which is really just a we,
you know, Pete, being in the twenty first century. You know,
you said earlier we live in an atheistic age. I don't.
I don't entirely agree, but I agree somewhat in the
fact that we're still kind of trying to throw off
the shackles of the old.
Speaker 3: Man of the twentieth century.
Speaker 2: You know what, Like the problem with twenty first centrally
century politics is that we have twenty first century feelings
and twenty first century ideas about things, but our language
is stuck in the twentieth century, and we can't really
go forward until we figure out new languages for new things,
new words, new concepts, new ways of expressing ideas. We
can't really really like advance ourselves politically or spiritually, or
socially or whatever economically, even without throwing off the sort
of this old paradigm that no longer really applies to
the situation on the ground. It's kind of like how
in the twentieth century they were kind of stuck for
a large extent with using the words of the nineteenth century,
at least in the late nineteenth century, because fascism really
is the only twentieth century term, because communism, socialism, Marxism, capitalism,
liberalism all were products of the nineteenth century. So the
only real innovation of the twentieth century was sort of
fascism or national socialism or whatever flavor of like you know,
fricking in West Slavonian bolslav Nipsel von Hussel dictator ideology
that he ruled in like two years. I don't know, basically, basically,
whatever it is, it's generally and I know Gottfried wrote
a whole book on this, but in the popular vernacular
it is categorized under the broad term of fascism, and
that's the only innovation of the twentieth century. And in
the twenty first century there's a whole other sort of paradigm,
like fascism isn't even it's not even possible in the
way it was in the twentieth century. Although the idea
of it, that the policy goals it's trying to achieve
are the policy goals we are concerned about now, so
that's and that's a problem is because the twenty first century,
in comparison to the twentieth century, I think the twenty
first century is actually far more religious and far more
genuinely theological than the twentieth century is. And that might
be my take. And people may disagree with me, like,
you know, and that's fine. You can you can, you
can do that. You know, this is a free forum.
But that's kind of the that's kind of the worldview
I'm coming at this with. So like Yaki is talking about,
with the spirit of the times, he wrote that Yaki
Yaki was kind of living in the twenty first century
without ever seeing it in his life.
Speaker 3: You know.
Speaker 2: Thomas talks about how he was one of the only
people in about nineteen and in this period immediately after
the Cold War, immediately not the Cold War, immediately at
the beginning of the Cold War, after the end of
the Second World War, that was predicting the collapse of
the Soviet Union.
Speaker 3: Almost no one was doing that at this time.
Speaker 2: Yaki predicted its collapse, predicted that its collapse would have
negative effects, predicted that American dominance or well not really
not really American dominance. The problem a propensity for revisionists,
and I've you know, I'm not criticizing anyone, it's just
it's just sometimes people ascribe to the to the character
and to the people of the United States what other
groups have done using the United States as kind of
like a bunch of useful idiots. Because the United States
is a very young nation in terms of its political maturity.
Would would you agree with that, Pete?
Speaker 1: Well, absolutely, yeah, and well it started off as one
thing and then it was quickly subverted.
Speaker 3: Yeah, exactly, and so and and so.
Speaker 4: Basically basically the spirit I think that's America's really coming
into political maturity, kind of like the European nations did.
Speaker 2: Because in essence, the American what what people call founding
stock or old stock or heritage Americans or people who
can trace one or another ancestor back to the founding
of the country. They're starting to become aware of themselves
as a as a conscious entity, which may you know,
existed to a certain extent before, but it wasn't like
it wasn't as a as a unity. Whether you are
someone who who's from Boston, who's had a family member
in the infantry since the Revolutionary War, and even before that,
since King Phillip's War, or you're a good old Southern boy,
who's you know, who's whose family has been here since Jamestown.
You're kind of looking at each other in a way
that no one really has, in the sense that, well,
both of our ancestors founded this country in their own
respective ways and contributed to it, and may have disagreed
at some points, but we have a lot more in
common with each other than we do with this teeming
mass of Third worlders and other individuals and groups that
sit at the top of society right now. So we
are basically a political group under attack, a political a
political ethnic group under attack.
Speaker 3: Who's who who?
Speaker 2: For the first time I think in the history of
of of the nation, their very existence is in question
in terms in and that's what the political struggle is
for them, is that it's like if they lose this
political struggle, their existence in a effect ceases. And Yaqui's
kind of talking about this in the mid twentieth century.
He's talking about Europe too. I kind of go back
and forth as to whether or not America, the American
and I mean American like European Americans, whether they are
an offshoot of Europe or their own thing. And part
of me thinks it's actually going to turn out to
be a little bit of both, which is good and bad,
because I'd much rather America be the next high culture
than Russia in this Spanglarian framework. But Yaki is kind
of already in the twenty first century. He's already kind
of coming into a certain into a sort of quasi
quasi Christian, quasi Catholic, because he had a Catholic upbringing
and background religious view of the world, using secular philosophical
terms to kind of put it as the skin suit
to sneak it past the defenses of the atheistic audience
he was writing towards in the mid twentieth century. And
you know, now that we're caught up to Yaki, all
of us being in the twenty first century, I think
now is the time to kind of learn how to
how to adapt the world around us, you know, adapt
the world around us to the spirit of the age
that is kind of in the water right now.
Speaker 3: You know.
Speaker 2: People wonder, and I'll put this last point Pete, and
then I'll turn it back over to you. People wonder,
why if this is all about the will of God.
Why would God purposely make the world atheistic? And my
answer to that is, you know, if in a world
where God exists, in a world where there is an
all powerful God who controls everything, has everything planned out
from the beginning and does it effortlessly, knows everything effortlessly.
In a world where that God exists, which is this world,
it's it's not at all a feat to believe in
him and to uh and to give him glory. As
a matter of fact, it is it is just totally natural,
and it's completely and it completely follows what is a
feat and a miracle is in a world like that,
people cannot believe in him. And I think that's the
reason why God, God allows the world to be atheistic,
is because it's it's actually it's further proof of God's
own existence that the world that he, if he wants it,
if he wants it to, he can make the world
not even believe in him or or or or turn
it against him. And this this will open all sorts
of theological disputes that and people will be will be
screaming at me in the comments. I'm sure for for
sharing this sentiment, but you know that's to me it's
a miracle, because atheism's existence is actually, I think, further
proof that God exists.
Speaker 1: Anyways, I'm just I'm just picturing the Anteonomian screaming right now.
But the what I was going to I wanted to
go back to you talking about how fascism was the
really the only new thing in the twentieth century. Communism
had been around, while liberalism classical lib results monarchy. So
in essence, it almost seems like the fight against fascism
is a conservative fight to conserve, to conserve what already exists,
and what already you know, what already exists in the past.
But you know, then I would argue that fascism is
not something that was actually brand new. I mean, the
idea of your your homeland and your family. That's not
something new that it seemed to be a a return,
there's a turn, there's a wording in a return to
the past where family mattered, where land mattered, and where
life was just, for lack of a better term, simple,
you didn't have to every time you hear something about
you know, just the spirit of the day of the age,
really trends and genders and anything, and I mean majority rule,
things like this. I mean, these are all distortions. They
don't come from nature. And it seems to me that
basically what a lot of the people who were writing
about fascism were talking about was just a return to nature,
a return to what was natural and what exists in
reality and isn't false, isn't something that is made up
by philosophers, you know, as Demeistras said when he was
talking about the Inquisition, he said, I mean, if you
want to destroy a people, he said, you take away
their faith and turn them into philosophers.
Speaker 3: Yeah, that is true, and it's funny.
Speaker 2: It's funny how you frame it like that, because you know,
fascism very much was a revolutionary sort of idea like
and they they were self consciously that like you know,
national socialism especially, it was national socialism like they were.
They were very much like socialist and they were incorporating
the red of of what socialism.
Speaker 3: Was into their sort of mood.
Speaker 2: And people people don't really I'm gonna get into I'm
gonna get into your talk about returning to nature in
a more simplistic life because I have something on that.
But real quick, I want to kind of set the
record straight on what socialism is, and Thomas has been
doing this too, like people have a stupid understanding of
socialism born out of a lot of like Buckleyeite, you know,
quasi libertarian ideology of about how it's it's this cultural
you know, cultural Marxism in the Frankfurt School. Cultural Marxism
in the Frankfurt School came out of this milieu but
found its greatest support amongst the liberal worldview. And I
think that's Gottfried's point if I'm not mistaken that that
cultural Marxism occurred through liberal means and not socialist means.
But if you look at the people who were fighting
in socialist causes in the mid twentieth century, it was
people like, you know, atheists, though they were, it was
people like Hemingway and and you know, George Orwell and
people like that in the Spanish War famously, but even
before that, like socialism was an entirely white phenomenon more
or less in the in the mid twentieth century, because
it was it was I'm treading on thin ice here,
but basically it was it was a logical conclusion that
one might come to looking at what the nineteenth century
liberal world created. It was an imperfect conclusion, don't get
me wrong, but it's it's a lot. It's one step
closer to probably what a solution was. Then let's say
the continuance of crony capitalism and and you know, oligar
Key and all this other stuff. So I want to
set the record straight on that, and I think I
think we need to change. We on the on the
right need to change what our understanding of socialism is.
And we need to actually sit down and like read
what Marx actually wrote, because if you read Marx outside
of any other context, he sounds like he's a racist
right winger, because he probably he would be if he
was writing today. You know, the thing is is that
is that there were a lot of other people, a
lot of other malignant influences, mister Pete that I think
you know who I'm talking about. That kind of saw
in the class discontent that was very much justified by
a lot of the lower classes of factory workers that
were very much downtrod in the nineteenth and twentieth century.
It was kind of hijacked and repurposed for other means,
and national socialism and fascism and things like that were
meant to correct that hijacking. It was meant to be No, no, no, no,
this is this is like, this is a movement for
the for the national people of this nation and not
an international sort of whatever. But we're gonna keep all
the economic policies and we're going to keep all the
social policies and all that. And you know, and I
think this was because it's like, Pete, have you ever
run across the IQ shredder concept? No, so the IQ
shredder concept is is I think Spandrel came up with it.
He also came up with bioleninism if if you if
you've ever come across that. Yes, I could be wrong
on that, but Spandrel I think came up with the
idea of the IQ shredder. And it's this idea, Pete,
that all of these cities require, like the more complex
society gets, the more high IQ people it requires to
maintain itself. The more high IQ people it requires to
maintain itself, the more high IQ people move move to
the center of society, which is generally cities. And everyone
knows that nothing causes fertility rates to drop like societies
increasing in complexity and people increasing in IQ.
Speaker 3: You know, it's just unsustainable.
Speaker 4: So all of these high.
Speaker 2: IQ people goes to this goes to these cities, get
too old to have kids, either have lesser kids, or
have lower quality kids, or just don't have kids at all.
Die We know IQ is heritable, their IQ dies with them. Meanwhile,
the poor rural itites have a ton of kids. And
you know, this is like, this is the idiocracy concept
and to a certain extent, that does happen. And this
is one of been this has been one of the
driving forces in favor of automation, is that, hey, look,
all of the higher IQ boomers that ran all of
society are dying out and we can't replace them, so
we need to automate to kind of keep a semblance.
And Ed Dutton kind of talks about.
Speaker 3: This to a a little bit.
Speaker 2: But this is this is sort of how you talk
about the return to nature, right. Well, this IQ stritter
has existed in various forms throughout all.
Speaker 3: Of human history.
Speaker 2: The more complex, sophisticated, systematic machine like society becomes, the
more of an all consuming entity, it starts to seem
to most people over a long enough time skills it's great.
This is kind of getting into Nick Land's idea of
fanged numana as well, which is small digression. This is
why I wish a lot more of right wingers would
would look into this sort of counter The antithesis of
Yaqui's thesis comes from comes from a continental philosophy dimester,
the Catholic worldview, and the antithesis is, of course, the
Anglo liberal worldview. I wish a lot more right wingers
would look into like the strengths of it, because it
does tend to create really peaceful, happy societies with high
standards of living and all sorts of high trust that
are almost idyllic if you look at them. And of
course they're unsustainable, because everything is unsustainable, including a sort
of a Catholic reactionary centralized monarchy is a lot more sustainable,
but it tends to be. It tends to not have
as good's. Its benefits are intangible and a lot more
than and you can have economic prosperity under it.
Speaker 3: But I digress.
Speaker 2: I don't want to get too much into the weeds
with that, but I think I think a lot of
right wingers just need to take a more holistic approach
the entirety of the general like Spengler did the entirety
of what Western canon is, what Western political philosophy is,
on all sides, not just one like, not just the
Catholic central tradition and the Protestant sort of dissident tradition.
Because us being dissidents, we right now spiritually we have
more in common with the Protestants than the Catholics, even
though many of us may be Catholic. This is all
sorts of paradoxes pea, but basically people want to return
to nature if they see in their society a sort
of you know, all consuming, all encompassing machine, which is
its own zeitgeist, its own spirit of the age. And
the spirit of the age is always like ping ponging
back and forth. It's either like it's either hey, we've
got everything squared away and figure it out. Now we
can advance, we can go forward, we can conquer, we
can explore, we can find all these new things, and
then you get kind of trapped in these new things
that you come up with, and it's this all consuming machine,
and our machine has sort of trapped us, and we
need all we need to do is escape and get
back to the land and our roots and what we
once were and all this other stuff, and so in
the mid twentieth century, a lot of people were starting
to come to this conclusion, especially in the wake of
the Great War. The Great War was kind of like
the apotheosis of this. It was it was probably the
most significant political event that has ever happened that we
know of. It was it was sort of the the
conflict of old and new, but even it was a
conflict between both old and new. It was the settling
of almost every old grudge and every new grudge and
just and it was it was such a big political
event that it needed to stop and take a twenty
year pause and then start over again, like the World
War One and World War two rn essence, the same
war with a twenty year break, and you know, and
that's why that's kind of why it's like it's like
after both of those people kind of they enjoyed the
five minute breather that was the nineteen fifties, but after that,
like people realized that, look, look, this sort of grand progressive,
technological society that we live in has gotten too progressive
and technological and all this other stuff, and it's now
just collapsing under its own weight and this always happens.
This was what the seventeenth century looked like.
Speaker 3: You know, you had.
Speaker 2: All of these advances in the Renaissance, and you know,
the in the sixteenth century prior to it, you know,
Da Vinci's mechanisms and stuff like that, and new ideas
of political organization in America was being discovered and mapped,
and it was bringing all sorts of commodities into Europe
that people had never seen before. And you know, you're
having small scale wars and the Spanish were the masters
of the world and inventing new militaries, and you had
this golden age of like of painting and of the
Baroque was starting to come around, or the pre Baroque,
and the sixteenth century really was this like post Renaissance
Golden age, with some you know, minor conflicts and getting
towards the latter end more major conflicts. But the seventeenth century,
man was when this you know, this this the seventeenth century,
I think, you know, the sixteenth century Marlowe I think
wrote Faust, which is where the idea comes from, and
he wrote it because it was in reaction to what
the West was turning into back in the fifteenth century,
in the sixteenth century or the seventeenth century, rather not
the fifteenth century, please forgive me the seventeenth century. Rather,
was this the collapse of the whole system, and that
was the spirit of the age. I tell everyone, you
want to understand the twentieth century, study the seventeenth century.
You want to understand the twenty first century, study the
nineteenth century. And you know, anyway, Pete, I'm kind I'm
kind of getting I'm kind of pulling off on all
sorts of tangents. But like you had this desire to
return to nature because it's this, it's this.
Speaker 3: Pingponging back and forth.
Speaker 2: Hey, let's go forward and build a new system, and
you know, and like build these great cities and do
all this other stuff. Oh no, it has gotten too
big and it's collapsing under its own weight. Let's get
out before it crushes us and go back to the
to the provinces and learn where we came from and
what we once were with the with the you know,
implied goal of eventually going out and building again. Like
this is just how history works. It's a constant back
and forth, which is why Hegel has such a compelling
theory of history if you actually read it. Anyway, Pete,
I've been talking for a long time, so please go ahead. Yeah.
Speaker 1: I think before we started recording, I said that there's
a couple of centuries from now people are going to
look back on the twentieth century and wonder how anyone
could have lived through it, and because it would be
very much it is very much like the seventeenth century.
And this century is starting off like the nineteenth like
the nineteenth century, but if it keeps if it keeps that,
or did you say was the nineteenth century or that
this century was going to be like the nineteenth century?
Speaker 2: This century most closely resembles the nineteenth century of any
previous and it's just a heuristic, you know, obviously it's
it's its own century. But like you know, history, the
study of history is basically mining for heuristics that lead
you to success in the age you are currently living.
Speaker 1: Yeah. Well, one of the things that I today before
we started recording, that I was contemplating was when I
was thinking about the spirit of the age. You know,
I saw somebody on Twitter who was trying to come
up with trying to present their own solutions for you
know what the world is right now, the woke, the gigantic,
the size of the governments, the threats coming down from governments,
from parents at at school board meetings, things like that.
And you know his his answer for it was white identity?
Speaker 3: And whose answer? Whose answer wasn't for it?
Speaker 1: Please the person I was that I was going back
and forth with on Twitter. Okay, gotcha, God, we were
going and we were going back and forth very politely.
It wasn't This wasn't you know, your typical Twitter or
flame job. And what I thought to myself was, if
that's the answer, considering what the spirit of the age
is now, you'd have to defeat the spirit of the
age in order to achieve any kind of real movement
in white identity. And by the time you did that,
the white identity movement would only be any would only
be for like going forward. It wouldn't even be a
something that would be used. Now you understand what I'm saying,
because this because the spirit of the age is so
anti white and it's so pro one other group that
that would have to be defeated in order for that
to even take hold. And then and if that were
to take hold, we're not in this. This the spirit
of this age anymore.
Speaker 2: Yeah, that's a that's an insightful point, Pete. And as
a matter of fact, like you know, once again, I
think that what you're what you're talking about is really
just like is just the old man of the twentieth
century reaching his long arm into the twenty first to
try to keep it in favor, and they have to
get more and more and more explicit.
Speaker 3: You are correct.
Speaker 2: We live in a we live in a time period
where you know, our respective peoples are looked at as
kind of this this enemy that needs to be exterminated.
But really the fact that that is being said aloud,
it generally shows the weakness of their situation. This gentleman
who's who's you know, talking about this this white identity,
he kind of doesn't understand how things work, you know,
you know, there to see Williams line that says, what's
the victory of the cat on a hot tin.
Speaker 3: Roof staying on the roof?
Speaker 2: And what he means how I interpret that in terms
of politics is you survival is political success. Survival is
political success. If you still exist, if you are not dead,
you are politically successful, all right. And that's why you know,
when we talked about Yaqui's nature of politics, like all
disputes where your life is in danger or could be
in danger, our political disputes.
Speaker 4: And the thing is.
Speaker 2: Is like it's like if you're in winter and you
really want spring to come and you know, alleviate you
and all this other stuff, Like, all you can do
is really sit.
Speaker 3: There and wait.
Speaker 2: There's no you can't make the earth turn faster. You
can't build a massive contraption that'll you know, cause the
earth to spin quicker. You can work a little bit
extra hard looking for firewood so you can keep your
house a bit warmer for longer, and you can, you know,
sacrifice your own energy more to hunt for a couple
more deer, to keep your people fed, happier and healthier
and try to make them more of an effort to
talk to people. That that's all you can do. You
we kind of just people. People are like whenever people
advocate for riding out the storm, there's kind of this like, oh,
you don't want to actually a small digression, Pete. Whenever
you advocate for doing anything, everyone criticizes you immediately. If
you advocate for riding out the storm, people call you
a coward. And say you're not going to do anything.
If you advocate for doing something, people call you a
fed and say you're trying to get them alltailily.
Speaker 4: This is this is the problem in it the.
Speaker 2: But what I mean is it's like you kind of
need to do everything always all the time. You need
to both be taking action and write out the storm
for opportunities, like you know, you know, you can't change
the spirit of the age any quicker than God wants to.
God does what he wants to do when he damn
well pleases, and all you can do is kind of
just submit yourself to that and be like, all right,
what am I gonna What am.
Speaker 3: I gonna do?
Speaker 2: I'm gonna be doing my duty in whatever place I
find myself and whatever movement I find myself until God
decides to change the circumstances of the game, and then
I'm gonna snap on that and be ready to go.
Like white identity is a win condition, Like we've already won.
If that's a thing we're introducing to the masses. It's
like if we're talking about that, like we're already you know,
we've already been measured for our victory. Parade uniforms and
all of our buddies are set for life with positions
that you know, they don't really have to work for
for political loyalty, and you know, we control the media
and all these other things, and we have a sensible
foreign policy and a sensible domestic policy all this other stuff.
Speaker 3: Like you want to.
Speaker 2: Talk about changing culture, you do that after you win
and you take power, right, you know, that's that's that's
why it's like it's like putting the cart before the horse. Well,
what can you do now? Well, what we can do
now is what we talked about on the Old Glory Club.
You know this, this this previous Friday. It's you know,
local organization. It's making sure that your immediate group of
friends are taken care of and are ready to go
and gaining skills. It's networking with other like minded groups,
like minded people, positioning yourself to to be in front
of as many money's figots as you possibly can, setting
up businesses, doing all this other stuff. Like Yaki Yaki
planted seeds in nineteen people people don't understand this, like
Francis Parker. Yaki, despite a lot of accusations of his
personal life and he really you know, personally in terms
of his in terms of his moral character, in like
especially with his sexual ethics. I don't I don't know
if I necessarily want to emulate him.
Speaker 3: In that regard.
Speaker 2: But other than that, he's probably one of the individuals
I respect more than anyone else on the planet who
had ever lived, because he was he would literally like
like he he was a he didn't care about FEDS.
You know it matter like like there are six volumes
of the FBI's monitorings of Francis Parker Yaki. I know
because I've read them through all six prickin volumes. They
were keeping they were keeping eyes on this guy, and
you know, Yaki just didn't care.
Speaker 3: He It's like, imagine, imagine like he imagine.
Speaker 2: If you will, your house burns down, your family all dies,
you know, your bank account gets sequestered, your bankrupt, your
car is totaled, and you don't have insurance. Basically you've
lost everything, and you just decide, all right, well, looks
like I'm gonna go to work tomorrow and start building
it back up. That was what Yaki was doing in
in nineteen forty eight. Like people think like all of
a sudden he was political and no, he was doing
work with the Silver Legion, with the German American Bund,
with the America Firsters under Lyndberg, Like at that time,
prior to its really seemed like America was going to
go in a more traditional direction, in a more genuinely
right wing direction.
Speaker 3: He was working with all of them, and all of
that was just crushed.
Speaker 2: It was crushed by basically a total police state that
then proceeded to crush the rest of the world. And
Yaki in about mid career because he was about his
thirty Yeah, he wrote Imperium when he was thirty.
Speaker 3: He was thirty one. Actually he wrote it when he
was thirty one. So basically the whole work of.
Speaker 2: His youth was crushed in front of him at age
thirty one, and he just decided, well, time to pick
up the pieces and he volunteers to help at the
Nuremberg trials literally just so he could get close to
the people that he politically supported. Like at any time,
he could have been arrested, he could have been sequest
he could have been he eventually was, and you know,
eventually that ended his life.
Speaker 3: But you know, during the war, he.
Speaker 2: Was not I'm not advocating you do this don't don't
do this. But during the war he lived by his principles.
He was passing intelligence along to Axis spies, you know,
to advance his political goals at great personal risk. Like
people don't understand, like like like Yaki would work with
anyone and everyone to advance any aspect of his political beliefs,
to ask to advance any aspect.
Speaker 3: Of what he believed as the truth.
Speaker 2: And it cost him his life. It really did cost
him his life. And and I mean, that's that's just,
that's just and you just don't see that a lot anymore.
And you don't need to be that, you don't need
to be Yaki. Yaki, as a matter of fact, was
necessary for the zeitgeist. You know, the zeitgeist demanded men
like him on the right in order for the right
to continue functioning, you know, in order for the right
to pass itself along. All you need to do now
is just like go to your local Chamber of Commerce
meeting or go to your freaking local government like.
Speaker 4: You could say, was I right wing stuff in normal
society now and not get you know, not even really
get docs like you could have in the past couple
of years. Like really, you have no excuse, And you know, Pete,
I know I'm kind of I'm kind of shifting this,
but like this is why I'm like, look like Thomas
will talk about this all the time, Like when he
was going down to a meeting of friends that I
was at recently, the airline pilot recognized him, recognized.
Speaker 2: Him as he was walking on the plane. Like that's
not just like some dude on the street. That's like
a pilot. Like Thomas will talk about this when he
was in the nineties with one of like twelve people
in the country getting IHR newsletters. Like the fact that Pete,
thousands of people, tens of thousands of people will be
listening to this show with us is a testament to
like the shifting.
Speaker 3: Of the spirit of the age.
Speaker 2: And this time, this time, there is no FDR figure.
There is no competency in our enemies in the extent
that we think there is, like there was last time.
And I mean that's why, that's why, I mean, that's
why it's time to it's time to plant seeds. And
we don't need to wait and sacrifice our own lives
like Yaqui had to. You know, It's all we have
to do is just wait a decade or a generation
or whatever. Well, within our lifetimes, I'm gonna make this
prediction right here, Pete. You know, Paul Fahrenheit said it
right here. Hold it against me, make me eat my words.
Speaker 3: If I'm wrong.
Speaker 4: Within our lifetime, we will see some sort of ruling
order that reflects our principles, that reflects what we believe,
that reflects the sort of synthesis of the greatest aspects
of Western thought, be it a glow Liberal or continental
Catholic like like.
Speaker 2: That's and that's what I think the spirit of the
age is shifting towards.
Speaker 1: What's interesting is when you were talking about that, when
you were talking about all the people who are waking
up to this and the people pilots recognizing Thomas. I
was just going through different parts of imperium or spirit
of the age appears, and I came upon political organisms
and war. And this one line probably sums up best
what you were talking about, because what we do, when
we write, when we podcast, when we do these things,
we are doing our own version of propaganda. And anyone
who denies that is a liar, is a liar, or
they're just not aware of what propaganda is. It's just
one line. It says propaganda cannot bring men onto the
battlefield than can the spirit of the age exactly. I mean,
it's not my voice, it's not Thomas's voice. It is
the spirit of the Age that is bringing people to
understand exactly what we're trying to explain here.
Speaker 2: How can you have a sort of great battle of
Pellinore Fields moment? You know, I know, I know we
all like Lord of the Rings.
Speaker 3: So I have to have to do this.
Speaker 2: How can we have a great battle of pellin Or
Fields moment if there isn't some great evil to be slain?
Speaker 3: You know?
Speaker 2: People ask people wonder why God lets bad things happen
in the world, And it's because you don't have you
don't have bad, or you don't have good. Excuse me,
in a fallen world, you don't have good without bad,
and good needs to exist in contra to bad, you know.
And and good does not have its grand victorious moment
without like evil seeming like.
Speaker 3: It's right on the verge of victory.
Speaker 1: You know.
Speaker 2: But and and people people will kind of raise the
eyebrows at me for talking in terms of good and evil,
But pee good and evil are the most self evident
things in existence. Anyone who says good and evil don't exist,
or our fabrications or our subjective there's a maybe a
little bit of a subjectivity to it. But like at
the same time, not really like anyone who says good
and evil good and evil doesn't exist.
Speaker 3: Is either up their own ass.
Speaker 2: Or jaded beyond belief to the point where they're no
longer really a functioning being. And you know, and and
like like you said, you know, propaganda, people assume. The
problem with propaganda is people assume propaganda's lies. Propaganda in lies.
It's it's it's a sort of appeal to like what
we're doing here, it's it's it's trying to make constant
in everyone's everyday lives the grand principles as to uh,
what we are doing in order to further kind of
in order to squeeze that little extra percent of effort
out of them, because you can't really put up propaganda
without more.
Speaker 3: Or less everyone agreeing with it, you know.
Speaker 2: And yeah, we are making propaganda here because because we
believe in what we're doing and the people and it's
only really of use to the people who also believe
in what we're doing.
Speaker 3: Which is.
Speaker 2: In many respects, there should be some reaching out to
people who are not currently with us, But at the
same time, like the argument that the people who aren't
already with us will never be also holds weight.
Speaker 3: So I don't know, Pete.
Speaker 2: I mean, I think, I think the zeitgeist is in
our favor. I think you know, God is with us,
and you know, worse worse comes to worse, we all,
we all will die having stood for what we believed
in and you know, which is more than you know,
more than they can say, which is more than they
can ever say, And we'll be reward and we will
be rewarded for it once we get beyond this life.
Speaker 1: Well, it was like I was saying, when we when
we Love. When we did the live stream for Old
Glory Club this past Friday night, we were talking about
the Germ report. Then we started talking about just politics
in general and how how fearful people are because the
regime is making threats and it's one of those things
where you have to sit down and you have to
really look at it. You have to look at what
do they have exactly have the power to do. The
ATF doesn't have the manpower they don't have the budget
to go through one one hundredth of the homes in
you know, the Atlanta area in a year's time. They don't.
If another thing that was brought up was mobs, how
mob violence, My violence will at most, could most at
most affect ninety nine point eight percent, won't affect ninety
nine point eight percent of the population. They're they've lost,
they've already lost. Now it's just a matter of what
comes next and just being careful. Don't draw a lot
of attention to yourself. You know, do everything you can
and do that. And you know, still if you draw
a lot of attention to yourself, they're the odd person
that they're making an example of. Assuming that's going to
be you. You're taking on like a almost like the
spirit like you want to be a martyr, you know,
a martyr complex of some sort. I You can still see,
you know, the the negative effects of the old spirit
of the age, and you know, people who should be
on our side in the language they're still using, calling
the left or the real racist, the left or the
real fascist, and using this terminology that is that the
left uses as a weapon that you that you know,
if you try to use it. You're playing on their ball,
you're playing on their field, and they make all the rules.
Speaker 2: And.
Speaker 1: There's a general if you are and we talk we
also talked about this. If you're terminally online, you get
to see the worst of everything that's happening, but you
don't get really to really see the good of what's happening.
You don't get to see people sharing their you know,
their successes and the things that they're doing. And if
you do see that, if you do come across that,
and your first thought is, man, the state, the state,
the regime is just going to swoop in and just
crush those people any day. Now you've you've really I
don't know what to do with that person. They're they're
almost as lost. I consider them. They're almost as lost
as the you know, the person on the for lack
of a better term, on the left, or the progressive
that's bought into everything that the regime has sold them.
They're really like the same person because the person the
progressive believes everything the regime sells them, and this person
who believes the regime is coming for them basically believes
everything the regime sells them as well.
Speaker 3: Exactly, that's exactly it, Pete. You know it's it's it's.
Speaker 2: I mean, I can't really say it better than you
said it. It's like it's like you're you're doing the
work of the region, and in many ways they kind
of start self consciously doing it. Like this is why
I don't like collapsitarians, because it's like they kind of
turn it into a self fulfilling prophecy. And I'll give
you an example, because I know we're kind of coming
out to the to the end of the live stream,
but I want to give an example.
Speaker 3: You know, I've I've.
Speaker 2: Pissed a lot of people off already, and I think
I'm gonna piss people off even more when I say this.
And I might this might even be going in contra
to what I've said in the past, but I'm gonna
say this right. Recent example of Patriot Front Okay, recent
example of Patriot Front. Does anyone think Patriot Front are
not FEDS?
Speaker 4: Yes?
Speaker 2: Me, I do not think Patriot Front art FEDS, just
because they have a common uniform and common slogans and
they do the face coverings.
Speaker 3: And all this other stuff.
Speaker 2: Like, No, I don't think they're I don't think they're FEDS.
They've they've been around for too long. I think they've
just been really good at keeping themselves under wraps. And
I think that the strategy the federal government is using
is a uh is basically having everyone think that they
are actually a part of the federal government to kind
of contain them because and I'll tell you, I mean,
I'm not gonna get too much into this, but basically
as it's like, it's like, it's this is the crowd
of people that you are talking about, Pete is the
kind of people who would look at Patriot Front and think, oh,
the right wing could never do something like this.
Speaker 3: They must be Feds. Oh look, you know though they're
all super fit. Oh no, no, they're not. I watched
that video.
Speaker 2: I saw four or five chubby guys, you know, like
it's just they look uniform, they're they're but they're generally
they're dude. And just because they're in ranks and call,
you know how quickly you can teach people to march
in ranks and columns.
Speaker 4: I did it.
Speaker 2: I was I was. I was a drilling ceremony instructor
when I was in the in the military, And it's
really easy. You can do it in an afternoon. Like,
you know, once you get the movements, now, now getting
it good is another thing. But for the most part,
you can get more people doing it, and so it's
like it's like, you know, and Dimes. The reason I'm
getting this is Dimes was talking about this on his
most recent episode. I was listening to it yesterday and
he had this take, and I kind of see the
sense of it is. It's like, well, the play is
to make you think that organization is not possible, that
you know, going out and creating a movement or a
or a or a society or something like that that
can go out and do public events is not possible.
And that's largely predicated upon Charlottesville. That's like, oh, because Charlottesville,
we can't do anything.
Speaker 3: Well. Patriot Front seemed just fine. They seem like they.
Speaker 2: They did pretty well. And really, you know, the question,
the question that you ask, and the question I ask,
is why aren't the why isn't the federal government like
trying to ratchet this up as much as possible to
using the mainstream media and all that, like they did
with Charlottesville in order to adjust to folly it.
Speaker 3: Well, it's because it's not something under their control.
Speaker 2: Pete. We've talked about Charlttesville before Charlottesville was under complete
and total federal control from day one, or from our one,
even before it was planned, executed, coordinated with them, and
everyone was.
Speaker 3: Just kind of caught as a trap.
Speaker 2: They only do things like that with things they control
from day one, and I think they're not so once again,
controversial opinion. Maybe maybe you don't even entirely agree with me, Pete,
but basically, what I'm trying to say here is it's like,
is it's like when paid if you look at something
like Patriot Front, you know, and you see something that
looks professional, that looks well done, well organized, well run,
held to standards, all this other stuff. If you look
at them and you think we can't do that, then
you've already lost. You've already lost, and you are like
basically help the regime. You're actively aiding the regime by
thinking that. And that's just kind of my take about it.
You know, whether they turn out to be Feds or
not is kind of it's honestly kind of irrelevant, because
even if Patriot Front are a federal movement, we should
still look at them and be like that looks good.
People respect that, and maybe we should emulate it even
if we aren't them, because I think Patriot Front shows
you and this is I'm ripping a line directly from dimes, But.
Speaker 3: How far you can go in.
Speaker 2: The US if you don't use swastikuts anyway, that's kind
of a take.
Speaker 3: It's take.
Speaker 4: The audience is free to take.
Speaker 3: It or leave it.
Speaker 2: I'm sure I'm gonna get limbastard by a bunch of
people in the comments, and that's fine, you know, it
is what it is is a free forum. I Am
just a dude with an opinion, and everyone can agree
or disagree with me.
Speaker 1: Well, something you said earlier was when you for any
kind of action, people either accuse you of being a fit,
you know, fed posting, you're calling for violence, things like that.
And you know one thing that I've taken to and
somebody accused me of that earlier this week, you know,
they it's just total straw men. I've never done that whatsoever.
And what I've actually said was I said, you have
a better chance of you know, if you want to,
you know, really experiment with your your ideology, then become
a sheriff of a small town become a mayor of
a town. Then you have in the eyes of you know,
most of the public and most of the politicians. You
now have legitimacy. You have legitimacy in people's eyes, and
you know, even if you're taking a little even if
you're going further than people are willing to do. You know,
somebody asked me today. They said, I forget what they
were talking about, but I was just basically saying, yeah.
I mean, I like the idea of classical liberalism. I
like the idea of live and let live. I think
it has to be monocultural. But I also think that
you have to have a martial class who is there
protecting the people who are living and let living. That
you have to be protected from outsiders, you have to
be protected from infiltration, and you have to have an
insanely you have to have a quality gatekeeping device about
who you let in. And that is there's nothing there
that is outside the realm of law. There's nothing there
that's outside the realm of legitimacy. There are a lot
there are a lot of things that you can do
if you get away from from urban areas and even
many suburban areas, there are things that you can do,
and yeah, yeah, do if you do believe that, you
know the world is coming to an end in violent
you know, violent mobs. What are you doing in an
urban area or suburban area? And so it doesn't make
any sense. I really want to know people who criticize
and you know, who are like, well, you're not doing
enough and everything. It's like, well where do you live?
I mean, it's like I've done everything I can to
get myself into, you know, an area that is you know,
basically really not on most maps. Okay, so you know,
why are you if you're so worried about mobs, why
are you in why why are you remaining where the
mobs are.
Speaker 3: Believe true? Really true?
Speaker 1: I don't know. I think legitimacy in the eyes of
the public, like especially, I mean, it doesn't even have
to be people on the state level or the federal level.
Legitimacy in the eyes of the people who you will
you're going to govern over or as a sheriff that
you are going to protect. You know, if there's a
sheriff's office and you and somebody you know, like yourself
or somebody you share values with, can take it over,
people are going to look at They're going to see
that badge and people are going to think, oh, you know,
this person was elected for a reason. I had someone
contact me today and goes, I want to run for
local sheriff. What what message do you think I should have
I should run on? I said, I think your message
should be that I will do everything up to and
including give my life to protect you from the from
any kind of overreached by the regime in charge in Washington,
DC or at the state level. And I think that
that's a great message. Personally got back to me, and
so I'm really in a mixed area, and I say, well,
if you're in a mixed area meaning there, you know
it's probably gonna be equally red and blue. You're gonna
have to choose a side and stick with it.
Speaker 3: Yep, No, I mean, it's it's it's it's a game.
Speaker 2: And yeah, you are going to have to you are
going to have to risk things up to and including
your life. And you know if you're this is why,
this is why, you know, the right just needs to
be Christian. I know there's a lot of there's a
lot of people who are who are not, but like,
just the right needs to be Christian like you just
need to. You need to have that assurance that you're
a you're you're a saved human being by the grace
of Jesus Christ, and your life is nothing. It's something
you can lay down as easily as you can lay
down like ten dollars for a meal. That's how we
need to be thinking to go forward.
Speaker 1: I think there's a lot of people. There are a
lot of people who were upset, and there are a
lot of people who are scared, and I think they're
looking for answers, but they've already decided what answer they
want to hear. So when you present them with the
answer that makes the most sense, especially if I'm speaking
from my situation and which is similar to a lot
of other situations as far as politically and locally around
the country. Just take into consideration that I didn't start
thinking about this, you know, last week. I've been thinking
about this for years now, even before COVID started. I've
been thinking about what is the best way to do this,
and localism has been the way the whole time. It
was just that COVID in twenty twenty and the Summer
of George accelerated my thinking and accelerated my process.
Speaker 2: Well, I mean yeah, similar, similar thing with me, Pete,
Like this has been I started getting into online dissident
politics immediately after gamer Gate when I was fifteen years old,
and it's basically been my entire life from that point.
Speaker 3: You know. It's like it's like, yeah, like.
Speaker 2: Like this is, this is If I could put it
on a resume, I'd probably get hired for a senior
position because I have eight years of experience in online
dissident politics and you know, and to be honest, you know,
I mean sure, I'm sure you have even more than that,
but like, yeah, that's that's that's exactly it.
Speaker 3: It's like it's like, you know, we all go through development.
Speaker 2: And all that, but at some point you kind of
have to. Jay Burden said on a couple of shows ago,
and he quoted Carec Guard and you know, Kurker Guard says,
you go inward to go outward. Well, we refine our
thinking to one day use it in the external world,
you know, and so it's like, yeah, the best, the best,
even if you look at it as as like a
test arena for how you're going to do on the
national scale, which I guess could work or couldn't work. Yeah,
start locally, start with a shriff election. Start don't even start,
maybe not even start.
Speaker 3: With a shareff elections.
Speaker 2: Start with like, start with like I don't know, trying
to get hired for a town council position or volunteering
in a town council and seeing how much you can
influence the workings of government just through volunteering, because I'm
telling you, I'm telling all of you, it is way
easier to influence stuff than you think. Like it is
literally just consistency and people skills.
Speaker 3: That's it. Consistency in people skills. That's all you need. Consistency,
people skills.
Speaker 2: And then I guess maybe like a set of ideas
that you want to push and you know, even if
you are like a sledgehammer coming through the door, like
your first meeting, Oh well, I think we should do this, this, this,
and this. If they don't shit, can you and you're
still on position, like and you're more active than everyone,
like play the room, do what you can. But like
like it's so oh and like now is an easier
time than has ever existed before. You know, boomers are
desperately looking for young people who can replace them who
can take over their positions, they can go retire and
burn more of their wealth, and so like like literally,
we have no excuse. And I guess maybe we're missing
a set of instructions, but.
Speaker 3: That might even be alleviated.
Speaker 2: And by the time that's out, like we've already won,
like you know, we've already won regardless. It's just now
it's just like, well, the world is our oyster, and
the game is ours to win, So why don't we
go out there and start doing things like I don't know,
you know, this whole Anheuser Busch thing, pete, Like we
could have two or three guys using a VPN, just
like my friends and I did this one time with
a Chinese restaurant.
Speaker 3: We tanked.
Speaker 2: It's it's like food review score like a whole two
stars over the course of like thirty minutes in a car,
you know, over the course of like thirty minutes in
a car. We're all sitting there waiting for something, and
this this Chinese restaurant. This it was a Japanese restaurant,
and it was, you know, being stupid. And so my
buddies and I in high school, we just started inventing
Gmail accounts just creating. Every five minutes, we'd create a
new Gmail account and just leave another review. And it
got to the point where I was creating an account
like like what was it? The count name was like
Benito Mussolini or whatever, and my review was this place
made me regret my alliance with the Japanese, like like
like even just stupid shit like that, Like we got
that dude fired, the manager of that restaurant fired, and
an entirely new management staff put in because we were
dicking around in the car for thirty minutes, Like if
we can do that, if you can if that, if
that is thirty minutes of work. Yeah, sure you had
four guys doing it at the same time, but thirty
minutes of work got the whole management staff of a
restaurant changed. Imagine what you know, take the Anheuser Busch thing, right,
if we had a whole team. I'm ripping all of
this from Dimes, by the way, he just has He's
putting out all these good ideas, and I want to
I recommend everyone once you're done checking out all of
Pete stuff and Pete substack and and and giving money
to Pete and all of that, and Thomas's stuff. Don't
even bother with my stuff. Just just do that and
then go over to Dimes and listen to what he's doing.
Speaker 3: Pete's been on his show. He's been on Pete show. Actually, Pete,
have you been on blud Satellite?
Speaker 4: No?
Speaker 1: I haven't. He's been on my show.
Speaker 3: Okay, yeah, but.
Speaker 2: He I'm sure he'll he'll invite you in an interview
at some point.
Speaker 3: He's making the rounds.
Speaker 2: But yeah, like, like you know, imagine if we just
had two or three dudes who like made a telegram
group and every day they sent an email to on
Heuser Busch saying fire her, fire her, fire her, make
sure she doesn't have a job, fire her, and then
when on if on Heeuserbut the worst they could say
is no, we're not going to do it. But if
they fire her, then say, well that's not good enough,
We're not satisfied. Fire your whole marketing staff, fire all
of that, like like like that's how you have to act.
Speaker 3: You have to basically bully these institutions. You have to.
Speaker 2: You have to bully them the way they've bullied you.
And that can literally just be done by sending emails
like we could we could probably take down one of
these Soros NGOs by just because that's all. That's all
the Soros NGOs do is they just send emails. They
send emails and they make phone calls and people get fired.
It's amazing how it works, you know, I don't know.
I don't I'm just gonna spitball in here, Pete. But
like this is like I try to tell everyone, you've
always had agency and you've always had power. And that's
always the hardest thing for them to admit and accept
because that means that it's their fault that nothing has
happened the whole time.
Speaker 1: Yeah, let's end it right there. I gotta get right
for then I got another call. I gotta get ready
for do promotions or whatever you want.
Speaker 2: Well, I mean, if you go on my Twitter at
cav King Paul, I don't really care if you fall it.
I'm not, you know, on it right now. But if
you go on my Twitter, oh shit, I didn't pin it, Okay, Well,
if you if you find somewhere in my Twitter on
my gum road, I have a collection of short stories
out called a Country Squire's Notebook. It is for sale
for sixteen dollars and seven cents, which was the founding
year of Virginia. It's my sort of it's my rarefication
of like of like an American. It's it's the start
of the American myth thos. It's kind of like I'm
taking the United States and turning it into a sort
of quasi fantasy universe, and I'm just writing stories in
that world. If you like that sort of thing, or
think you might like that sort of thing, go check
it out, go purchase it, you know, review it, or
don't even bother reading it, or pirate it. I don't
really care. Just just read it, or don't hired it
and don't read it. I don't care, but you know,
Or if you don't like that, but you do like reading,
you can go check out my sub stack, the Fahrenheit
Family Archives. I haven't written a lot recently, but you know,
it's a lot of a lot of my articles are.
Speaker 3: Kind of timeless.
Speaker 2: You know, you can go like my second American Civil
War article I think is both of them I think
are a little bit timeless. You can read a lot
of my generations. I do a lot of stuff on
like generations, gen Z, gen X, all that other stuff.
A lot of stuff on you know, on like on
like upper workings of of you know what you could
call quote elites unquote. But yeah, you know you can
go check out all my stuff on my sub stack,
and yeah, please go check out all the Pete stuff, give.
Speaker 1: Them money and check out the Old Glory Club.
Speaker 3: I always forget that, you do.
Speaker 2: I always forget the Old Glory Club, which I guess
is more important supporting my shit. Yeah, go read the
Old Glory Club, Go read all their articles, do all
this other stuff.
Speaker 1: Old Glory Club sub stack, Old Glory Club YouTube channel, Paul.
I appreciate it always.
Speaker 2: Thank you very much, Thank you very much, mister Pete.
I'm always happy to come on