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Welcome to scot Discast, a project
of the Federalist Society for Law and Public

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Policy Studies. Our contributors join us
from around the country to bring you expert

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commentary on US Supreme Court cases as
they are argued and the decisions are issued.

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The Federalist Society takes no position on
particular legal or public policy issues.

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All expressions are those of the speaker. Hello, and welcome to scot Discast.

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I'm your host, Kyle hammernus On, behalf of the Faculty division of

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the Federalist Society. We are here
today to discuss Relentless Incorporated versus Department of

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Commerce and Lower Bright Enterprises versus Rimondo, which were both argued before the Supreme

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Court on January seventeenth, twenty twenty
four. It is my honor to introduce

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our guests today, John J.
Veccioni. John a senior litigation council at

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New Civil Liberties Alliance, and he's
the council record for Relentless. And with

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that, I'd like to turn things
over to our guests to summarize how the

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he's got to the Supreme Court and
to discuss the oral arguments. All right,

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thank you very much for that kind
introduction, and I want to thank

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the Federal Society. This is always, I think useful for anyone who has

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an interest in the Supreme Court.
These are always a good opportunity to ask

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questions which you wouldn't normally get.
So we had two cases argued before the

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Supreme Court. Relentless versus Commerce,
which was our case at New Civil Liberties,

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was argued by Romance Roman Martinez of
Lathanman Watkins. And then there was

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the Lower Bride case, which was
brought by my old friends at cause of

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action and that emerged from the DC
circuit, merged from the first circuit,

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and it was argued by Paul Klement. And so the way it worked,

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which is a little unusual, was
that we went first and we had regular

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argument. Then this Justice Jackson,
who was recused because she had heard the

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oral argument of Eric Bollander cause of
action in the DC circuit, and they

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normally recuse in those circumstances. So
it was an eight member bench when when

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lober Bright came up, but the
questions were continuous from one argument to the

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next. One interesting thing the Supreme
Court did in this case was allow all

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the Amichi briefs in lower Bright to
be read in relentless and so and I

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think and I think they saved a
lot of trees that way. So we

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had our own amechi as well.
But any anybody who filed in Loper Bright,

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it's in our case. So that's
the setup of how how the two

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cases worked. And now I just
want to give a slight synopsis of what

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the cases were about and what the
question presented was the court. I think

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most people tuning into this will have
some idea, but just to put us

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all on the same page. Loper
Bright was filed in the District of Columbia

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and there their clients were fishermen primarily
from New Jersey Cape May, New Jersey

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herring fishermen. And in the local
Bright case, the district court had found

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that the text was clear that the
agency was allowed to put at SE monitors.

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There are people go on the boat
and count fish and make sure everything's

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being all the rules are being followed, that sort of thing. They could

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put these ATC monitors on the herring
boats and they could charge they could force

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each of those boats, which are
all small businesses, to enter into contracts

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with ATC monitors who do nothing for
the boats. They only report to the

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government information the government wants. These
are not even though they're making more than

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fishermen in a lot of cases,
they are not doing anything for the boat.

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They're a burden to the boat.
And the Magazine Stevens Act, which

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is that issue, was amended in
nineteen ninety to say that observers. Each

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boat could be forced to carry observers, and these the course of determined these

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are a subset of observers kind of
observer. But they didn't say who paid

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for it. But for twenty years, the federal government paid for observers.

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They appropriated money, and that appropriation
paid for the observers. The agencies and

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National Fisheries and Noah and Commerce kind
of all work on this. They all

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determined that they wanted more of these
monitors. So they made a ce monitors

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who have slightly less training than the
former observers, and they were going to

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force the herring boats to carry them
and pay for it. And it's nowhere

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in the statute. In fact,
there are three places in the statute that

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has cost shifting to the to the
industry, and it's not in the New

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England herring fishery. So but the
the DC District Court judge said, oh,

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yes, it's clear, and she's
the only that's the only one.

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Because it went up to the d
C Circuit and they said, no,

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this is ambiguous, and they went
through all the Step one processes and they

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used all the candidates and that is
ambiguous. So we're going to use Chevron,

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and under Chevron, surprise government wins. So that is the posture went

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up out of d C to the
Supreme Court with the question should the Supreme

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Court overrule or modify Chevron. There
was a question that does Chevron apply if

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the statute is silent? But the
and the Supreme Court took that question in

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the first circuit where we were relentless. The District Court also found it ambiguous.

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Chief Judge Smith went through it in
an opinion with a lot of phish

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puns, and he went through the
statute. He found it ambiguous. He

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did almost the exact same analysis as
the DC Circuit did. He didn't have

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he didn't have the benefit of that
that hadn't happened yet. But it goes

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up to the first circuit. In
the first circuit said well, under step

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one or step two, they didn't
do any kind of They didn't do that.

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I don't think they did the analysis
that the Supreme Court keeps saying in

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both these arguments, you're about to
hear about that that you're supposed to do.

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But they said, yeah, go
ahead and do that in the first

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circuit. So we petitioned for CIRT
and because of how brilliant for CCHERA was,

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they took our case as well.
And I'm sure the fact that Justice

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Jackson was recused and low forer Bright
was not as important as how brilliant that

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petition was. But in all seriousness, they wanted the opportunity to have a

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nine member bench, so they took
the case. And so it gets the

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Supreme Court two cases, should Chevron
continue or should it be overruled? And

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they denied taking any question either for
Loper Bright or for us on any other

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matter. We wanted relentless. I
wanted the necessary and appropriate language of the

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Madison Stevenson Act to be I wanted
them to say that that is not another

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license for the agencies to do whatever
they want. They didn't take that.

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There are a lot of questions about
that sort of thing. So that's how

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the case, that's how the case
has come. Are our clients are also

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herring fishermen, but they fish on
freezer boats and they fish for things like

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the two kinds of squid and butterfish, so they're not just herring fishermen,

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and this regulation hit them, I
think worse than anyone because because they're freezer

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boats they take out, they stay
out at sea from ten to fourteen days

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rather than three or four days,
so they've got these guys on their boat

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for a longer period of time,
and sometimes they're not even fishing for herring,

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but they've got their herring monitor board. So they're paying for this very

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expensive guy seven hundred and ten dollars
a day out of revenues from some other

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fish that that isn't monitored. So
it was extremely burdensome for the client,

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and we were hit very bad by
this regulation that is nowhere in the statue

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because the last thing I want to
say about how it got here was is

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that when this was amended in nineteen
nine, as far as I can tell,

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nobody opposed putting observers on the boats. There is no certainly my clients

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didn't. I haven't seen any of
the local bride clients. Nobody said we

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were not going to take observers.
That's not what this is about. Twenty

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years later, the agency makes up
this at sea monitors being paid by the

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fishermen, and it's nowhere in the
statute. So the problem is you'd have

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no chance to oppose this law.
So we get to the Supreme Court and

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it was a very very hot bench. I put in my notes. Thomas

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asked the first question, which is
his first question, is we had a

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constitutional argument. I think that we
focused on neither party disagreed with the other

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party on any matter of law,
but we were focused more on the Constitution

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rather than the APA, because there's
lots of reason Chevron's back and our reasons

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were Article three judges say what the
law is, not agencies, and also

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do process in that you're in litigation
with a party that's telling the judge what

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the law is, and and that
is the unfairness of that should be manifest

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in our view. And so Thomas's
first question was is any difference allowed under

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Article three? I think that's what
he was getting at, and so he

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was looking ahead and a lot of
these questions I'm gonna I'm gonna show are

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good just because everyone's asking what happens
when we overrule Chevron? What comes next

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down the line? And I thought, as I listened to all those questions

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that even people who weren't given the
game away were kind of given the game

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away. I'm heartened by the fact
that they wanted to know what happens in

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the absence of Chevron and all all
the justices asked those questions. I'm pretty

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sure, but certainly Thomas did.
Do we have to get rid of all

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all deference? And then I'll just
go through the justices because they asked the

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same type of questions of Roman and
our relentless as they did for Paul and

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Low for Bright but the other.
Then Kagan came out of the gate.

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And I put in my notes,
Well, she came to fight because she

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she loves expertise, she loves the
agencies having the ability to move this way

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and that, and she does not
believe that some some legal questions are binary.

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And so she she peppered Roman with
those questions. She later did Paul

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as well, And I think they
showed that there really is a difference between

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law and policy and and but but
Kagan was unshakable on that. Then you

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will then Gordon as she's doing this. Gorsts jumped in and he played his

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hand open. He does not like
Chevron. It's known since he was on

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the Circuit Courd he didn't like it. He's put it in there and yesterday

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was no exception. He explained.
I think in the most poignant terms,

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and I think you'll be seeing a
lot of this because it's true and because

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it's something that doesn't get said a
lot, he said, I and other

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appellate judges see that Chevron is for
agency capture. If an industry has captured

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the agency, they like it.
But in social security disability that disabled don't

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capture agencies. Veterans don't capture the
agencies when they're trying to get the ones

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trying to get benefits, and immigrants
certainly can't capture agencies. And all these

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people are routinely hurt by agency deferring
to agencies or a position that is not

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the best reading of the law.
And Gorsuch is very clear on it.

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And I would add Fickerman or another
one who don't control agencies. Judge Jackson

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very worried about judges making policy decisions. She thinks that there is a democratic

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need to have an elected branch make
these decisions, and she is fearful that

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elective branches won't be making policy if
you get rid of Chevron. We respond

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to that, We certainly don't believe
that's the case, but that's what happened.

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Barrett and Alito. I'm going to
use their questions together because they're kind

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of interesting. Barrett, is,
tell me what happens. What's the difference

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between law and policy? Was her
first question, sort of riffing off Jackson.

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She wants to know where the lines
are, and she wants to know,

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from her other questions, what's going
to happen when Chevron's gone? And

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how big a deal is this?
The chief also, how big a deal

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is this? How often is it
used? And both Raman and Paul just

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told the lower courts use it all
the time, and they don't use it

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the way you people are saying about
oh all is rigor, And I think

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that I think the fact that the
first circuit had no rigor at all is

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a good fact for the side that
wants to explain to the court that Chevron

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has failed below it's failed as a
doctor. And so Alido went back to,

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well, why do we have Chevron? Why was it so great,

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Why was it so important? And
why if we get rid of it it

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will be okay. Now. Answer
that question was, now the whole court

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is textless and originalists. You're not
allowed to make up policy as you were

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in the sixties and seventies. The
way I always put it is is that

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you know, judging in the sixties
is seventy A lot of things came out

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bell bottoms, pet rocks that didn't
stand the test at time. And I

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think that that type of judging that
Chevron was meant to correct is out the

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window now. And then side of
my r wanted to know about Starry decisis

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both she and Kagan were very big
on what happens to all these cases?

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What happens to all the cases that
have relied on Chevron? Is it all

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a jump ball? Do we all
have to do it again? And the

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Chief was concerned about that too.
The answer is no, there's statutory interpretations,

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and the Court is very strong that
however a statute was defined by the

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Court, it's going to stick except
under brand X. And I'll end with

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this aspect of it because I think
I know there'll be questions and I can

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get to what all the other justices
did through questions, but brand X came

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up. And if those of you
may know that brand X is a ruling

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which allows the agency to make one
ruling on what the law is, what

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the law requires, and then a
court to say rule on it and say

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if it's right or wrong, and
then the agency then can make another ruling

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and the court has to follow their
ruling. They can actually change a court

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decision. And I was very close
and it looked to me, you can't

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hear the justice, but it looked
to me like sod of my arm turns

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to Thomas and they're having a I
think it seems to me from the time

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of the questions that she was saying, here, I am defending your opinion

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because Thomas wrote it, and I
think he was in, don't defend me.

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And Gorset gets in and they all
start laughing. I mean it was

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it was a nice moment. But
brand X got no love, not even

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from the Solicitor General. So Siter
General pre Legar was her normal tremendous advocate.

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She was hitting these things hard,
but even on I don't think she

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gave a full court press for brand
X. There was no love for that

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case. From anybody. So where
does it stand. It stands where we

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think that it was a very favorable
day. You don't know exactly what's going

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to happen. There are concerns,
but I think it's going to be a

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big case, come they or June. Thank you for the summary of the

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case in the oral arguments, John. The first question I have is whether

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a decision in favor of the fisherman
potentially jeopardizes other federal regulatory programs that mandate

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the presence of on site regulators with
provisions provided for them, such as federal

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meat inspection agents or air marshals.
So that's this case is not about getting

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rid of observers. It's a matter
of who pays for it. So nobody,

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neither the local right folks or we
have ever opposed having monitors observers because

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it's a government job. The government
paid for it, except even in the

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magazine Stevenson Act. It has a
fee based program. In the Northern Pacific

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eye some of you may watch the
most Dangerous Catch, right, it's the

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most productive and profitable of fishery in
the world up there. And Congress made

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the decision that those observers would be
paid by a fee based mechanism. They

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put in a foreign fishermen because they're
going to be gone, and Kegan pointed

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this out. She says, they're
going to leave, so those observers are

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put on those boats, and they
have to contract those observers or have fees

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shifting. None of those observers are
going to go. They're all going to

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be on the ships. They're all
going to be looking at fish. There's

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another there's a thing called a lap
where all the fishermen split the catch in

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a certain area. Those are also
a fee based mechanism, and as Paul

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Clement pointed out, all of those
have caps on how much they can charge

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the fishermen because Congress was really looking
at it. But all of them can

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go in same with air marshals if
the statute says they're paid by the industry.

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That doesn't have a Chevron problem.
The problem is when the agencies are

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trying to get away from congressional power, because in these cases they're getting away

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from the appropriation's power, getting away
from the lawmaking powder. They are trying

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to escape congressional control, and that's
not what we want. So all of

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the regimes that have inspectors paid for
by the government will still exist. And

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these the observers, like in the
Magaiza Stephen Act in Alaska and Alaska Waters,

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they'll still have it as well.
Congress said, So this doesn't put

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any of those regulations in danger.
The next question I have is multi part.

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What would be the benefit of getting
rid of Chevron? Would new cases

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be available to push back against agency
decisions? And what are major industry areas

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where you expect new litigation to follow
if Chevron is overturned. So much of

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what's good about getting rid of Chevron
will never see And here's what it is.

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The agencies, the bureaucrats themselves will
not do so something like this.

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They won't go, Hey, how
do we get around all the powers of

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Congress and what the words say,
and how do we write a law that

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we want that we can't get through
Congress and then just show a court that

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it's a reasonable interpretation of those words. You're going to see a lot less

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freelancing by the agencies, by the
bureaucrats because they know that they will have

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to make this argument to the court. The statute requires or allows this,

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not the statute doesn't say I can't
do this. Right. So those incentives

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are going to mean that a lot
of bad and oppressive administrative agency regulations are

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not going to be tried, and
we won't see that. We won't know,

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but I think it's a good thing
that will happen. In litigation.

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Once again, the question is will
not be the government will not be saying

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to you when you're in a suit
with them, oh, we found ambiguity,

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and now our view has to be
the law. Because we've found some

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ambiguity and we've convinced the court there's
ambiguity. The question for judge should not

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be is this ambiguous? It should
be what does this law say? And

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so they'll go back to that.
So I have stressed very strongly in my

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writings and my statements on this that
Chevron makes every actor in our tripart system

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act badly. It makes Congress not
write clear laws because they figure, oh,

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there's an ambiguous If my guy's in
the White House, then I can

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get a law I could never get
passed just by putting ambiguity and making an

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agency do it. Or if it's
something I don't like, I can say,

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hey, I didn't write that.
So it gets rid of congressional responsibility.

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It makes the agency and an executive
think they can do everything that they've

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got congressional and executive power, and
that they can't be stopped by the citizens

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who are affected. And it makes
judges lazy, so they don't do everything

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I have to do to determine what
the law says. So what I think

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you'll get is better actions by every
part of our tripart government if we get

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rid of Chevron. The next question
concerns Chevron, and sorry deciss Does Chevron

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itself receive story decisis respect? Why
or why not? That's a great question.

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I believe that Chevron does not deserve
story decisives effect, certainly not strong.

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Story decisis strong. Story decisis is
its strongest in the statutory context.

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If the Supreme Court has told you
what a statute means, very unlikely to

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turn it in case I love and
the reason I really think that all the

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Chevron based statutory interpretations are not going
to be overturned is an international baseball which

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is case from the twenties where the
Supreme Court, even in the twenties with

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Babe Ruth running around, they determined
that base ball was a local activity and

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it wasn't subject to the antitrust laws, and nobody thinks that's right. Baseball

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is a big business. They're all
over the plot. Nobody thinks it right.

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But it went back fifty years later
to the Supreme Court and Justice Stevens,

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who wrote Chevron wrote this whole pan
to baseball and how it's emerged under

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this thing, and they didn't overturn
it. Then it's never been overturned.

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They love statutory story decisives. This
isn't that constitutional law. When they've made

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a real bad constitutional error, this
court feels that they can overturn it.

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And there's strong decisive people like Justice
Kagan, and there's weaker like Justice Thomas,

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but they all think it has some
effect. Here. This is neither

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a constitutional ruling, nor is it
a statutory ruling. It's how the court

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interprets things, how they actually go
about doing the law, and that is

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totally in their wheelhouse. And so
I think that they've changed how they look

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at things anti trust law. Paul
Clement brought up the fact that you don't

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have implied causes of action anymore.
They've done all this stuff without even mentioning

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story decisis. And I think Chevron's
in that bucket. The next question I

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have is why won't people who lost
previously under Chevron come back to the court

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if they are still experiencing harms.
So they lost, there was a regulation

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put in, it got appeled under
Chevron. Why won't they get it?

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Well, I have a number of
reasons for that. First, I believe

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those will be starry decisives. The
ruling of the court on that regulation,

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whether it applies to that, whether
the statute allows that, is going to

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be a story decisives. So there's
going to be an impediment there. The

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other one is, look, we
brought a case, a cause of action

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called the Gafel case about this exact
same issue in the mackerel fishery and under

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00:24:57.880 --> 00:25:03.880
the Maxison Stevenson Act, if you
don't challenge a regulation thirty days after it's

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00:25:03.880 --> 00:25:08.359
promulgated, the statual limitations ran out. First Circuit told us statue limitations ran

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out. Well, no fisherman was
bothered by this law because the agencies kept

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delaying it. They put it,
they issued it, and then they said,

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oh, it's not going to apply. It's not going to go by

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until the statual limitations was gone many
many years. So a lot of it.

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There'll be a lot of statual limitations, and there will be new regulations

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that'll come out, and those will
then be adjudicated without Chevron. So I

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think that there might be a couple
of cases where they try to overturn something,

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but I think they'll be swiftly disabused
of that. If the Court chooses

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to limit Chevron instead of fully overturning
it, what would the limiting principle be?

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WHOA Let me think about that.
So you know, from the last

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00:25:56.200 --> 00:26:04.240
question, General's preligar was was arguing
chaos to the court as you're saying,

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it's going to be chaos, and
I don't think it will be. But

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now you've brought into question is if
they don't get rid of Chevron. There

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00:26:12.160 --> 00:26:18.519
was a lot of talk yesterday of
kaiserizing Chevron, and the Kaiser case kept

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00:26:18.799 --> 00:26:23.319
our difference, which is the difference
the Court owes an agency about what its

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own regulations mean, and they Kaiser
has one thing that comes to mind,

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and our difference is one thing that
comes to mind that Chevron doesn't have,

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00:26:40.200 --> 00:26:44.839
and which sort of dovetails into Keg
and certainly side of my rs view,

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and that's this you have to show
agency expertise was involved. They extraducized it,

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and you got agency expertise. They
could limit Chevron to only times when

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the agency has expertise. In this
case, you know, the agency has

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00:27:00.160 --> 00:27:03.000
no expertise. Who pays is a
congressional question. That's what they do.

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That's what they argue about up there
all. You know. Dirkson used to

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say, don't tax you, don't
tax me, tax that fellow behind the

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00:27:10.880 --> 00:27:14.119
tree. That the fact is,
that's what they're arguing all the time.

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Who pays? That's not something an
agency has special knowledge of. They could

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00:27:18.039 --> 00:27:23.160
do that. I think that would
be not useful because then we'd be going,

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00:27:23.200 --> 00:27:27.079
oh, is this expertise? That
not expertise. I also think that

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the silence issue sort of dropped out. No one really asked about it.

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Both both advocates said that's the question
they took. No one wanted to do

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00:27:38.200 --> 00:27:45.440
that. So I'm hoping against kaiserzation, but I think many of the things

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they'd have to do. They have
to do this line drawing, and the

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00:27:48.359 --> 00:27:52.720
question of what's law and what's policy
was big. It would be a return

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00:27:52.799 --> 00:27:57.640
to that. For our last question
today, John, will the court overturn

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00:27:57.720 --> 00:28:04.960
Chever on six to three. We'd
love six three. But what they're going

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00:28:06.039 --> 00:28:11.240
to say about Chevron right now,
I do think that they're poised to get

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00:28:11.319 --> 00:28:18.200
rid of the doctrine or vastly you
know, change it. But both Barrett

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00:28:18.240 --> 00:28:23.960
and the Chief keep their cards extremely
close to the vest, so you're not

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00:28:25.000 --> 00:28:29.480
even sure they're playing poker. So
I don't I you know, I can't

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00:28:29.519 --> 00:28:34.039
predict those two. I think I'm
very sure Justice Kagan likes Chevron the way

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00:28:34.039 --> 00:28:37.480
it is. Justice Soto my R
likes it the way it is. Justice

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00:28:37.519 --> 00:28:44.319
Gorsicic is like Chevron. Delenda sked. And then I can't tell you exactly

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00:28:44.400 --> 00:28:48.599
where the rest of them exactly are
because Alito asked a lot of questions about

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00:28:48.720 --> 00:28:53.240
why we had Chevron, showing that
there were benefits to it. He didn't.

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00:28:53.279 --> 00:29:00.400
He didn't He wasn't as hostile as
Gorsic to the why Chevron us here.

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00:29:02.000 --> 00:29:04.799
Thank you for listening to this episode
of SCO Discast. SCO Discast is

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00:29:04.839 --> 00:29:11.440
a project of the Federalist Society,
a not for profit educational organization of conservative

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00:29:11.559 --> 00:29:15.880
and libertarian law students, law professors, and lawyers founded upon the principles that

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00:29:15.920 --> 00:29:21.200
the state exists to preserve freedom,
that the separation of governmental power is essential

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00:29:21.200 --> 00:29:25.039
to our constitution, and that it
is emphatically the province and duty of the

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00:29:25.119 --> 00:29:29.000
judiciary to say what the law is, not what it should be. Don't

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00:29:29.039 --> 00:29:33.720
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348
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