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This is Stuart England The Civil Wars
episode two point one hundred and three.

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The Young Gentleman. For all his
pragmatism, Oliver Cromwell was a man who

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saw the hand of God at work
in the world. He spent much of

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his life searching for signs, providential
clues, though let him know whether he

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was following God's plan or not.
One especially meaningful hand Providence provided was a

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fateful date, the third September.
That was the day in sixteen fifty on

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which Cromwell had won the most miraculous
of his victories, the Battle of Dunbar.

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Seemingly trapped and exhausted, the new
Model Army had somehow annihilated a much

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larger Scottish army, perhaps the greatest
challenge Cromwell ever faced. Then exactly a

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year later, on the third of
September sixteen fifty one, Cromwell did it

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again, defeating the exiled King's invasion
force at Worcester. This was a pattern,

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not a coincidence. Cromwell was so
convinced that the third of September held

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a special significance that, when he
became Lord Protector, he opened his first

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Parliament on that date. In sixteen
fifty four, despite the fact that it

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fell on a Sunday, usually a
day of rest at Westminster. Of course,

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the first Protector at Parliament didn't go
nearly as well as the battles of

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Dunbar or Worcester. Whether Cromwell read
anything into that is impossible to say,

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as is what the Lord Protector thought
of the third of September, marking one

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more milestone in his life, that
dave is death in sixteen fifty eight.

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I have to think it must have
crossed his mind. Was it a sign

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of God's continued favor or a rebuke
for how his divine mission had gone astray.

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We've spent as much time with Cromwell
as anyone in this podcast, with

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the possible exception of Charles the first
I am too lazy to do the math,

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so it's only fitting to give the
Lord Protector a proper send off.

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As I recall, this will be
the fourth such retrospective assessment. James and

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Charles each got one, as did
the Duke of Buckingham. In terms of

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impact on British history, Cromwell fits
well in their company, though it does

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seem as though in popular consciousness Cromwell
often acts as a stand in for other

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forces in Men for the entire Interregnant
period or even the Civil War before it.

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As we've seen, Cromwell did not
declare a personal war on Charles the

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First in sixteen forty two, and
even as the Lord Protector, he didn't

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exercise total control over English political life. I feel like, comparatively speaking,

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I've been relatively generous to Cromwell in
this podcast, But then again, I'm

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a pretty generous guy. I'm one
of the few people I've met who actually

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has a soft spot for the Duke
of Buckingham. I guess it's inevitable.

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The more time you spend with someone, the more you see the world through

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their eyes and feel you understand their
motivations, even if you don't necessarily endorse

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them. Though it's hard to like
Oliver Cromwell. He doesn't seem like he

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would be especially pleasant company. He
could be cold and vindictive, and he

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certainly left a trail of discarded allies
who could attest to his lack of loyalty

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or principles, which makes him a
bit of an enigma because he most definitely

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had principles. I don't think anyone
can doubt the religious conviction the drove Cromwell

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throughout his political career, and while
he sometimes adapted his definition of independent religious

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conscience to fit the political moment,
he clung to the principle tenaciously, even

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when it seemed like a political liability, which I think sums up the contradiction

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in Cromwell that I find most fascinating. He was a consummate political pragmatist at

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the tactical level, but his overarching
strategy always directed him towards the idealized England

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he and his colleagues have fought for
in the Civil War. Those dual qualities

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often frustrated his contemporaries to more inflexible
men devoted to straightforward ideologies, Cromwell was

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a hypocrite. Levelers like John Lilburn, parliamentary sovereigntists like Arthur Hesselrig, or

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Republicans like Henry Martin all saw Cromwell
as a man who again and again abandoned

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the cause in the name of political
expediency. But I think those critics were

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wrong when they accused Cromwell of pursuing
whatever course brought him more power, or

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at least they weren't entirely right.
Cromwell wasn't a great ideologue, but that

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didn't mean that he lacked a vision
for England. His goal, which was

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consistent for much of his public life, was political stability in a religious system

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that allowed for independent churches. The
democracy John Lilleburn advocated for or the absolute

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sovereignty of parliament Arthur Hasselry called for, were only useful to Cromwell if they

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achieve those goals. All too often
ridget adherence to those systems produced disorder and

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instability. Instead, Cromwell found himself
drawn to more practical schemes that were short

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on grand principles but offered a plausible
path to a peaceful, godly England.

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In this sense, Henry Ireton and
especially his successor John Lambert were ideal partners.

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Cromwell himself doesn't seem to have been
too active in drawing up the political

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programs they crafted, but they suited
his political instincts. The instrument of government,

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for instance, spent a lot of
time laying up the powers and responsibilities

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of government institutions and less on the
kind of bold pronouncements John Lilleburn liked to

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deliver. From this perspective, Cromwell's
failing wasn't so much a lack of principles,

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but a failure to find a pragmatic
constitution that worked. In the spring

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of sixteen fifty three, he forcibly
shuttered the Rump. Then months later the

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nominated Assembly dissolved in acrimony, having
failed to produce a new political system.

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The Protectorate state that emerged from that
failure was never really implemented as designed.

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Parliament, always imagined as a key
component of the Protectorate, proved unwilling to

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cooperate, necessitating another constitutional adaptation,
the rule of the Major Generals. When

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Cromwell tried a second time to reconcile
Parliament to the regime, the result was

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yet another constitutional adjustment laid out in
the Humble Petition and Advice, but that

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one proved as ineffective as all the
others when the restored Upper House failed to

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make Parliament any more compliant. Cromwell's
tenure as Lord Protector saw a near constant

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search for a political system that would
deliver his goal of stability and independent religion.

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Each attempt that failed alienated a fresh
set of allies and made the next

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project that much more unlikely to succeed. Cromwell may have been more pragmatic than

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his rivals. But that pragmatism again
and again failed to deliver, which leads

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into another angle from which to approach. Cromwell was the protectorate. He had

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constructed a viable, long term state
to let the cat out of the bag

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of it. The whole system didn't
long outlive the Lord protector, but is

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there a case to be made that
it might have done so had Cromwell lived

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a bit longer. You may recall
a similar argument about Charles the First's unparliamentary

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regime of the sixteen thirties. Sure
it was a bit of a model,

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but had Charles not stumbled into his
Scottish War, perhaps the project could have

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worked. Every year that passed without
a parliament made the institution less and less

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relevant back then, I believe.
I mentioned that some historians raised a similar

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point about the sixteenth century. The
reason Queen Elizabeth's Church prevailed rather than her

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half brother Edward's radical Protestant program or
her half sister Mary's Catholic restoration was that

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she lived to sit on the throne
for decades, whereas they died after brief

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reigns. Could the same be applied
to all of a Cromwell's Protectorate. Had

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he lived, say ten more years
to the age of seventy, would that

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have been enough to lock England into
a future without the monarchy. I do

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enjoy a good counterfactual, and I'm
certainly no fan of inevitability in history,

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but on this one, I'd probably
have to lean against that outcome. As

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the whirlwind history of the Protectorate had
just laid out guests, Cromwell was hardly

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succeeding in laying the groundwork for durable
state institutions. The Protectorate was in a

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constant state of flux, as new
ideas and institutions were abandoned almost as fast

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as they had been adopted. Certainly, lasting political systems have emerged out of

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such periods of turmoil. The early
history of the United States might be an

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example, though I'll leave that to
people more knowledgeable on the topic than me.

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But if Cromwell was finding his way
towards a more lasting constitution for England,

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there seems to be little evidence of
it in sixteen fifty eight. And

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finally, any assessment of all of
Cromwell's life would be incomplete without a trip

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to Ireland. For how closely.
Cromwell is associated with Ireland in popular consciousness.

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It's remarkable how a little time he
spent there. He landed with his

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army in August sixteen forty nine,
and after a whirlwind campaign, left for

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England soon after the fall of Clommel
in May sixteen fifty. But to be

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fair, in those ten months he
perpetrated two of the most notorious massacres of

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the Irish Wars, the sacking of
Drahada and Wexford. At Drahda, Cromwell

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felt he was operating within the rules
of warfare, albeit at their most brutal

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extreme. Wexford was a bit more
complicated, as negotiations for surrender were ongoing,

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putting the impromptu assault on the town
and subsequent atrocities in a gray area.

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It's also worth noting that Cromwell wasn't
the only general to endorse the killing

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of enemies after their surrender, or
even civilians. There were massacres in Ireland

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before Cromwell arrived and after he left, most notably those perpetrated by Lord Inchiquin,

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who won the well deserved moniker the
Butcher of Cashell. But we in

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the twenty first century aren't obligated to
judge Cromwell's solely by the standards of seventeenth

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century rules of war. Neither did
Cromwell's influence in Ireland, and when he

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returned to England, the actions of
Henry Ireton, who managed the Irish War

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in Cromwell's absence, cannot be so
easily separated from his father in law and

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mentor. Ireton's Irish campaign turned into
a prolonged and bloody counter insurrection. Historians

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estimate that between the Irish rebellion of
sixteen forty one and the victory of the

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Commonwealth regime in sixteen fifty three,
ten percent of Ireland's population died to the

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war, roughly two hundred thousand people. Much of that devastation predated the arrival

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of Oliver Cromwell, but there's every
reason to believe that the final years of

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the war were the bloodiest, and
Cromwell, whether directly involved or not,

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bears much of that responsibility. Cromwell's
legacy in Ireland after the war is a

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bit more complicated. The Act of
Settlement, which authorized the forced migration and

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dispossession of Ireland's Catholic population, was
produced by the rump Parliament before the height

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of Cromwell's political power at Westminster,
and the implementation of that legislation was somewhat

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moderated by Henry Cromwell, the Lord
Protector's son and primary political agent in Dublin.

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Which isn't to say that Cromwell had
any sympathy for Catholics or the Irish

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people, but rather that the old
family tradition of pragmatism was at play.

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For various reasons, the Cromwell father
and son duo opposed the hardlined Baptist faction

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in Ireland, who pushed for the
most comprehensive interpretation possible of the active settlement.

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Of course, there's little reason to
think that Irish Catholics wouldever be inclined

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to thank the Cromwell's for overseeing a
repress and murderous regime that was just a

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little less oppressive and murderous than the
alternative. But it's perhaps worth complicating Cromwell's

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legacy by noting that hatred of Irish
Catholics was a feature of just about every

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faction in English politics. Once again, in terms of popular memory of a

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confused and violent period in English history, Cromwell acts as a useful stand in

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which isn't to say that he deserves
our sympathy. By perhaps it's a helpful

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reminder that while making him the villain
of the mid seventeenth century makes sense of

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a complex historical moment, it can
let other figures, ideas, or social

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trends off the hook. The people
of Ireland didn't so much of a Cromwell

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problem as much as they had an
English problem. To return to the more

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material realm, historians believe Cromwell died
of blood poisoning due to an infection caused

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by a kidney stone. His health
had been in steep decline over the summer

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of sixteen fifty eight, and in
the days before his death he was weakened

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by a bout of malarial fever,
an affliction that had periodically incapacitated him since

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the sixteen thirties. Cromwell's declining health
over a period of weeks punctuated by periods

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of apparent recovery, produced a degree
of anxiety within the Protectorate government. The

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succession had always been a key problem
within the various constitutions that regulated the regime.

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John Lambert's instrument of government, the
original rule Book, had created the

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Lord Protector as a lifetime office.
On the death of the old Lord Protector,

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a new one would be elected by
the Council of State. However,

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that elective system was tossed out and
replaced in the constitutional reforms of the Humble

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Petition and Advice. As you may
recall, Cromwell had secured a whole host

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of concessions from parliament men eager to
have him take the crown and become a

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king. In the end, the
Lord Protector refused the royal title, but

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he did a crew plenty of new
powers as a result of the negotiations.

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One of them was the ability to
unilaterally name his successor. At the time

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of his final illness, Cromwell had
not yet done so, but there were

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signs that he had a successor in
mind, his oldest surviving son, Richard.

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Now we've met Cromwell's younger son,
Henry, but Richard has not really

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made an impression on the podcast so
far, and really he hadn't made much

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of an impression on England either.
Like his brothers, Richard had served in

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Parliament's army during the Civil War,
but hadn't done much to distinguish himself in

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battle. After the war, he
wasn't especially active in politics. Richard took

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little interest in religion or the other
national issues of the day, instead settling

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down to the life of a country
gentleman in Hampshire. But he wasn't hugely

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successful at that either, and after
a few poor business decisions he had to

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call on his father to bail him
out. His life began to change though,

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in the Protectorate era. At the
age of twenty eight, Richard was

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elected to sit in the first Protectorate
Parliament, and in the second Parliament took

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on a greater role in some key
committees. Although he was hardly a prominent

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leader of Westminster, it seemed clear
that he was being groomed for some kind

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of role in the family business.
John Thurlow would later claim that Albert Cromwell

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intended to name Richard his successor as
early as the spring of sixteen fifty seven,

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more than a year before his death. The evidence was a sealed letter

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Thurlough kept in his office, though
he never produced it and has since disappeared

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if it ever existed. The first
reliable evidence we have that Richard was destined

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to be the next Lord Protector came
from his father's deathbed. On the thirtieth

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of August sixteen fifty eight, the
Lord Protector informed the Council of State that

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he would be succeeded by his son, Richard. For the moment, this

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was just an informal expression of intent. It wasn't yet clear that Cromwell's illness

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would be fatal, and so there
would be plenty of time to draw up

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the paperwork in the future. When
Cromwell's health seemed to suddenly improve the next

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day, any sense of urgency dissipated. But suddenly he took a turn for

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the worse. On the second of
September, it was clear that Cromwell was

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at death's door. When the Council
once again assembled at his bedside, he

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was unable to speak. When asked
to confirm his choice of Richard, Cromwell

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could only nod. The events surrounding
Cromwell's death, which came the following night,

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had the potential to create a succession
crisis. It seemed fairly clear that

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Cromwell intended Richard to be a successor, which, by the terms of the

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Constitution, was all that mattered.
But there were three factors that could potentially

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undermine any smooth transfer of power.
First was the irregular nature of Cromwell's decision.

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As a technical matter, you could
argue that Richard had never been formally

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designated the successor. An informal expression
of intent and a non verbal confirmation from

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a man on the edge of death
were hardly legally binding. If someone chose

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to contest Richard's claim, the legal
hurdles wouldn't be difficult to surmount. The

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second issue was the constitution itself.
How definitive could the rules on succession be

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when those rules seemed to change every
few months. This wasn't the royal line

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of succession buttressed by centuries of tradition
and custom. Really, the men surrounding

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Cromwell at the top of the protectorate
state had built their careers on reshaping the

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rules of the game to match the
political reality of the moment. If the

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future of England was at stake,
the humble pedition and advice would be treated

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with the same sacred awe as the
instrument of government, the nominated Assembly,

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or all the other institutions that had
been tossed aside in the name of expediency.

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Finally, there was Richard himself.
He was not likely to be an

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obstacle to anyone attempting to usurp his
power. Although he had been taking a

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larger role in politics recently and was
promoted to the Other House beginning of the

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year, no one saw him as
a major player in his own right.

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If heavy weights like John Lambert or
John Desbroo contemplated seizing power for themselves,

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the fear that Richard Cromwell would oppose
them was likely pretty low on their list

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of concerns, which leads to one
of the enduring questions surrounding Richard Cromwell.

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Why him? Why did Oliver Cromwell
select his rather unimpressive eldest son to be

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his successor. The obvious answer is
that, despite his rejection of a kingly

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title, Cromwell hoped to establish a
royal lineage in all but name. Personally,

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I'm inclined to think that Henry Cromwell
would have been a much better choice.

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Henry was still in Ireland at the
time, now elevated to the office

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of Lord Lieutenant as Charles Fleetwood's nominal
position in Irish government had timed out.

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The consensus of historians, however,
seems to be that as a younger son,

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Henry was unsuitable, and he still
had reputation for making impetuous decisions.

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But in the immediate term, Cromwell's
choice worked out quite well, though likely

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not in the way he had intended. Despite the weakness of Richard's claim from

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both technical and personal standpoint, the
transition between Lord Protectors went seamlessly. No

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one within the Protectorate leadership challenged Richard's
authority. In fact, for a government

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that had been riven by internal factions
for almost two years, the whole process

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was eerily peaceful. Army leadership accepted
the new Lord Protector without reservations, as

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did the Scottish administration, over which
George Monk now exercised direct control. Meanwhile,

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in Dublin, Henry Cromwell held more
control than ever over the state apparatus

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and had little incentive to contest his
brother's elevation. It's possible that Richard was

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seen as easier to work with than
his father. He was less devoted to

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the moral and religious reform that preoccupied
the old Lord Protector, a welcome change

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for the more conservative men who had
championed the humble petition and advice. The

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general acceptance of Richard Cromwell as Lord
Protector should not, however, be taken

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as a sign that he enjoyed the
same respect his father had, or that

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the factional battles within the protectorate state
had subsided. Instead, it's likely that

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multiple factions and players saw Richard as
a weak ruler who might be easily manipulated

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to serve their interests. In terms
of personality, Richard could not have been

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more unlike his father. People actually
enjoyed his company, and he inspired almost

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no personal animosity. Most of the
criticisms leveled against him pointed to his naivete

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or an inborn gentleness that left him
unsuited for politics, though some historians believe

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Richard may have been a more skilled
politician than had appeared. He had an

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ability to disarm audiences with self deprecating
humor. But if Richard did have certain

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political skills, they were too subtle
for most of his contemporaries to recognize or

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respect. Within the army, Richard
Cromwell was condescendingly known as the young Gentleman,

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and while Monk's growing independent influence in
Scotland was being used to support the

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regime, now there were suspicions that
the General wasn't doing so out of devotion

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to the Cromwell name. If multiple
groups welcomed Richard as a pawn who could

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be used to their advantage, eventually
someone would end up disappointed when someone else

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started moving him around the board.
Sure Enough, it didn't take long for

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the factional battles of the old administration
to re emerge. Will be once again

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to the shorthand historians used for the
two rival groups that dominated the upper echelons

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of the protector at State, the
Civilian Faction and the Army Faction. The

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labels don't necessarily denote the profession of
those involved. In fact, several prominent

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members of the Civilian faction were themselves
army officers. Rather than names, point

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to diverging visions for Britain's future.
Another way of thinking of the split is

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as the manifestation of all Cromwell's long
running internal conflict. The Army faction represented

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his desire for godliness, while the
Civilian faction represented his desire for a pragmatic,

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conservative social order. The Army faction
was led by Richard Cromwell's in laws,

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John desbro and Charles Fleetwood. They
advocated for the army to continue playing

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a prominent role in politics. You
may recall that during the second Protector at

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Parliament, desbro had called for new
taxes to provide permanent funding for the major

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general system. The army men also
pushed for a continuation of the moral and

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religious reform that had been such an
important component of major general responsibilities. The

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civilian faction, on the other hand, argued a kind of conservative normalcy.

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They had been the guys who drafted
the humble petition and advice that moved the

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Constitution towards something that in some ways
resembled the old monarchy. Future stability could

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only come through broadening the support the
regime enjoyed. Army taxes and hectoring religious

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policy would only divide England, not
united. Membership in the Civilian faction tended

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00:19:21.160 --> 00:19:26.759
to be a mix of traditional constitutionalists
like Bustrode Whitelock and pragmatic politicians like John

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00:19:26.839 --> 00:19:30.640
Thurlow, Henry Cromwell or his ally
Roger Boyle. The latter pair bring out

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00:19:30.680 --> 00:19:36.839
another element of the Civilian party their
British presence. Henry Cromwell exerted influence from

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Dublin, and Boyle had a foot
both in Ireland, where he was from

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00:19:40.400 --> 00:19:44.400
and Scotland, where he was heavily
involved in state administration. For the most

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part, the Civilian faction advocated reconciliation
with groups the regime had alienated over the

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years, especially Presbyterians and other traditional
elites. This usually conflicted with the Army

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factions, desired to maintain a hard
line on their religious and ideological principles.

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The first battleground the new administration was
the Council of State. The Civilian faction

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00:20:03.960 --> 00:20:07.279
won an early victory by getting Richard
to support new additions to the council,

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most notably his brother Henry and Roger
Boyle, but their Army faction rivals complained

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00:20:11.480 --> 00:20:15.160
that by the terms of the constitution, such appointments had to be approved by

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00:20:15.200 --> 00:20:19.839
the existing council. Mobilizing their power
there, they effectively blocked the appointments.

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00:20:21.400 --> 00:20:23.880
Within days, the Army faction presented
its own case to fill the vacancies in

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00:20:23.920 --> 00:20:27.960
the council. Charles Fleetwood presented his
brother in law, Richard Cromwell, a

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petition signed by more than two hundred
army officers. The document proclaimed their loyalty

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to the new Lord Protector, with
the somewhat ominous caveat that they trusted he

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was a friend to the godly army. The petition further urged the Lord Protector

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to appoint only godly men to the
Council. In fact, the phrase Fleetwood's

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00:20:45.079 --> 00:20:51.119
petition used was men who supported the
Good Old Cause. The term was quickly

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spreading through the army like a meme, and carried with it significant political meaning.

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Like all good political slogans, the
Good Old Cause was somewhat vague.

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Broadly speaking, had represented the goals
and aspirations the new model Army had fought

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00:21:03.440 --> 00:21:07.599
for. What precisely those aspirations were
were left to the individual soldier to imagine.

301
00:21:08.079 --> 00:21:11.440
For some it might have been religious
freedom, for others liberty of a

302
00:21:11.480 --> 00:21:17.079
more political nature. What was clear
was that a group of self interested powerbrokers

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00:21:17.119 --> 00:21:19.279
were looking to sell out the Good
Old Cause and betray everything the army had

304
00:21:19.319 --> 00:21:25.559
led for. Fleetwood and his ally
John desbro were playing with dangerous populist resentments

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00:21:25.559 --> 00:21:27.720
within the army, and as it
turned out, neither of them had the

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political skill to manipulate those resentments safely, nor did they hold trademark rights on

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the Good Old Cause. The phrase
was used liberally in the press by any

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number of factions, some more organized
than others. Perhaps the most influential custodian

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00:21:41.799 --> 00:21:45.039
of the phrase was Henry Vane.
As we've seen ever since, Oliver Cromwell

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exiled Vane from power in the wake
of the Rump dissolution, he had sniped

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at the Protectorate regime as an outsider. His accusations of the current regime betraying

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the cause were more convincing than those
of men like Fleetwood, who had long

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00:21:56.319 --> 00:22:00.680
stood by his father in law Oliver
Cromwell. While the Protectorate leadership bickered,

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00:22:00.920 --> 00:22:06.799
Vain refined his earlier program of godly
republicanism into a fairly coherent expression of the

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00:22:06.839 --> 00:22:10.720
good Old Cause. Under these circumstances, it was only a matter of time

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00:22:10.759 --> 00:22:15.200
before Fleetwood and desbro lost control of
the situation, which they did in early

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00:22:15.240 --> 00:22:19.079
October, barely a month after Oliver
Cromwell's death, a group of junior officers,

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00:22:19.160 --> 00:22:22.200
spurred on by a desire to defend
the good Old Cause, produced a

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00:22:22.240 --> 00:22:27.000
new petition. This one demanded that
Richard Cromwell surrender his position as commander in

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chief in the army and passed it
to Fleetwood. On the surface, this

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00:22:30.720 --> 00:22:34.680
made a certain degree of sense,
Although the office of Lord Protector included the

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role of commander of the army,
Richard Cromwell had very little military experience,

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why not pass his duties after a
veteran soldier like his brother in law Fleetwood.

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But this was far more than a
mere shuffling of titles. The petition

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00:22:48.079 --> 00:22:51.359
called for the new Commander in Chief
to have absolute authority over the army,

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00:22:51.559 --> 00:22:55.400
without any interference from the Lord Protector, Parliament, or the Council of State.

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00:22:56.319 --> 00:23:00.559
Fleetwood would be in control of all
officer appointments and dismissals. Officers could

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00:23:00.559 --> 00:23:03.920
only be removed by word of the
Commander in Chief or by court martial.

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00:23:03.519 --> 00:23:07.759
In other words, the army would
become an entirely separate political institution, a

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00:23:07.839 --> 00:23:11.319
fourth pillar of the state, joining
the Lord Protector, the Council of State

331
00:23:11.400 --> 00:23:15.920
and Parliament. This was an opportunity
for Fleetwood, and one he likely relished,

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00:23:17.279 --> 00:23:21.359
but the move was instigated by junior
officers beyond his control. It wasn't

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clear where all this would end,
or whether Fleetwood would be able to tame

334
00:23:23.559 --> 00:23:27.319
the anxieties of the officer corps once
he was in power, though for the

335
00:23:27.400 --> 00:23:33.039
moment that hypothetical was moot. The
Lord protector held firm. On the eighteenth

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of October, Cromwell delivered a speech
intended to placate the army, drafted by

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00:23:37.759 --> 00:23:41.240
John Thurlow. The key element to
the speech was a compromise. Fleetwood would

338
00:23:41.279 --> 00:23:45.279
be named Lieutenant General of the Land
Forces in charge of England's armies, but

339
00:23:45.440 --> 00:23:49.240
Cromwell would retain his role as Commander
in chief. To do otherwise would be

340
00:23:49.240 --> 00:23:53.319
to violate the Constitution. He did, however, promise to consult Fleetwood on

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all appointments and dismissals. For now, it was enough to force Fleetwood to

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00:23:57.440 --> 00:24:02.359
back down lest he looked on reasonable
and greedy for power. But just a

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few weeks into Richard Cromwell's reign,
the protectorates state seemed wobbly. Even if

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00:24:06.960 --> 00:24:10.960
Fleetwood was willing to accept Cromwell's compromise, many of the junior officers who had

345
00:24:11.039 --> 00:24:15.359
drafted the petition were not. In
the following days and weeks, numerous junior

346
00:24:15.400 --> 00:24:18.039
officers denounced their superiors for not being
forward enough. In the good old cause

347
00:24:18.759 --> 00:24:23.240
Fleetwood and desbro didn't so much look
like leaders as figureheads for army sentiment who

348
00:24:23.240 --> 00:24:27.240
could be easily tossed aside. If
they continued to waver, one false move

349
00:24:27.279 --> 00:24:32.599
could spark coup or even a civil
war, and the greatest challenge was yet

350
00:24:32.599 --> 00:24:36.640
to come. Before his death,
Oliver Cromwell had been drawing up plans for

351
00:24:36.640 --> 00:24:40.279
another parliament. Money was needed to
continue the war on the continent, and

352
00:24:40.359 --> 00:24:44.519
the ongoing crisis in Denmark threatened to
be expensive as well. Even if England

353
00:24:44.559 --> 00:24:47.440
could manage to stay out of the
Northern War, funds had to be raised

354
00:24:47.480 --> 00:24:51.319
to keep the navy stationed in the
region. Without the presence of English warships,

355
00:24:51.400 --> 00:24:56.079
the Protectorate's diplomatic leverage in the Northern
theater would disappear. The need for

356
00:24:56.200 --> 00:25:00.400
money had not gone away with the
change in law Protector If anything, Richard

357
00:25:00.440 --> 00:25:03.799
needed a parliament even more than Oliver. The new constitution created by the humble

358
00:25:03.799 --> 00:25:07.440
petition and advice was no more secure
than the last one. In fact,

359
00:25:07.440 --> 00:25:11.359
it was even less secure now that
an untested and unfamiliar Richard Cromwell sat a

360
00:25:11.400 --> 00:25:17.240
topic. Only parliament could deliver an
unambiguous vote of confidence for the new regime.

361
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But while it was obvious to everyone
that a new parliament was necessary,

362
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few were enthusiastic about the prospect.
The army faction worried about losing their influence

363
00:25:26.119 --> 00:25:29.720
once a new session convened. At
Westminster. They had a brief window where

364
00:25:29.720 --> 00:25:33.759
soldiers were the only thing keeping Cromwell
in power. That was leverage that might

365
00:25:33.759 --> 00:25:37.400
be lost once a new parliament was
seated if past elections were any indication the

366
00:25:37.440 --> 00:25:41.640
Good Old Cause that the Army champion
was not a winner at the polls.

367
00:25:41.759 --> 00:25:45.799
Meanwhile, the civilian faction was reluctant
to call a parliament too. Many of

368
00:25:45.799 --> 00:25:48.880
them were the same men who had
crafted the Humble Petition and Advice, a

369
00:25:48.920 --> 00:25:53.279
controversial program they had pushed through a
purged and divided parliament. It was a

370
00:25:53.279 --> 00:25:59.480
troubling dilemma. Their beloved Constitution required
a parliament to be completed, but would

371
00:25:59.480 --> 00:26:03.920
it survive scrutiny at Westminster. Indecision
and animosity paralyzed the Protectorate state through the

372
00:26:03.960 --> 00:26:10.079
fall and into December. Frustrated army
officers began holding weekly meetings every Friday at

373
00:26:10.079 --> 00:26:14.119
Saint James's Palace, looking an awful
lot like a shadow government ready to immediately

374
00:26:14.160 --> 00:26:18.440
step into power after a coup.
One of the most frequently discussed demands was

375
00:26:18.480 --> 00:26:22.000
a reinstatement of officers who had been
purged by Oliver Cromwell over the years.

376
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Most alarmingly, that included Thomas Harrison, the influential Fifth Monarchist, and John

377
00:26:26.079 --> 00:26:30.480
Lambert, who had been banished from
government for his refusal to recognize the Humble

378
00:26:30.519 --> 00:26:34.839
Petition and Advice which had superseded his
instrument of government. There's some speculation among

379
00:26:34.880 --> 00:26:41.440
historians that John Lambert was himself behind
this agitation, seeing Richard Cromwell's unsettled position

380
00:26:41.559 --> 00:26:45.680
as an opportunity to return to the
center of events. Meanwhile, the civilian

381
00:26:45.720 --> 00:26:48.839
faction attempted to consolidate their position,
and another rumor surface that Roger Boyle would

382
00:26:48.839 --> 00:26:52.640
be appointed to the Council of State, but this only sparked fresh rounds of

383
00:26:52.680 --> 00:26:57.440
heated rhetoric among the officers, and
the idea was quickly abandoned. The most

384
00:26:57.440 --> 00:27:02.799
explosive incident, however, involved Edward
Montagu, who he met previously as Robert

385
00:27:02.839 --> 00:27:07.200
Blake, second in command of the
Navy when all the Cromwell died. Montagu

386
00:27:07.279 --> 00:27:10.759
had been commanding the English fleet that
was coordinating with English and French land forces

387
00:27:10.759 --> 00:27:14.359
in the Spanish Netherlands. He was
a close ally of the late Lord Protector

388
00:27:14.480 --> 00:27:18.839
and rushed home to ensure power passed
smoothly to Oliver's chosen successor, Richard.

389
00:27:18.359 --> 00:27:22.960
Significantly, Montagu had also aligned with
men like Boyle, Whitelocke and Thurlow during

390
00:27:23.000 --> 00:27:26.599
the debates on the Humble Petition and
Advice. The nucleus of the Civilian faction.

391
00:27:27.319 --> 00:27:32.119
For men like Fleetwood, Montagu was
dangerous. With the death of Robert

392
00:27:32.119 --> 00:27:34.279
Blake, he was the new top
man in the Navy. What's more,

393
00:27:34.359 --> 00:27:37.839
before becoming a general at sea,
Montagu had a long career in the New

394
00:27:37.839 --> 00:27:41.519
Model Army. If the Civilian faction
were to make a move on their rivals

395
00:27:41.519 --> 00:27:45.359
in the army, Montagu would likely
play a key role in securing the loyalty

396
00:27:45.359 --> 00:27:49.519
of the military. The leaders of
the Army faction were therefore alarmed when in

397
00:27:49.559 --> 00:27:53.640
December sixteen fifty eight, the Lord
Protector assigned Montague command of a regiment in

398
00:27:53.680 --> 00:27:57.440
the army, this while he still
remained the commander of the nation's navy.

399
00:27:59.279 --> 00:28:03.680
Not only did this violate Cromwell's promise
to take Fleetwood's advice on all army appointments,

400
00:28:03.920 --> 00:28:07.799
but it seemed to expose the Army
faction to danger at a raucous meeting

401
00:28:07.839 --> 00:28:11.079
of the Council of State. John
desbro accused Montagu of engineering a plot to

402
00:28:11.200 --> 00:28:15.599
arrest or even kill himself and his
ally Charles Fleetwood. But despite the growing

403
00:28:15.640 --> 00:28:19.160
civil war at the top of the
Protectorate state, a parliament could not be

404
00:28:19.160 --> 00:28:23.200
put off any longer. The treasury
faced a whopping two million pounds of debt

405
00:28:23.440 --> 00:28:26.480
and the real possibility of having to
pay for two wars in the coming year.

406
00:28:27.240 --> 00:28:30.680
The elections held at the end of
sixteen fifty eight saw none of the

407
00:28:30.839 --> 00:28:36.839
organized management that marked these elections for
Cromwell's second Protectorate Parliament. As you recall,

408
00:28:36.960 --> 00:28:40.200
back then, the major generals had
used their influence to return as many

409
00:28:40.200 --> 00:28:45.559
government friendly candidates as possible. The
results had been underwhelming. The divided and

410
00:28:45.599 --> 00:28:51.079
disorganized administration of Richard Cromwell's Protectorate had
no hope of matching even that modest achievement.

411
00:28:51.839 --> 00:28:55.279
When the Parliament opened on the twenty
seventh of January sixteen fifty nine,

412
00:28:55.559 --> 00:28:57.599
more than half of its members were
sitting at Westminster for the first time.

413
00:28:59.079 --> 00:29:03.680
It was a young co whose political
loyalties were virtually unknown. Even worse for

414
00:29:03.680 --> 00:29:06.799
the government, the loyalties of some
of the more experienced members were all too

415
00:29:06.839 --> 00:29:11.279
obvious. Once again, Arthur Hesselrigg
and his ally Thomas Scott won seats,

416
00:29:11.519 --> 00:29:15.119
and this time Oliver Cromwell wasn't there
to bar them from sitting. In fact,

417
00:29:15.119 --> 00:29:19.319
the reverse was true. When Richard
Cromwell visited Westminster to open the Parliament,

418
00:29:19.559 --> 00:29:23.480
more than one hundred and fifty members
refused to attend his speech. For

419
00:29:23.640 --> 00:29:27.680
most, this was a symbolic rejection
of the constitution created by the humble Petition

420
00:29:27.680 --> 00:29:32.559
and advice. The Lord Protector's opening
was to be attended by both the House

421
00:29:32.559 --> 00:29:36.079
of Commons and the other house,
the quasi House of Lords, created a

422
00:29:36.160 --> 00:29:40.119
year earlier. Many of the elected
members did not recognize the existence of that

423
00:29:40.200 --> 00:29:44.799
institution and so refused to sit with
them in a formal setting. Others had

424
00:29:44.799 --> 00:29:48.599
a more alarming reason to stay away. They refused to recognize the legality of

425
00:29:48.640 --> 00:29:51.720
the entire protectorate system, which,
as far as they were concerned, had

426
00:29:51.759 --> 00:29:56.119
never been formalized in a free parliament. But while this was undoubtedly a major

427
00:29:56.160 --> 00:30:00.440
blow to an administration that was already
weak and divided, the opposition was hardly

428
00:30:00.519 --> 00:30:04.480
unified itself. Numerous factions vied for
the support of a large body of uncommitted

429
00:30:04.519 --> 00:30:10.480
members. Henry Vane hosted daily strategy
sessions for his circle of Godly Republicans.

430
00:30:11.039 --> 00:30:15.519
Through back channels, they approached dissident
army officers and longtime critics of the Protectorate.

431
00:30:15.119 --> 00:30:18.920
Meanwhile, Arthur Hasselrigg tried to mobilize
support for his claim that the Rump

432
00:30:18.960 --> 00:30:26.000
Parliament had been the last legitimate institution
in English politics. John Thurlow, representing

433
00:30:26.039 --> 00:30:29.960
the Protectorate State, tried to bring
some order to the chaos. Just days

434
00:30:29.960 --> 00:30:33.759
into the session, he introduced the
first concrete bill. Thurlow proposed that Parliament

435
00:30:33.839 --> 00:30:38.359
formally approved the humble Petition and Advice
and confirmed the Protectorate system of ground rules

436
00:30:38.599 --> 00:30:41.920
too, at the very least,
lend some structure to their work. This

437
00:30:41.960 --> 00:30:47.240
was an effective tactical move, as
neither Vain nor Hasselerigg had built a coalition

438
00:30:47.240 --> 00:30:51.599
they had any confidence in. Yet
Hasselerigg and his allies certainly opposed the measure,

439
00:30:51.799 --> 00:30:55.880
but their immediate goal was to delay
any decision rather than vote against Thurlow's

440
00:30:55.880 --> 00:31:00.119
bill. They needed more time to
build a party. After three weeks of

441
00:31:00.160 --> 00:31:03.359
confused debate, the Commons passed a
compromise bill on the nineteenth of February.

442
00:31:03.880 --> 00:31:07.720
The Humble Petition and Advice and the
Protectorate system would set the rules for their

443
00:31:07.759 --> 00:31:12.839
work, but Hasselrigg managed to attach
a caveat the Commons retained the prerogative to

444
00:31:12.960 --> 00:31:18.160
limit the lower Protector's power and extend
that of the House to what degree was

445
00:31:18.240 --> 00:31:22.279
left conveniently vague. Even so,
it was more than a month before the

446
00:31:22.319 --> 00:31:26.559
Commons could be brought to grudgingly recognize
the existence of the other house. Only

447
00:31:26.599 --> 00:31:30.279
at the end of March that the
two houses of Parliament opened lines of official

448
00:31:30.279 --> 00:31:34.559
communication between each other. The first
Parliament of Richard Cromwell's Protectorate set a record

449
00:31:34.559 --> 00:31:38.759
for gridlock that surpassed anything in the
previous fifteen years at Westminster, an impressive

450
00:31:38.799 --> 00:31:44.640
feat. Both the Government and the
House of Commons were internally divided, and

451
00:31:44.720 --> 00:31:48.599
a significant group at Westminster saw the
entire enterprise as illegitimate for them. The

452
00:31:48.720 --> 00:31:53.599
stalemate was deliberate paralyzed by a campaign
of obstructionism. It was only a matter

453
00:31:53.640 --> 00:31:59.799
of time before the wobbly protectorate regime
crumbled. In fact, multiple parties,

454
00:32:00.039 --> 00:32:02.599
both inside and outside of government,
had already lost faith in Richard Cromwell as

455
00:32:02.599 --> 00:32:07.799
a political leader. Any pretense of
fixing the regime was abandoned. Next time

456
00:32:07.920 --> 00:32:22.640
will watch as the vultures began to
circle, waiting for their opportunity.

