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<v Speaker 1>Section one of Technocracy by William Henry Smith. This is

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<v Speaker 1>a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain.

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<v Speaker 1>For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox dot org.

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<v Speaker 1>Recorded by the Progressing America project. Technocracy Part one Human

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<v Speaker 1>Instincts in Reconstruction. An analysis of urges and the suggestion

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<v Speaker 1>for their direction. Editor's Note. The author shows that the

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<v Speaker 1>forces of the four great human instincts to live, to make,

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<v Speaker 1>to take, to control are as essential in modern social

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<v Speaker 1>life as at any time in the past. But all

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<v Speaker 1>of these urges in a living democracy should be controlled

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<v Speaker 1>without being controlled. To achieve this seeming paradox, we must

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<v Speaker 1>have a great national purpose and unselfish leadership, such as

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<v Speaker 1>could come through a national Council of scientists. Mister William

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<v Speaker 1>Henry Smith has been in general practice as a consulting

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<v Speaker 1>engines since eighteen seventy nine. He is the inventor of

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<v Speaker 1>many machines and mechanical devices, including a system of raising

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<v Speaker 1>water by direct explosion on its surface, the device being

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<v Speaker 1>known as the direct explosion pump. He has been an

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<v Speaker 1>engineering expert in many patent cases and is a frequent

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<v Speaker 1>contributor to technical journals. As well as a pioneer in mechanics,

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<v Speaker 1>mister Smith is a pioneer in economics. He is a

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<v Speaker 1>member of the leading scholarly associations in that field, including

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<v Speaker 1>the American Economic Association and the Royal Economic Society of

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<v Speaker 1>Great Britain. Parts one, two, and three appeared originally in

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<v Speaker 1>Industrial Management of New York. The concluding part four has

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<v Speaker 1>not heretofore been published and will appear exclusively in the

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<v Speaker 1>Gazette the editor. Instincts control instincts are the most persistent

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<v Speaker 1>human urge factors. Seemingly, they are less subject to change

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<v Speaker 1>than even the most unchanging aspects of our physical environment.

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<v Speaker 1>The instant to live self preservation is as dominating today

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<v Speaker 1>as in the days of our caveman ancestors. The instinct

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<v Speaker 1>to construct is as persistent in man as in the beaver.

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<v Speaker 1>The mastery instinct desire to control others is as vital

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<v Speaker 1>as Ever, the thievish instinct desire to acquire and hoarde

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<v Speaker 1>shows no change and is the same old urge as

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<v Speaker 1>that disclosed by the pre man's stores of insects, birds,

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<v Speaker 1>and various animals. Indeed, without these primordial urges, man could

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<v Speaker 1>not have developed, and the loss or atrophy of any

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<v Speaker 1>one of them would probably mean the rapid extinction of

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<v Speaker 1>the race. Thus, it would seem that our fundamental instincts

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<v Speaker 1>are essentially necessary to human continuance, at least to our

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<v Speaker 1>social existence. So let us look once more at these

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<v Speaker 1>vital factors in the light of recent events in order

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<v Speaker 1>to see what part they now take and are likely

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<v Speaker 1>to play in our future social economy. Brute force, no

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<v Speaker 1>lesson of the war, probably is more obvious or more

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<v Speaker 1>clearly defined than the rapid trend towards skill as a

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<v Speaker 1>predominating and controlling factor in our immediate social development. Recorded

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<v Speaker 1>history and archaeological investigation confirm the suggestion that, in the

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<v Speaker 1>matter of economic control of human activities in their products,

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<v Speaker 1>the possession of this control has oscillated to and fro

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<v Speaker 1>under the influence of one or other of the instinct

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<v Speaker 1>of verges, so that characteristic types of men secured alternate mastery.

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<v Speaker 1>Starting in the pre human period before the dawn of

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<v Speaker 1>definite self consciousness and continuing during the eons in the

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<v Speaker 1>twilight of human intelligence, rob root force must have been

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<v Speaker 1>the dominating economic factor. The influence of skill during this

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<v Speaker 1>period was practically negligible, except in so far as it

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<v Speaker 1>affected individuals. Of this the huge prolongation of the unchanging

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<v Speaker 1>Stone age is sufficient demonstration contest with cunning. The gradual

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<v Speaker 1>growth and rapid culmination of the skill factor is an

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<v Speaker 1>important consideration in our present inquiry and likewise in our

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<v Speaker 1>social reconstruction problems. For while purposeful skill is of slow development,

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<v Speaker 1>purposive cunning, on the contrary, is inherently otherwise. Indeed, cunning

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<v Speaker 1>and purposiveness both imply mental alertness and hence are in

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<v Speaker 1>some wise synonymous. For these reasons, in the early stages

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<v Speaker 1>of human development, raw strength and animal cunning must alone

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<v Speaker 1>have contended to satisfy the other instinctive urges to live

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<v Speaker 1>to control, practically uninfluenced by the relatively modern urge of

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<v Speaker 1>purposeful skill. Doubtless, this simple conflict of raw strength and

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<v Speaker 1>brute cunning waged with varying results, slowly oscillating age by

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<v Speaker 1>age and race by race in favor of one or

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<v Speaker 1>other human type, as environmental conditions or racial admixtures gave

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<v Speaker 1>one or other the advantage of circumstance, and as economic

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<v Speaker 1>implies the usages, laws, and institutions, whereby a community endeavors

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<v Speaker 1>to organize its methods and means of living. Those whose

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<v Speaker 1>activities characterize the times initiate and administer its economics. Age

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<v Speaker 1>long seesaw. So with these age long oscillations of control

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<v Speaker 1>types economic institutions necessarily underwent like changes conforming to the

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<v Speaker 1>dominating human characteristics of each age and nation that they

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<v Speaker 1>did so oscillate and economically conform in the vaguest dawn

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<v Speaker 1>of human beginnings is the teaching of archaeology. During the

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<v Speaker 1>past few thousand years, the contest of strength and cunning

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<v Speaker 1>is shown by reliable historical records to have oscillated with

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<v Speaker 1>comparative rapidity between one and the other extreme, including considerable

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<v Speaker 1>periods during which strength and cunning unified. Control by union

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<v Speaker 1>of church and state. Prior to the immediate present was

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<v Speaker 1>a transition stage caused by the gradual weakening of the

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<v Speaker 1>bond between turch and state, with a coincidental shifting of

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<v Speaker 1>control in favor of cunning under a changed and relatively

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<v Speaker 1>modern guise, representing the instinct diverge to take expressing itself

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<v Speaker 1>as commercialism. With this change came a consequent modification of usages, laws,

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<v Speaker 1>and institutions appropriate to its highest expression, capitalism capitalistic economies.

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<v Speaker 1>The result of this last oscillation of control in favor

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<v Speaker 1>of acquisitive cunning was that Germany became a nation of slaves,

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<v Speaker 1>England a nation of paupers, France quit breeding, and the

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<v Speaker 1>United States went wealth crazy. Challenged by purposive skill, the

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<v Speaker 1>war represents the conclusive termination in this period of the

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<v Speaker 1>age long contest of force and cunning for the control

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<v Speaker 1>of men and the products of their activity. But this

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<v Speaker 1>last and most spectacular conflict is complicated by the intrusion

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<v Speaker 1>of the most modern and most rapidly developing factor, organized

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<v Speaker 1>purposive skill. Here, then, skill enters the arena with a

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<v Speaker 1>challenge to both earlier contestants for the prize of human

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<v Speaker 1>control and mastery of the social machinery. Enters that contest

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<v Speaker 1>older than the race itself, the struggle to satisfy the

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<v Speaker 1>primordial instincts to live, to control, to take strength versus

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<v Speaker 1>cunning versus skill. Thus the contest has become a triangular

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<v Speaker 1>fight between the strong, the cunning, and the skillful, a

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<v Speaker 1>fight in which rob brute force is a participant of

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<v Speaker 1>rapidly diminishing importance. A modified continuation of the old time

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<v Speaker 1>bloody contest for a humanly undesirable outcome. Cunning control is

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<v Speaker 1>today the victor and in possession of the spoils the

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<v Speaker 1>financial wealth of the world. But all the evidence points

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<v Speaker 1>to a short enjoyment and a losing fight against the

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<v Speaker 1>organized forces of purposive skill. Creaking capitalism. Cracking capitalism under

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<v Speaker 1>war stress shows convincing evidence of inadequacy. The non effectiveness

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<v Speaker 1>of money and credit wealth has become so obvious as

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<v Speaker 1>to procure the enactment of work or fight laws. Thus

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<v Speaker 1>into the discard, when our pre war money evaluation of

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<v Speaker 1>men to be substituted by a standard which measures millionaire

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<v Speaker 1>and hobo alike in accordance with their relative skill. Our

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<v Speaker 1>pre war faith in the mysterious magic of money, too,

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<v Speaker 1>received a staggering shock when all the private fortunes enmassed

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<v Speaker 1>and all the billions of national credit combined utterly failed

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<v Speaker 1>to add a single pound of much needed sugar to

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<v Speaker 1>our limited supply, necessitating the two pounds of sugar per

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<v Speaker 1>person apportionment, a commonplace vulgar fraction measure applicable to financial

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<v Speaker 1>potentate and wary willy alike producer versus parasite on broader lines. Also,

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<v Speaker 1>the evidence points the same way. Purposive skill is inherently productive,

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<v Speaker 1>while purposeful cunning is naturally parasitic. Then the capability of

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<v Speaker 1>cunning to rule and the continuance of its success in

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<v Speaker 1>controlling others resides in and depends upon the stupidity and

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<v Speaker 1>illiteracy of the governed. Mystery and magic are its weapons,

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<v Speaker 1>equally in the realm of modern finance, as in the

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<v Speaker 1>ancient theocracies, skill implies the reverse of all this. For

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<v Speaker 1>skill is intelligence physically manifested. It is knowledge of nature's

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<v Speaker 1>laws utilized dexterously, and the spread of scientific information characterizes

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<v Speaker 1>our age. Thus, as the bulwarks of cunning control crumble,

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<v Speaker 1>the weapons of skill are multiplied and perfected, so the

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<v Speaker 1>outcome seems a foregone conclusion. With this outcome, our methods

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<v Speaker 1>of life will necessarily change. Capitalistic customs, laws, and institutions

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<v Speaker 1>will be substituted by others, differing as widely from those

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<v Speaker 1>with which we are familiar as the motor ideas and

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<v Speaker 1>ideals of purposeful cunning differ from those of purposeful skill,

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<v Speaker 1>work or fight lesson peradventure, the work or fight and

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<v Speaker 1>the two pounds of sugar per person measures are tonic

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<v Speaker 1>forecasts of the coming skill economics. Obviously, we are in

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<v Speaker 1>transition to a new social order. The signs of the

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<v Speaker 1>times portend the dethroning of decadent aquisitive capitalism and the

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<v Speaker 1>crowning of productive skill autocrat of the new age artisanism.

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<v Speaker 1>This change has been in dubious process for years. The

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<v Speaker 1>war has merely speeded its progress and made the outcome

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<v Speaker 1>practically inevitable. But whether it be brought about by evolution

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<v Speaker 1>or revolution, or whether it comes in clean cut aspect

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<v Speaker 1>or be fogged by irrelevant social factors and forces, it

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<v Speaker 1>is in no sense a rational or final solution of

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<v Speaker 1>our social problem. In any event, should artisanism come, it

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<v Speaker 1>will be merely another social spasm, probably shorter than but

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<v Speaker 1>equally as futile as our present world wide finance madness.

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<v Speaker 1>Instincts not a rational basis. While it is conceivable that

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<v Speaker 1>human societies could be organized upon and with any one

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<v Speaker 1>of the stated basic instincts as dominant factor and raison detra,

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<v Speaker 1>it is practically certain that any such national society would

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<v Speaker 1>be quite ineffective and transient. For obviously it would not

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<v Speaker 1>and could not satisfy even our present limited intelligence, our

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<v Speaker 1>rational imagination, or our modern spiritual ideals. No very extended

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<v Speaker 1>analysis would be required to show the validity of this proposition.

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<v Speaker 1>The past has already demonstrated the insufficiency of societies based

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<v Speaker 1>upon the mastery instinct autocracy. The present amply proves the

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<v Speaker 1>failure of the acquisitive instinct as a social basis plutocracy.

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<v Speaker 1>A moment's thought will show that a society based upon

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<v Speaker 1>the making instinct would simply crumble in its formative process

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<v Speaker 1>under the demands of our complicated modern mental make up.

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<v Speaker 1>For clearly this instinct provides inadequate human scope and hence

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<v Speaker 1>presupposed as parasitism in even more extended form than that

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<v Speaker 1>of acquisitive capitalism. And worse than all, a society based

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<v Speaker 1>upon the instinct to live and propagate would return us

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<v Speaker 1>at once to the brute state from which we have

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<v Speaker 1>arisen through ages of struggle, strife and bloodshed. Control without control. Still,

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<v Speaker 1>it is apparent that the basic instincts which urge to live,

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<v Speaker 1>to make, to take, to control, are as useful, yes,

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<v Speaker 1>are as essential in and too modern social life as

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<v Speaker 1>they have been in all the past. But while all

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<v Speaker 1>are necessary, no one of them constitutes a proper basis

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<v Speaker 1>law of operation for a rational human society organization. They

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<v Speaker 1>are factors, necessary and desirable contributory parts, no one of

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<v Speaker 1>which is inherently adapted to function as the machine's unifier,

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<v Speaker 1>its strain and speed equalizer, its control element. Thus, the

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<v Speaker 1>determination of a suitable character of control element is seemingly

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<v Speaker 1>the crux of our social problem, the problem of controlling

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<v Speaker 1>without control, that old old paradox freedom made effective by restraint.

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<v Speaker 1>A paradox, however, which the war may have resolved for

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<v Speaker 1>us by demonstrating its non existence. It has in some

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<v Speaker 1>ways answered our troublous question by clear definition in the

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<v Speaker 1>statement of the nation's object in going to war. The

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<v Speaker 1>war has answered the question in another aspect by the

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<v Speaker 1>nation's adoption of the method forced upon it by logical compulsion,

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<v Speaker 1>whereby success was achieved to make the world safe for democracy.

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<v Speaker 1>Is the clearest and most universally accepted statement of our

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<v Speaker 1>purpose in going to war. Self government for nations, self

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<v Speaker 1>government for individuals. Concept of control control by others, then,

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<v Speaker 1>is antithetical to the ideals for which we have waged.

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<v Speaker 1>This last the greatest, and it is hoped, the final

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<v Speaker 1>bloody contest for self government. Control is equally antithetical to

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<v Speaker 1>our ideals of self government. Whether the control is exercised

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<v Speaker 1>by others characterized by the instinct to live and breed

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<v Speaker 1>the masses, or whether the control is exercised by others

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<v Speaker 1>characterized by the instinct to make the skilled artisan, or

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<v Speaker 1>whether the control is exercised by others urged by the

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<v Speaker 1>instinct of mastery, the employers, or whether the control is

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<v Speaker 1>exercised by others under their dominating, acquisitive instinct, the financiers. Indeed,

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<v Speaker 1>the concept control by others is an idea inherent in

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<v Speaker 1>and appropriate only to now discredited autocracy, a concept which

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<v Speaker 1>the war has rendered an obsolete ideal. If we are

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<v Speaker 1>intelligent enough to profit by its costly teaching discard Caveman control.

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<v Speaker 1>To be rationally consistent, this control concept should be as

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<v Speaker 1>absent as it is obsolete in fact and effect. In

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<v Speaker 1>our inevitable reconstruction, this autocracy control concept must be thrown

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<v Speaker 1>in the discard where we have dumped the European autocrats

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<v Speaker 1>whose ideal it was. If our reconstruction efforts are intended

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<v Speaker 1>to produce a rationally organized modern human society, a society

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<v Speaker 1>founded upon the ideals consecrated by the lifeblood of our

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<v Speaker 1>bravest and best. But our age long familiarity with control

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<v Speaker 1>by others in our halting progress from brute beast to

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<v Speaker 1>modern man, has so deeply ingrained in our mental fiber

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<v Speaker 1>this Stone Age concept as to make it almost impossible

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<v Speaker 1>for us to even conceive the idea of a society

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<v Speaker 1>lacking this cave man spiked club element. Yet no fact

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<v Speaker 1>in lesson of our participation in the war is more

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<v Speaker 1>clear and free from doubt than the spontaneous acquiescence by

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<v Speaker 1>the people of the United States, rich and poor, artisan

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<v Speaker 1>and laborer alike in self control, self repression, self dedication

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<v Speaker 1>to the United will, and unified purpose of the nation purpose.

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<v Speaker 1>No lesson of the war is more significant then. Given

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<v Speaker 1>a national purpose intelligently comprehended and acquiesced in, only unselfish

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<v Speaker 1>leadership is needed, and neither control by force nor control

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<v Speaker 1>by cunning is necessary to bring about the unification of

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<v Speaker 1>effort needed to accomplish the nation's objective. The significance of

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<v Speaker 1>this lesson is the utter irrationality of national control in

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<v Speaker 1>the hands of any class characterized by self centered instincts

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<v Speaker 1>or that strength or skill or cunning should be dominating

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<v Speaker 1>factors in the social structure, though none of these factors

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<v Speaker 1>should dominate each in all of these vital and necessary

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<v Speaker 1>elements should have free scope for the socially effective outflow

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<v Speaker 1>of its particular expression of life energy. Second only in

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<v Speaker 1>significance to the acquiescence and cooperation of the United People

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<v Speaker 1>is the method irresistibly forced upon the nation by the

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<v Speaker 1>logic and necessities of its stupendous war problem. First real nation,

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<v Speaker 1>this first modern economic institution, and the united co operation

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<v Speaker 1>of the United People are the two outstanding lessons of

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<v Speaker 1>the war for us. Taken together, they point significantly to

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<v Speaker 1>the solution of our social problem. The lacking element, which

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<v Speaker 1>should and could consciously, deliberately and rationally unify the basic

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<v Speaker 1>instinct of verges into an harmonious direction of national effort

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<v Speaker 1>and so produce a humanly efficient national organization, the first

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<v Speaker 1>real nation on Earth. The lacking element, the element which

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<v Speaker 1>is adapted to assume the function and position to be

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<v Speaker 1>vacated by the obsolescent autocratic concept arbitrary control. The element

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<v Speaker 1>capable of controlling without control, of making freedom effective democracy

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<v Speaker 1>a living fact as well as a noble ideal. In this,

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<v Speaker 1>as in many other seemingly difficult problems of long standing,

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<v Speaker 1>the solution has evaded us by reason of its very obviousness.

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<v Speaker 1>Such a unifying factor has always existed in plain view,

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<v Speaker 1>unutilized in its proper function as social sal strain equalizer. Indeed,

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<v Speaker 1>this urge factor, more even than the instincts to live,

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<v Speaker 1>to make, to take, to control, is the most universal

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<v Speaker 1>and most humanly characterizing trait of that most marvelous complex man,

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<v Speaker 1>desire to know. I refer to curiosity, curiosity rationalized into

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<v Speaker 1>desire to know. Desire to know, while equally urgent for gratification,

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<v Speaker 1>inherently lacks the undesirable and inappropriate qualities which render the

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<v Speaker 1>other human instincts unsuitable as organizing and strain equalizing factors

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<v Speaker 1>in the social structure. Also, it possesses qualities and attributes

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<v Speaker 1>which make it peculiarly adapted to perform the rationally harmonizing

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<v Speaker 1>function so irrationally assumed in all earlier social organizations under

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<v Speaker 1>the guise of forceful and cunning control. Desire to know

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<v Speaker 1>is as imperative in its demands as any of the

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<v Speaker 1>self centered motor instincts to live, to make, to take,

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<v Speaker 1>to control, but it is impersonal. While it is as

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<v Speaker 1>aggressive as other instinctive urges, Characteristically, its natures and activities

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<v Speaker 1>are directed at nature, not in aggression on human opponents.

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<v Speaker 1>Hence it engenders no human strife. And while it drives furiously,

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<v Speaker 1>it drives none but its possessor in the pursuit of

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<v Speaker 1>knowledge desire to know, while profoundly interested in all that

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<v Speaker 1>pertains to human life and living, to eugenics and racial development. Characteristically,

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<v Speaker 1>its possessor would risk his own life in the pursuit

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<v Speaker 1>of knowledge. Desire to know, though urgently interested in nature's

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<v Speaker 1>laws and in all that concerns the correct making and

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<v Speaker 1>constructing of things, characteristically lacks desire to make or construct things,

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<v Speaker 1>but seeks only systematized concepts of knowledge. Desire to know,

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<v Speaker 1>while deeply interested in all that pertains to the desirable

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<v Speaker 1>things of the world and to economic affairs, characteristically lacks

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<v Speaker 1>the thievish impulse the INSTINCTI take to acquire physical possession.

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<v Speaker 1>Supremely acquisitive, it craves only to acquire knowledge, desire to know.

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<v Speaker 1>While surpassingly masterful, desires no mastery of men. It craves

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<v Speaker 1>instead godlike insight, prevision, prophecy power in the boundless realms

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<v Speaker 1>of knowledge. Leadership here, then, is an indomitable urge, lacking

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<v Speaker 1>all the inappropriate qualities of the strife producing autocratic force

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<v Speaker 1>and fear control motor concept of social organization, and possessed

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<v Speaker 1>of all the unifying qualities of social leadership. A human

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<v Speaker 1>society or nation is sanely designed or rationally organized on

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<v Speaker 1>correct principles only when it has a purpose, and as

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<v Speaker 1>in the case of a well considered machine, only when

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<v Speaker 1>full cognizance is taken of all its contributory elements, together

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<v Speaker 1>with their essential functions and their proper coordination a national objective.

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<v Speaker 1>A truly efficient national organisation would facilitate, not suppress or prohibit,

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<v Speaker 1>the expression of all inherent instinctive urges, rationalizing their outflowing

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<v Speaker 1>life energy by sane institutional conventions into unification in a

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<v Speaker 1>fully predetermined national purpose. In a crude but clearly perceptible manner,

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<v Speaker 1>the United States during the war gave suggestion of such

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<v Speaker 1>an ideal social arrangement. It had a defined and universally

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<v Speaker 1>accepted purpose, its scientific desire to know men, and its

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<v Speaker 1>scientific societies were more or less organized into a unifying

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<v Speaker 1>and advisory board to formulate and suggest methods and means

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<v Speaker 1>for sane living and to accomplish the predetermined purpose of

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<v Speaker 1>the nation. We have accomplished the object of the war.

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<v Speaker 1>We have made the world safe for democracy. Now let

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<v Speaker 1>us inaugurate a democracy, a democracy with an object for

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<v Speaker 1>its existence, a democracy with a purpose. By the peril

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<v Speaker 1>to its life, the nation has been shocked into momentary sanity.

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<v Speaker 1>Let us, while still rational, rationally take to heart the

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<v Speaker 1>lessons which the war has taught at so staggering a cost. First,

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<v Speaker 1>the need of a national purpose, a purpose based upon

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<v Speaker 1>peace and rational human development, a purpose as inspiring and

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<v Speaker 1>as unifying as war for democracy, and as high as

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<v Speaker 1>our highest ideals of life. Second, the need of a

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<v Speaker 1>supreme national Council of scientists, supreme over all other national institutions,

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<v Speaker 1>to advise and instruct us how best to live and

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<v Speaker 1>how most efficiently to realize our individual and our national

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<v Speaker 1>purpose and ideals. But first and last, a unifying national objective. Fernwald, Berkeley,

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<v Speaker 1>December nineteen eighteen. Is it rational to base human society

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<v Speaker 1>on animal instincts? End of Technocracy? Section one, Hey