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Speaker 1: And we are back with another edition of the Federalist

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Radio Hour. I'm Matt Kittle's senior elections correspondent at The

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Federalist and your experienced Shirpa on today's quest for Knowledge.

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As always, you can email the show at radio at

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the Federalist dot com, follow us on x at fbr LST.

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Make sure to subscribe wherever you download your podcast, and

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of course to the premium version of our website as well.

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Our guest today is John Wilsey John D. Wilsey, Professor

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of Church History and Philosophy and chair of the Church

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History Department at the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary. He also

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serves a senior fellow at the Center for Religion, Culture

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and Democracy, an initiative at the First Liberty Institute. Today

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we've discussed John's new book, Religious Freedom, a Conservative Primer.

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This is very timely and very historical at the same time,

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and I love it when the Twain meet. John. Thank

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you so much for joining us in this of the

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Federalist Radio Hour.

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Speaker 2: I'm thrilled to be here with you, Matt, Thanks so much.

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Speaker 1: It's a fascinating book and a fascinating look over the

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history of this country and so very relevant today. This

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is shocking reading in your book, but maybe it's not

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all that surprising. In the times in which we live.

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Patriotism and religion have sharply declined since nineteen ninety eight,

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when seventy percent of Americans considered patriotism to be very important.

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In twenty twenty three, just thirty eight percent believed the same.

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In nineteen ninety eight, sixty two percent of Americans consider

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religion to be important. That number dropped to just thirty

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nine percent in twenty twenty three. How did we get here?

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Speaker 2: John?

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Speaker 1: How did we get here?

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Speaker 2: Yeah, we only have a little bit of time, so

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I don't think I have time to explain.

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Speaker 1: Sure, this could be a multi part podcast, that's for sure,

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But I think.

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Speaker 2: I can help to answer the question and help to

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get our minds around that issue by referring to the

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definition of conservatism that Peter Vierick, who was a longtime

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history professor at Mount Holyoke College in Massachusetts, wrote some

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of the earliest book lengths works on conservatism from about

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nineteen forty nine until about nineteen fifty six. And this

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is how he defines it. And we can think about

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this definition in contrast to our culture today, and I

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think it can help us think about causes and how

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we got to where we were. Let me read this

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if you don't mind. His definition of a of conservatism.

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He said, the conservative principles par excellence are proportion and measure,

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self expression through self restraint, preservation through reform, humanism, and

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classical balance, a fruitful nostalgia for the permanent beneath the flux,

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and a fruitful obsession for unbroken historical continuity. These principles

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create liberty, a liberty built not on the quicksand of

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adolescent defiance, but on the bedrock of ethics and law.

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And I love that definition of conservatism.

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Speaker 1: I think, I think it. Uh, we've we've lost that

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unfortunately in so many circles.

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Speaker 2: I totally agree and and and where where he starts

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in contrasting a uh sort of a leftist from a

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conservative viewpoint. If you, if you have the instinct to

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follow Thomas Paine and Jean Jacques Rousseau, you know, in

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the eighteenth century thinkers uh brussa of course romantic thinker,

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and Pain a Enlightenment thinker. Both of them agreed that

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human nature was basically good and that it was the

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human uh ideal and goal to achieve one's own personal

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potential and there by over overcoming all limits. So they

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define freedom as as as as overcoming limits, uh, where

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whereas in the Burkeyan tradition, freedom is always understood through

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the lens of limits, through just law and a just order.

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And in the Burkean tradition, limits are not limits should

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not be seen as a bad thing. They're they're liberating.

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Uh So if you're if your disposition is to look

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at limits as something bad or something to overcome or

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something to do away with, you might be a liberal.

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But if you're someone who who looks at limits as

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being you know, this is actually liberating to to because

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within those limits I have of just of just order

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and just law. Then I have the condition set for

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me to uh to have human flourishing and to grow

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and to and to truly pursue happiness in the in

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the sense that it was originally intended to mean in

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the Declaration independence. So when we think about how do

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we get to this point, I think that one of

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the answers to that is probably a lot of answers

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to that. I think one of the answers to that

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is that we have sought to, we have sought to

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throw off limits, and we've sought to We've believed a

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lot that individuals can become anything they want to be,

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and you can't be anything you want to be. You can't.

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That's part of the natural order of things, and limits

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are part of that.

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Speaker 1: Yes, biological limits and limits placed on us by a

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creator which was so instrumental that idea at the founding

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of this country. You know, I enjoy the notion of

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just thinking about you might be a liberal if it

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sounds like Jeff Foxworthy a bit in there, but that's right,

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I mean. And you know, some of these great thinkers,

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great thinkers of liberty, by the way, the Thomas Pains

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of the world often you know, withdrew from the idea

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or absolutely withdrew from the idea that first there is

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God and through God comes liberties, not governments. That's something

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that the all founders agreed on, no matter what their

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faith was, whether they were dis the idea of God

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is a clockmaker, that sort of thing Thomas Jefferson, or

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if they were full you know, Christian faith founders like

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John Adams. But you write in your book about the Tookeville,

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and how you know he saw America in the early

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days of America, the early eighteen hundreds. He said, this

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Anglo American civilization is the product of two perfectly distinct

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elements that elsewhere have often made war with each other,

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but which in America they have succeeded in incorporating, somehow

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into one another and combining marvelously. I mean to speak

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of the spirit of religion and the spirit of freedom.

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And that concept that the Topeville got was central to

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the creation of this extraordinary nation, was it not.

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Speaker 2: Yes, absolutely, When when he came to America in eighteen

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thirty one, he was here from May eighteen thirty one

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until February of eighteen thirty two, not a long time,

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and he was only twenty six years old, which is

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unbelievable to me. He was so yeah, and so incredibly insightful,

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but he did. He made that statement twice in his

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two volume work Democracy in America, which every American should

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should read, at least in a bridge edition, if not

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the whole thing. Contrasting his native France, that it had

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a very destructive conflict between religion and freedom because in

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the revolution, you know, they sought to throw off restraint,

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the restraining, the enstraining influence, I should say, of religion.

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They sought to throw it off, and in doing that

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they threw off not only religion, they threw off all

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tradition and all prescription, and sought to literally turn their

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back on history by renaming the calendar and re orienting

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the calendar to ignore the past altogether. He wrote about

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that and his history of the French Revolution, which also,

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especially today, very relevant book. But in America he found

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that that wasn't true at all. Had we'd had a revolution,

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and whereas in France they'd had a revolution and political

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instability resulted in ultimately the dictatorship of Napoleon, but here

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in America we had a revolution that in many ways

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just as radical changed life, changed life, and social and

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political and religious ways in terms of relationships in society

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to rearrange you radically. But in America there was political stability,

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not anarchy, not dictatorship and tyranny. And he attributed the

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very high view of religion among Americans and the influence

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of religion on the culture what he called the customs

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of the morase of culture. The basic assumptions that people

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lived by were influenced and were shaped fundamentally by the

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care by Christian morality. So you know, when we think

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about how we got here today, there's a contrast with

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our culture now with the culture back then. And I mean,

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we're not trying to get back to the eighteen thirties.

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The eighteen thirties had their own problems that are eating

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to their times. But that's to say that if you

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want to have liberty, true freedom, that is humanistic, and

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when I use the term humanistic, I want to do

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so in the same way that Vierick did in the

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interest of human flourishing, both as individuals and as a society.

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In order to have true freedom, you have to have

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you have to have a basis in the transcendent. You

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have to have a belief and a basis of law

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and order in God. Now I'm a Christian, and so

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I believe that the Bible is true, and I believe

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that the biblical uh picture that the Bible gives us

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of who God is is the correct one. But Russell

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Kirk and his conservative mind, which of course is the

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classic work and in conservativism, he just says, you know,

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a belief in the transcendent is what is is the

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first of the of the six canons for conservativism, and

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not just belief in the in the transcendent, but but

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an ordering of one's life around that belief. And so

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belief in God and ordering one's life around God is

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UH is necessary to freedom. That's that's one of the

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things that tofil said, and I think that's also born

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out in in UH in the conservative tradition in America

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since since the Founding.

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Speaker 1: I believe moving away from that idea has proved to

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be costly and will continue to be costly for this

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exceptional nation. You know, America was founded as a Christian nation.

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As you know, that's not a controversial statement. It shouldn't be.

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But why has that truth become in so many quarters

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such a controversial statement.

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Speaker 2: I think there's been an overreaction over the last forty

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or fifty years. There's been a there's always been an

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American history, a tension between Christian influence on the founding,

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on the Revolution, on the founding, and on the American

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culture over the last two and a half one hundred years,

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and the influence of the Enlightenment and Enlightenment thought. And

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so some will say, oh, it wasn't the Enlightenment. The

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Enlightenment had nothing to do with the Founding. It was

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all it was all Christianity. And then on the left

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you have people who say, no, it was a godless constitution,

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and that his famous book, that is it, Kramnik wrote

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Cornell professor Beckham twenty years or so ago, this is

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a godless constitution and we have a godless secular republic.

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And Christianity had nothing to do with the founding. So

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both both on the right and on the left you've

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had these over corrections. But one thing I think it's

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lost in that is that, for really, really from the

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Founding all the way through into the late sixties and

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the early seventies, that tension between Enlightenment and thought and

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Christian thought had always been sort of resolved. But by

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the fact that the Enlightenment tradition that influences the Founding

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is not the French or continental Enlightenment, and not the

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German Enlightenment was caught. It's the English and Scottish Enlightenment

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that contributes to the American bank. And that stream of

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the Enlightenment is is not necessarily not at the very

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heart uh mutually exclusive to Christianity. So there is a

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tension between the two, but the tensions always sort of

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resolved in what tofo identified as the mores, that you

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have this balance and an order between the needs and

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the desires of the individual citizen, as that system, you know,

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seeks to pursue and cultivate talents and gifts and to

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and to pursue self improvement and better better his life

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and better his family's life with that of the society.

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Society has needs and the society has ambitions as well.

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And when those two are in balance, which is an

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Enlightenment view and a Christian view, they're not in conflict

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one another, then you have the conditions for freedom and flourishing.

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So America is a does have a Christian founding, There's

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no doubt about that. That's a great I'll put a

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plug out from my friend Mark David Hall's book, Did

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America Have a Christian Founding? Which is a fantastic book.

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I highly recommend it. America did have a Christian founding

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for sure. And when we when we try to overcorrect

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and say no, it was secular, it just emphasize the secutor.

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That's that's another problem, because who wants to who wants

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to love a country that's just secular, I mean, because

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that's just a that's just a disposable kind of a system.

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You can just replace it with something else. But you know,

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you know, all you do is read the Declaration of Independence.

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All you gotta do is read the pream of the Constitution.

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That America was founded on transcendent ideas, and so religion

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is always going to be at the very heart of

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who we are. It's unavoidable. Even if you're an atheist,

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you're a secularist, you have to really do some gymnastics

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to try to deny that, to transcend it in the

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in the not only the founding, but in the whole

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American culture. Over the course of the last one hundred and fifty.

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Speaker 3: Years, is illegal immigration actually breaking emergency care? The watch

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Dot on Wall Street podcast with Chris Markowski. Every day

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Chris helps unpack the connection between politics and the economy

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and how it affects your wallet. Illegal immigrants are going

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to the er for non emergencies like coal and flu

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because they have to get treated. What was meant for

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true emergencies has turned into a system overwhelmed. Whether it's

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happening in DC or down on Wall Street, it's affecting

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you financially.

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Speaker 2: Be informed.

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Speaker 3: Check out the Watchdot on Wall Street podcast with Chris

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Markowski on Apple, Spotify or wherever you get your podcasts.

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Speaker 1: Well, I think that's it. I mean, it's the intellectual,

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if you will, gymnastics that have gone on, particularly over

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the past few decades, a few generations, excuse me, in

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this country. Yeah, have been interesting, to say the least.

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But there is no doubt that the Enlightenment had a

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great deal of influence on this constitution and this republic.

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It was created, you know, during the Enlightenment. These are

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these are folks who were you know, very very much

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into those political philosophers of the time through the Enlightenment.

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But it is it is just insane to me to

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think that someone would would say, you know, that this

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is a constitution without God. As you mentioned, read the

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Declaration of Independence, read the Preamble to the Constitution, and

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again everything in it. The root of it is that

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our inalienable rights are ours because of a God, not

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because of the government. That is what is fundamentally so

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important about this constitution. Why have we gotten so far

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away from that concept?

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Speaker 2: I think that the rises secularism has had you know,

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has had such a great deal to do with that,

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and it sounds like a kind of an easy and

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easy sort of an explanation. It's very complex the history

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of that, and it doesn't just go back to the sixties.

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I mean, I think you can trace the rise of

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secularism back to the period of the Civil War. The

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Civil War once the war is over in sixty five

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and you have reconstruction until eighteen seventy seven or something

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like that. Good historians have argued this is sort of

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laying the groundwork for secularism. My friend Alan Galzo and

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Mark Knoll are two good historians that have put their

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finger on that. Gelzo talks about it in terms of

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what when the war was over with, because the war

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was so destructive and so it seemed that death was

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so capricious. I mean, if people live with death, you know,

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for for forever. But death came. People were used to death,

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having come for the for the old, for for young

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babies and young children. You get killed in an accident,

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you get sick and have a disease. But but in

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the war, death was capricious, and death took the lives

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of men in there in the flower of their youth

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and its destruction caused a doubt that had emerged as

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a result of the war, a doubt in in providence

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and a doubt in in, you know, God's fundamental goodness

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towards us. And that doubt was one of the things

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that birthed or at least it opened the door to

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to an emerging secularism. So, like Gelza will say, this

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is when you have the beginning of faculties and higher

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education that were not clergymen at Harvard and Yale and

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the Ivy leagues. But also you have the founding of JOHNS.

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Hopkins University, which is built upon a German research model

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which is entirely secular. And then that process of secularism

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just works its way through the culture, and it has

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fits and starts. It's accelerated especially during the during the

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New Years of the world wars, the Depression, and so forth.

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So by the time you get to the sixties and

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the liberation movements of the sixties, secularisms victory and American

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culture is really complete.

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Speaker 1: Yes, yes, to the detriment of the culture and society,

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I would argue, yeah, yeah. Our guest today, John D. Wilsey,

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Professor of Church History, and Philosophy and chair of the

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Church History Department of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary. He

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is also serving as Senior Fellow at the Center for Religion,

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Culture and Democracy, an initiative of the First Liberty Institude.

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We're talking about John's new book, Fascinating Religious Freedom, a

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conservative primer, and that is an interesting point that you

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raise about where this secularization, this secular movement really took root.

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And I guess I can understand the faith shaking of

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the Civil War, you know, just the devastation, and then

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I think you follow over the years there have always

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been wars, but wars wars of mass destruction. You know,

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when we think about World War One, the new methods

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of killing men, killing people wholesale, World War Two into

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Korea and Vietnam, and I can see where the human

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mind is shaken, faith is shaken. Do do you think

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those subsequent wars also played a large role, because obviously

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we see what happened during Vietnam and you know, the

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absolute secular movement going on on campuses. That was one

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of the big issues, you know, the Vietnam War and

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all of that of course had you know, its strains

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of abandoning God.

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Speaker 2: Absolutely, because in the nineteenth and twentieth century, at the

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beginning of industrial warfare, the whole state is oriented towards

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the destruction of its enemies. In the nineteenth century, I

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think that gets us back to It gets us back

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to You can trace that back to Napoleon and his

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army reforms. Once he becomes Emperor of France in eighteen

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eighteen oh four. The way that he reorganized his armies

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was to build it on a reserve system. So he

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would deploy in a battle, he would deploy his troops

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along the line to test his enemies weaknesses, and when

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he found them, he would pulverize them with artillery, and

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then he would send a reserve in and his enemies

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would have already committed all of their forces, which was

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the traditional eighteenth century way of fighting, so Napoleon couldn't lose,

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and that was extended. That reserve system was extended not

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just to active campaigning and battlefield tactics, it was extended

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to include the entire nation. So when Napoleon defeats Prussia,

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he insisted that Prussia could only have a forty two

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thousand man army, and Prussia could abide by those rules,

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they could have a forty two thousand man active army,

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but then they could have a couple of hundred thous

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of men in reserve. And so that reserve army that

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was held that you know, you would you would join

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the army, you would be you would be trained, you

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would serve for a short time, and then you would

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you you would go back to your original career and

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you'd be called up. There was an evert emergency, so

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that theory was extended to to the whole nation. So

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by the time you get to the end of the

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nineteenth century beginning of the twentieth, the European armies were

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numbered in the millions for the first time, very different

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from the eighteenth century where the armies were small. Then,

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once you get into the twentieth century and the scientific

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developments of flight and strategic bombing which would come from flight,

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of course, and then nuclear technology and biochemical technology. Think

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about Agent Orange and Vietnam. What do all these things.

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Speaker 1: Do for us?

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Speaker 2: What did all these things do to Western civilization? Western culture?

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What is Western civilization valued for over the course the

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past two thousand years, One of the things is valued

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is the imagination and the imagination being the key to

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what kind of a person individuals aspire to be and

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what a society aspires to be. And I have a

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chapter on the conservativism and the imagination in the book

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because I want to say that conservativism doesn't start with politics.

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It's conservative is a word that it's almost exclusively associated

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with politics in our culture today. But I want to

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say that conservativism is far extream of politics. It does

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involve politics, but it involves politics as logical entailments. If

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you have a conservative disposition on life, then that means

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that you are you are aspiring to something You're you're

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aspiring to the best of Western tradition and the interest

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of improving yourself and becoming more virtuous as a as

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an individual, and by extension, the society becomes more virtuous

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as a society as it pursues virtue. And it starts

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with the imagination. It starts with who you are, starts

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with your private life, and extends outward from there. It

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means that that dispositional conservatives in our own culture see

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ourselves more and more as people without a country in

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some ways, but that doesn't mean we withdraw from society

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withdraw from the world. It means that we have a

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much keener awareness of our responsibility to the world, and

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not necessarily for our own enjoyment, but for the enjoyment

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and security and freedom of our children and our grand children.

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We're really working for them, not so much for ourselves.

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You and I are old men. We've seen we've seen

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our lives, We've seen things come and go, we've seen

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the decades pass by. But we think about our children,

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and we think about our grandchildren who are going to

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inherit the world that we give them, and we have

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a strong desire for them to be free and then

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them to have an order to society that's predicated on

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good things, on eternal things, on things that make life

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worth living. And we can do it. That's what a

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conservative is dedicates himself or herself too, and that's what

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we need to get after it and get to be about.

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Speaker 1: Yeah, it really is about conserving the best, best ideals

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that have made this republic again such an exceptional nation,

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constitutional republic, you know, and I particularly think about that,

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and I'm sure a number of our listeners do we

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all go through this effectively. It's my wife and I

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get ready to send our oldest off to college. Those

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are exactly the things that I am thinking about these days.

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And as I wanted to ask you, because you have

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you say this in your book, and I think this

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ties into what we have seen over the past several generations.

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You know, as you talk about the secularism of the

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American culture society, if you will, that victory being complete,

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you write, people have become inordinately preoccupied with racial diversity,

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valuing it over competency, and have become obsessed with trivialities

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and absurdities like the use of artificially contrived, per usual pronouns.

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We have had that battle in America, that cultural battle

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for the last several years. But I mean all of

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that is the creation of these new concepts in you know,

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far left ideologies. And I think about the sixteen nineteen project,

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and you, as a historian, must you know, definitely scratch

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your head about to some of these things that in

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critical race theory and so called anti racism, we have

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we have really entered a brave new world, a far

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left thought that is getting farther and farther away from

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a creator, from a you know, a transcendent view of liberty.

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Speaker 2: Yes, yes, absolutely, And I do ascribe those things to

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a purely secular outlook, an outlook it's it's not secular

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by default, but an intentional turning away and rejection of God.

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And the book is that's that's one of the most

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relevant things about the book. That's one of the things

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that I try to address in the book, almost more

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than anything else. As a as a Christian, we we

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we we we see God as the ground of all

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things that that are the basis for everything that exists.

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And where does this come from? Well, it comes from,

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of course the Bible, but it comes from a whole

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tradition of Christian writing that goes back, that goes back

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at We could just say to Augustine as an example.

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Augustine is very Pauline in the way that he conceives

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of of you know, his his interpretation of the way

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the world is, his interpretation of reality. If God is

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the ground of all being, then trying to live a

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life and trying to establish a society on a basis

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that's not based upon God and who he is and

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what his will is as he's revealed it to us,

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is total folly and it can only result in anarchy

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and then tyranny and going back to Topville, the value

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of Topville and thinking about religion and conservativism in a

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society is topfield. Points are points are our perspective straight

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to his world. The French Revolution. What does the French

453
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Revolution bring about? It's a desire to have freedom from limits.

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And by the way, remember in the twenty twenty four campaign,

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the Democrats, it would have us believe that they were

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the party of freedom. Remember that was their big that

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was their big thing was freedom, freedom, freedom.

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Speaker 1: Freedom, freedom and the defense of democracy. Yeah, yeah, freedom, freedom,

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but freedom from what? Freedom from limits? So freedom to

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kill your own babies, freedom to define what what gender

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you were, freedom to you know, completely throw off all restraint,

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all natural restraint, constraint and restraint, restraint. That was there

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a definition of freedom and that was the definition of

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freedom by the Jacobins in the seventeen nineties. That resulted

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in the killing of the king publicly, the.

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Speaker 2: Slaughter of tens of thousands of people in the streets

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of Paris, throwing off of the Catholic Church, reorienting the calendar.

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And what does it all result in? It results in

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anarchy and then from there the tyranny of Napoleon. Absolutely

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is that what we want? Is that? Is that the

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kind of country we want, and are those of the

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kind of people we want to be? No? Absolutely not so.

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The critical race theory and and an and an anti

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human ethic that not only accepts abortion as a necessary

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evil doesn't do that at all. It thinks of it

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as a as a positive moral good. By the way,

477
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that sounds a lot like the way slavery was received

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back in the Founding Founding generation accepted slavery as a

479
00:34:23,559 --> 00:34:27,159
moral as a necessary moral evil. But but but a

480
00:34:27,159 --> 00:34:29,679
generation later they thought of it as a positive moral

481
00:34:29,760 --> 00:34:32,920
good and defended it and fought a whole war over it. Well,

482
00:34:32,960 --> 00:34:35,800
that's exactly what the left has done with abortion. And

483
00:34:35,840 --> 00:34:41,360
they're doing the same thing with with gender reorientation and

484
00:34:41,360 --> 00:34:47,119
all this other nonsense and hogwash. And then it's even

485
00:34:47,159 --> 00:34:50,039
more it's even more alarming when we see the rise

486
00:34:50,079 --> 00:34:53,719
of democratic socialism in America with in New York, and

487
00:34:54,760 --> 00:34:57,719
I mean, some people welcome that and think that's the

488
00:34:57,760 --> 00:34:59,559
demise of the democratic part as we know it. We'll

489
00:34:59,599 --> 00:35:03,159
have supermajorities among Republicans for the next fifty years because

490
00:35:03,159 --> 00:35:07,280
of that. I'm not so sure you know, in a

491
00:35:07,320 --> 00:35:11,639
secular society, those kind of things that desire for instant

492
00:35:11,679 --> 00:35:15,920
gratification that comes with absolute equality. That's what Toakeville said

493
00:35:15,920 --> 00:35:19,559
Americans would sacrifice their freedom for. They would rather have

494
00:35:20,039 --> 00:35:24,360
equality because it's short term gain, rather than liberty because

495
00:35:24,400 --> 00:35:27,320
that involves a longer term investment and you don't always

496
00:35:27,320 --> 00:35:30,559
see you don't always see the results of it in

497
00:35:30,559 --> 00:35:33,400
your lifetime. So you're always going to go with what's

498
00:35:33,440 --> 00:35:38,480
going to give you instant gratification. Topville is very very

499
00:35:38,480 --> 00:35:41,039
insightful and very relevant for today and people need to

500
00:35:41,079 --> 00:35:41,559
read them.

501
00:35:42,119 --> 00:35:46,519
Speaker 1: Yeah, I mean he saw what was was taking shape

502
00:35:46,519 --> 00:35:49,519
at that time and what would ultimately take shape in

503
00:35:49,559 --> 00:35:53,880
this country if it's citizens were not careful, and that's

504
00:35:53,920 --> 00:35:56,320
where we are. I mean, it goes back to what

505
00:35:56,400 --> 00:36:01,480
we talked about earlier in our conversation. Those dire statistics.

506
00:36:01,679 --> 00:36:03,840
You know, you go back just twenty five years and

507
00:36:03,880 --> 00:36:08,679
you see seventy percent of Americans believed patriotism was very

508
00:36:08,719 --> 00:36:12,280
important to them. It's thirty eight percent just a couple

509
00:36:12,280 --> 00:36:15,719
of years ago. Sixty two percent in nineteen ninety eight

510
00:36:15,920 --> 00:36:20,320
value religion to be considered to be important, very important.

511
00:36:20,360 --> 00:36:23,159
That number has dropped thirty nine percent. Is it no

512
00:36:23,440 --> 00:36:28,800
wonder that we are here. But here let's delve into

513
00:36:28,840 --> 00:36:33,239
perhaps some of the positives that the left is bringing

514
00:36:33,360 --> 00:36:38,639
us unwittingly, and some of that is, you know, this

515
00:36:39,320 --> 00:36:42,159
what proved to be a massive invasion of this country

516
00:36:42,159 --> 00:36:47,800
of illegal immigrants and obviously the problems and dangers therein.

517
00:36:48,599 --> 00:36:53,239
At the same time, they did bring in a lot

518
00:36:53,599 --> 00:36:58,880
millions of people who come from countries and cultures that

519
00:36:59,159 --> 00:37:04,159
highly value you got then highly value faith and religion.

520
00:37:04,920 --> 00:37:07,519
Do you think some of these things will come back

521
00:37:07,599 --> 00:37:08,639
to bite the left?

522
00:37:10,280 --> 00:37:16,880
Speaker 2: Well, I certainly hope so, and I think so. I

523
00:37:16,960 --> 00:37:20,119
think we can see it in recent trends of the

524
00:37:20,159 --> 00:37:25,320
way people have voted. Of course, Trump capturing a greater

525
00:37:25,440 --> 00:37:29,840
percentage of Hispanic and African American votes in the last

526
00:37:29,840 --> 00:37:35,199
selection than any Republican in recent memory is a good sign.

527
00:37:35,239 --> 00:37:38,079
And I think people do when they vote, they cast

528
00:37:38,159 --> 00:37:43,840
not just their a representation of what their policy opinions are,

529
00:37:44,159 --> 00:37:47,320
such as they are. But I think mostly they vote

530
00:37:47,400 --> 00:37:49,719
for their values, and I think that that is a

531
00:37:49,760 --> 00:37:52,480
reflection of what they value. They value they want to

532
00:37:52,519 --> 00:37:57,000
have a culture that's not hurtling headlong into anti humanist

533
00:37:58,400 --> 00:38:02,719
philosophies and practices. They want to have a country that's

534
00:38:02,719 --> 00:38:06,840
built upon some kind of belief in the transcendent and

535
00:38:07,000 --> 00:38:10,800
the influence of transcendent ideas. I think, generally speaking, I

536
00:38:10,840 --> 00:38:13,679
think we can come away from what we saw in

537
00:38:13,679 --> 00:38:17,400
the twenty twenty four election with that, but we have

538
00:38:17,480 --> 00:38:20,679
to sustain and build upon that with a conservative by

539
00:38:20,719 --> 00:38:26,800
cultivating a conservative disposition. Because conservatism, as I said earlier,

540
00:38:27,039 --> 00:38:28,880
it's not just a political.

541
00:38:29,360 --> 00:38:30,360
Speaker 1: It's not how you vote.

542
00:38:30,840 --> 00:38:34,159
Speaker 2: It's not just how you vote, I should say, it's

543
00:38:34,199 --> 00:38:38,679
a it's a way of viewing reality. How ultimately, what

544
00:38:38,800 --> 00:38:42,000
kind of a person do I want to be? What

545
00:38:42,719 --> 00:38:44,480
kind of people do I want my children to be?

546
00:38:46,000 --> 00:38:49,360
And what kind of people do I want to inspire

547
00:38:49,440 --> 00:38:52,719
others to be? By my own word and my own

548
00:38:52,840 --> 00:38:57,760
presept about my own lie, a person who pursues virtue,

549
00:38:59,000 --> 00:39:01,239
and virtue is not just for virtue's sake. It's not

550
00:39:01,320 --> 00:39:04,000
just an empty slogan like the left views. It's like,

551
00:39:04,079 --> 00:39:06,679
be kind, be compassionate. What does that mean? Well, it

552
00:39:06,679 --> 00:39:09,320
just means agree with me, That's what It's what they say.

553
00:39:09,559 --> 00:39:12,000
When we say virtue, we're talking about, you know, the

554
00:39:12,000 --> 00:39:15,719
theological virtues faith, hope, and love and the and the

555
00:39:15,880 --> 00:39:21,079
uh the classical virtues of of temperance and injustice and

556
00:39:21,199 --> 00:39:26,000
courage and uh uh you know. So these these, these

557
00:39:26,360 --> 00:39:30,360
the virtues are what we aspire to. And those virtues

558
00:39:30,400 --> 00:39:34,760
are all built upon a religious tradition that's been handed

559
00:39:34,840 --> 00:39:40,840
down for thousands of years. It's not just it's not

560
00:39:40,880 --> 00:39:44,400
just sentimentality, and it takes work and it takes discipline,

561
00:39:44,440 --> 00:39:49,119
it takes order and ordered life in order to cultivate

562
00:39:49,199 --> 00:39:53,440
those virtues. Those are the that's the fountain head of conservativism.

563
00:39:54,119 --> 00:40:01,400
That's where conservativism, conservativism begins. And like like, Viric says

564
00:40:01,480 --> 00:40:05,639
that fruitful nostalgia for the permanent beneath the flux. What

565
00:40:05,719 --> 00:40:10,360
he's talking about is that there's always change in human life.

566
00:40:11,199 --> 00:40:13,599
You just talked about. You're sending your oldest to college.

567
00:40:13,719 --> 00:40:17,159
You're experiencing a change right now. Your family's going through

568
00:40:17,199 --> 00:40:20,840
a change, and your oldest is going through a change.

569
00:40:21,199 --> 00:40:27,280
Change is part of life, and conservatives understand that. But

570
00:40:27,719 --> 00:40:33,119
change has to be managed and directed. And one of

571
00:40:33,159 --> 00:40:36,599
the ways that you direct change is through being informed

572
00:40:36,599 --> 00:40:39,960
by a good The best of our traditions as a

573
00:40:40,000 --> 00:40:44,360
Western culture and as an American culture, and if we

574
00:40:44,440 --> 00:40:50,599
throw away all our tradition, if we commit intellectual suicide

575
00:40:50,639 --> 00:40:55,440
by forgetting who we are as a people, by rearranging

576
00:40:55,440 --> 00:40:58,239
the curricula in our schools around the sixteen nineteen project,

577
00:40:58,320 --> 00:41:07,320
that's anti American, by tearing down statues and and redefining

578
00:41:07,840 --> 00:41:11,440
the past along the lines of political ideology, no matter

579
00:41:11,440 --> 00:41:14,119
what it is. And what we're doing is we're throwing

580
00:41:14,159 --> 00:41:16,960
a right tradition and we can no longer be informed

581
00:41:16,960 --> 00:41:20,119
by it, and we can't be we can't be conservatives.

582
00:41:20,119 --> 00:41:20,760
We're going to do that.

583
00:41:22,320 --> 00:41:24,480
Speaker 1: So, John, with all of that said, my final question

584
00:41:24,559 --> 00:41:27,760
for you is that what we're talking about here from

585
00:41:28,039 --> 00:41:34,159
the modern left is in many ways a war on reality.

586
00:41:34,960 --> 00:41:41,280
How can a republic survive a war on reality that

587
00:41:41,440 --> 00:41:46,360
is ongoing and getting more and more intense as the

588
00:41:46,440 --> 00:41:47,800
days pass.

589
00:41:49,000 --> 00:41:54,760
Speaker 2: Well, In short, it can't survive a war in reality.

590
00:41:54,840 --> 00:41:59,280
And so what are we to do as conservatives it

591
00:41:59,519 --> 00:42:07,480
It begins the effort to rescue civilization, which is abstract,

592
00:42:08,800 --> 00:42:13,400
and conservatives value to concrete over the abstract. We value

593
00:42:13,840 --> 00:42:16,880
life as it is, reality as it is, and we

594
00:42:17,480 --> 00:42:23,760
see ourselves in twenty five in a particular state of

595
00:42:23,800 --> 00:42:30,000
affairs Step one is to look in the mirror. What

596
00:42:30,119 --> 00:42:34,039
kind of a person do I aspire to be? Step

597
00:42:34,079 --> 00:42:36,519
one is ordering our own life and our own family

598
00:42:37,800 --> 00:42:42,159
according to virtuous principles informed by the best of tradition.

599
00:42:43,760 --> 00:42:46,400
And I'm a Christian. I recognize that everybody's a Christian.

600
00:42:47,239 --> 00:42:49,559
But if you're a Westerner and if you're an American,

601
00:42:50,679 --> 00:42:55,119
Christian morality is at the very center of tradition for

602
00:42:55,519 --> 00:42:59,599
all of us. And you don't have to be a

603
00:42:59,679 --> 00:43:05,800
Christian and to to you know, to pursue UH temperance

604
00:43:05,840 --> 00:43:11,719
and injustice and courage and UH and wisdom and faith,

605
00:43:11,760 --> 00:43:14,320
hope and love. You don't have to be a Christian

606
00:43:14,360 --> 00:43:16,000
to want to pursue this thing. So the first step

607
00:43:16,039 --> 00:43:19,400
is to look in the mirror and to focus on ourselves,

608
00:43:19,679 --> 00:43:22,000
to focus on our own cultivation of virtue and be

609
00:43:22,079 --> 00:43:25,440
an inspiration to our those who who live around us.

610
00:43:26,159 --> 00:43:30,519
And that is that action will spread out in concentric circles.

611
00:43:32,400 --> 00:43:36,840
We also have to be realistic and recognize that we

612
00:43:36,960 --> 00:43:40,199
might not win this battle for civilization in our lifetimes.

613
00:43:40,320 --> 00:43:43,039
We might. We might not. You and I we're about

614
00:43:43,079 --> 00:43:48,639
the same age, and we might you know, we might

615
00:43:48,639 --> 00:43:53,440
not see the promised land like like Moses. But our

616
00:43:53,480 --> 00:43:57,760
prayer is that our children and our grandchildren will that

617
00:43:57,840 --> 00:44:02,559
they will, that they will even inherit something that we

618
00:44:02,679 --> 00:44:05,440
fought for, even though we might not see it in

619
00:44:05,480 --> 00:44:09,360
our lifetimes. When you think about the people that went

620
00:44:09,400 --> 00:44:14,800
before you, Matt, your parents, your grandparents, they handed they

621
00:44:14,840 --> 00:44:18,159
handed something down to you and mine did to me.

622
00:44:19,079 --> 00:44:25,800
And they're not here anymore. They're gone. But society, as

623
00:44:25,880 --> 00:44:28,440
Edwin Burke said, is a contract between the dead and

624
00:44:28,480 --> 00:44:30,639
the living and the yet to be born. If we

625
00:44:30,679 --> 00:44:36,679
see society as as as encompassing all all three of

626
00:44:36,719 --> 00:44:40,199
those groups, then we can take the long view of

627
00:44:40,239 --> 00:44:43,199
culture and the long view of effort and know that

628
00:44:43,239 --> 00:44:48,599
our efforts do do redown to something good. They do

629
00:44:48,639 --> 00:44:52,920
have consequences that are good, and we can be we

630
00:44:52,960 --> 00:44:56,840
can have inculcate patience and see it as a long

631
00:44:56,920 --> 00:45:00,679
term investment. And that's what I hope to do for myself.

632
00:45:00,719 --> 00:45:02,960
And that's what I hope that people will take away

633
00:45:02,960 --> 00:45:03,519
from the book.

634
00:45:04,800 --> 00:45:08,559
Speaker 1: What you're ultimately talking about here, in my humble estimation,

635
00:45:09,639 --> 00:45:14,760
is the road to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,

636
00:45:15,199 --> 00:45:20,519
and that road as a foundation. It is not something

637
00:45:20,639 --> 00:45:23,960
just dangling in the air that can be shattered by

638
00:45:24,000 --> 00:45:31,840
the wind. Built on tradition, built on Christian values, built

639
00:45:31,920 --> 00:45:38,639
on the hope for our children, our grandchildren, our grandchildren's children.

640
00:45:38,840 --> 00:45:39,119
Speaker 2: It is.

641
00:45:40,440 --> 00:45:46,599
Speaker 1: It is a very very good and powerful look at

642
00:45:46,840 --> 00:45:49,599
where we've been and where it suggests we're all going.

643
00:45:49,679 --> 00:45:53,360
Thanks to my guest today, John D. Wilson, author of

644
00:45:54,000 --> 00:45:58,400
Religious Freedom, a conservative primer, you've been listening to another

645
00:45:58,519 --> 00:46:01,320
edition of The Federalist Radio Hour. I'm Matt Kittle, Senior

646
00:46:01,320 --> 00:46:05,159
Elections correspondent at the Federalist. We'll be back soon with more.

647
00:46:05,599 --> 00:46:09,679
Until then, stay lovers of freedom and anxious for the frame.

648
00:46:17,119 --> 00:46:28,079
Speaker 2: Heard the fame, voice the reason, and then it faded away.

