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From Powerline blog dot com and produced
by Ricochet dot Com. This is the

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Powerline Show with your host Steve Hayward. Well, hi everybody, and welcome

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to a classic format Powerline Conversation today
featuring Daniel McCarthy talking with me about Wilmore

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Kendall. Kendall was one of the
great political scientists of the post war era,

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and he's been back on our minds
lately for a number of reasons.

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He was a heterodox champion of Joe
McCarthy back in the nineteen fifties, a

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critic of the place of John Locke
in American political thought, and a defender

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of majority harry and deliberation, and
as such, his provocative ideas are making

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a comeback in our age of nationalist
populism now. Kendall died at the way

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to an early age of fifty eight, way back in nineteen sixty seven,

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following a brilliant, if somewhat erratic
and always controversial academic career. In addition

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to a scholarship in teaching, he
worked as a journalist in Spain or in

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a civil war in the nineteen thirties, and this is where he acquired his

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anti communism. He worked as a
CIA spy, and he even wrote a

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book about baseball, as well as
helping to found National Review magazine in nineteen

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fifty five and being a major mentor
to William F. Buckley. At the

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time of his death, Kendall left
behind an unfinished book that touched off a

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controversy that is still raging today,
entitled The Basic Symbols of the American Political

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Tradition. The book was rounded off
and finished by George Carey, and there

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has always been a little bit of
controversy about Carry's modifications of what were early

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lectures and early drafts of Kendall,
but leave that beside. The greatest critic

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of the book after it appeared was
Harry Jaffa, who took hard after the

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book when it appeared posthumously in the
early nineteen seventies. And yet jaff and

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Kendall were warm friends. They used
to have long telephone conversations in the middle

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of the night. This is back
when long distance rates were very expensive up

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until eleven PM. I've heard a
recording of Jaffa in nineteen seventy calling Kendall

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my good friend, more than three
years after Kendall's death, and here's a

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short clip from Jaffa speaking to the
Philadelphia Society in nineteen seventy one about Kendall.

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But before I expressed my disagreements,
I wanted to pay what I think

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is a tribute to Wilmore Kendall.
I think that Wilmore was the best teacher

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of political philosophy of his generation in
this country, at least the best native

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teacher that he can sit at the
feat of several other teachers. Himself,

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whom he acknowledged as his master's will. War was I think a true disciple

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of Socrates. He managed to contradict
just about everything that anybody said to him,

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and when he ran out of antagonists, he contradicted himself if he had

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a foot. I think that he
loved his country, not wisely, but

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too well. And I think he
came to believe, certainly by the end

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of his life, that the picture
of the virtuous Republic deliberating sage lely and

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wisely under God was the highest view
of the American Republic that he could take,

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and he believed that that was the
true American political tradition. But there's

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a brand new edition of one of
Kendall's key books, The Conservative Affirmation edited

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introduced by Dan McCarthy, who was
currently the editor of Modern Age and a

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well known self identified paleo conservative.
What's a paleo conservative? You ask,

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Stan Evans joke that a paleo conservative
is a conservative who has been mugged by

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a neo conservative, and I'll go
with that sol Dan. It turns out

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so I was lucky enough to catch
up with Dan recently for a long chat

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about Kendall and his legacy. So
let's get started. So, Dan McCarthy,

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before we get into most recent book, you've edited the reissue of Wilmark

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Kendall's classic work, The Conservative Affirmation. I want to acquaint listeners with Dan

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McCarthy and so give us a little
sketch of intellectual biography. I know that

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you're currently the editor of Modern Age, where I've been pleased to publish for

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a long time a journal that was
whose first editor was Russell Kirk. So

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it's got a great lineage and I
think kind of an ironic name because you

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know, Modern Age for pre modern
people. But more seriously, yeah,

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a little bit about your intellectual background, and is it a calaween to describe

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you as a paleo con or?
Is that a slander or is that a

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dame you own up with? And
anyway, go ahead and started, I

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would very happily plead guilty to being
a paleo conservative. So my interest in

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politics, conservative politics in particular,
really started in my high school years,

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which basically spanned nineteen ninety two to
nineteen ninety six, and of course,

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in nineteen ninety two, Pat Buchanan
runs for president against George H. W.

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Bush. In nineteen ninety six he
runs for the Republican nomination against Bob

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Dole. So already in that period, in the nineteen nineties, questions of

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what the real conservative position should be
on questions like free trade, immigration,

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foreign policy, foreign interventionism, these
questions were already up, and Pat Buchannon

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answered them in the paleo conservative way, which was critical of free trade,

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very skeptical of mass immigration, and
also very much opposed to wars in the

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Middle East, the Gulf War one
in nineteen ninety one. But then,

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you know, already there were folks, you know, Bill Crystal and others

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who were calling for Gulf four two, which we eventually get in two thousand

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and three. So that was sort
of my entree into politics. You know,

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and I started reading things like Modern
Age and Chronicles magazine. Back in

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my undergraduate years from ninety six to
two thousand. Where were you in college

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that interpid? Yeah, I was
at Washington University in Saint Louis. I

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was studying classics and history. There
good sort of conservative background, one might

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say. And actually I was already
involved in conservative activism in various ways in

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college. One of the things I
did is I edited a campus conservative paper.

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Actually I founded one called The Washington
Witness, and that was supported by

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ISISI is the inter Collegiate Studies Institute. It has a division called the Collegian

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Network, which supports campus conservative and
independent publications across America. And my life

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is kind of a circle because now
I'm in charge of the Collegian Network.

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So the very program that helped to, you know, sort of give me

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my start as a campus journalist is
now something that I'm able to give back

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to as isis vice president for the
Collegian Network, right right, And then

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so I know, well, let's
see I do have to say, and

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then we'll start drawing into some issues
that if I mean, I was always

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somewhat critical the paleocons, not you
know, not categorically so, but boy,

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if anybody can claim vindication, it
certainly is the paleocon warnings about all

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the three issues you mentioned, trade, globalization, immigration, unrestricted immigration,

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and then a foreign policy that simply
is okay, we could go on a

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long time about all that, anything
else you want to add. I mean,

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you were at The American Conservative for
a while, and that magazine said

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its ups and downs. But nowadays
it seems to me, you know,

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they're twenty years old, right,
they're celebrating the twenty eight Time to take

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a victory lap for them and the
paleocons more widely, I think, Yeah,

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you know, the American Conservative got
started in two thousand and two because

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so Takie Theodore Acopolis one of the
founders. Yeah, he was supporting a

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section within a New York based publication
called the New York Press, and Tackie

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provided some funding for a section called
Talkie's Top Drawer within the New York Press.

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And the New York Press ran into
some financial difficulties and the question became,

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should Tackee just buy the New York
Press outright or should he take the

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money and start a national conservative publication
nationwide Conservative publication for basically the same cost,

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and his friend Scott McConnell advised him
to start a national publication. And

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Scott and Tackey, even though you
know they both have very long careers in

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journalism, they're not you know,
sort of brand names for the average you

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know, sort of conservative at home, where's Pat Muchanon was? And they

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were both friends with ste Buchanan and
Scott had worked on Buchanan's A two thousand

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campaign. So that's how the American
Conservative got started. But what's interesting about

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it is, you know, Scott
McConnell had a background actually with the New

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York Post, and he came from
a background that you would normally think of

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not as paleo conservative, but perhaps
even closer to neo conservatism. So whether

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that's the New York Post, whether
it's the fact that you know, Scott

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has a PhD from Columbia University,
you know, so he and he comes,

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you know, from New York.
He comes from a you know,

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sort of old wasp family. So
Scott brought a sensibility to the American Conservative

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that made it a slightly different kind
of paleo conservatism than what you were getting

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from Chronicles magazine. Which was the
more long established Midwestern based paleocon magazine.

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So paleo conservatism is a house with
many mansions, you know, there was

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because paleo conservatism was such a such
a different variety of the right from what

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had been dominant even in the nineteen
eighties, and certainly in the nineties and

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two thousands. There was a lot
of infighting and a lot of paleo conservatives

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felt very ill used by, you
know, the conservative establishment, and so

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there was a lot of personal bad
blood, and I think that influenced for

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a very long time how people thought
about paleo conservatism's issues. They thought,

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oh, these are just cranky guys
who can't get along with anyone, and

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so we don't need to take seriously
what they're saying about immigration or trade or

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foreign policy. And then in foreign
policy, you know, I have to

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say it was after the Cold War
Americans, you know, America's foreign policy

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leadership that the establishment was rather intoxicated
by the idea of you know, sort

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of what was Madeline all Bright's phrase, the you know, basically the Fukuyama

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thesis of the end of history was
something that you know, Madeline Albright and

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various others. Indispensable nation, I
think was her phrase, and there were,

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you know, many people were intoxicated
by that view. But interestingly enough,

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there were some folks, you know, conservatives who were not identified as

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paleo conservatives, who were also very
skeptical of the idea that the United States

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should have a mission to police the
world after the Cold War. Jeane Kirkpatrick,

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of course, was one of those
people. So there is this realist

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tradition on the right which in some
ways parallels paleo conservatism skepticism about foreign engagements.

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Yeah, that's right, it's yeah. I mean, even as someone

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who you know, I knew and
admired as much as Charles Crowdhammer was talking

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about America's unipolar moment, and he
was kind of speaking descriptively and factually,

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but there's an undercurrent there also of
using this great you know, we can

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run the world. And yeah,
more and more people I think are coming

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around realizing, as I said a
moment ago, you know, the pain

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Ucons were right. We should have
paid more attention to that then. And

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so anyway, but we're we're really
here to talk about your reissue of Wilmore

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Kendall's The Conservative affirmation, and I'm
going to quote your first sentence be introduction

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in a minute. But I'll just
mention to you because I don't think I've

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ever had before Wilmore Kendall's book The
Basic Symbols of the American Political Tradition.

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That was the first serious book on
American politics I read in college, and

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I was much bold over by it. I know, I'm more mixed view

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of it, but I'm I'm a
fan of Kendall. But you begin in

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a bold way, and we'll draw
on the book this way. But I

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love your opening sentence, which listeners
goes as follows. Wilmore Kendall is the

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most important conservative philosopher of the twenty
first century, even though he died in

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nineteen sixty seven. So explain yourself. Well, he is the philosopher,

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and he was, you know,
a professor of government at Yale University.

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He had real you know training,
you know, as a scholar. He

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was someone who was an admirable of
Eric Vogeland, and his admiration for Vogelin

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comes through in the Basic Symbols of
the American Political Tradition, which you mentioned,

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and also of Leo Strauss. So
Kendall is at an intersection of some

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very interesting and important philosophical confluences,
philosophical you know, rivers of conservatism.

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And he himself was a brilliant man, a cantankerous man, someone who was

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you know, had some various personal
problems, but he is the philosopher of

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the kind of conservatism that is most
salient in America right now, which you

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know, one phrase for it might
be illiberal democracy, a kind of populism

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that is willing to re examin the
sort of verities of you know, the

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kind of liberal democratic mindset right now. Of course, on the right,

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there's a lot of debate over the
place of liberalism, whether American conservatives simply

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are liberals, you know, which
is you know, Joah Goldberg and others

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make the claim that American conservatism is
just the old liberalism. And then you

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have others who identify themselves define themselves
as postliberals. And Wilmore Kendall was ahead

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of this whole debate by many decades
because he was someone who embraced the idea

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of democracy, which you know,
many conservatives are not comfortable with. And

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yet he was also someone who's very
critical of liberalism from the beginning and said

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that America was not in fact founded
as a lockey in liberal kind of polity.

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Yeah, so let's break this down
a little bit and start, I

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guess with populism. You know,
my working definition of populism is when the

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wrong person wins an election. But
it is true though, the populism,

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you know, it's usually the people
against the powerful, and I think more

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or less historically it's thought of as
a phenomenon of the left or a progressive

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You think of William Jennings Bryan and
the populist part of eighteen nineties, and

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no all suddenly with Brexit and Trump, populism as the phenomenon of the right,

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and that's why, of course was
deplored by all right thinking people.

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But Kendall was early on, you
know, sort of a defender of populism

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and defending a maturey terrianism in ways
that are challenging and hard to make out.

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And he also sort of changed his
mind along the route. So I

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don't know how you wanted to code
that, because it is complicated. So

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Wilmore Kendall, as was the case
with many early twentieth century conservatives, went

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through a phase where he was a
socialist, or even a fellow traveler of

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communist, not a cardcaring communist himself, but someone who was close to,

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for example, some of the communist
activists in Spain before the Spanish Civil Wars.

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Interrupt to say that that's always struck
me about Kendall's biographies. He went

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to Spain as a journalist, didn't
he? He did? It was it

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was sort of a side gig as
he was also studying at Oxford University,

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So I'm not sure exactly how he
balanced those two things. There's a recent

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biography of Kendall by a Christopher Owen
that's well worth looking at, but even

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there I wasn't quite clear from that
narrative how he goes from being in Oxford

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as a student to going to Spain
as a as a journalist. Well,

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it's a little murky. But the
reason I bring it up as you think

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of the people who went to Spain
during the Civil War in the thirties and

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includes orwell, Arthur Kessler and Kendall, and there's people who had you had

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been on the left round left a
sympathies, had their eyes open to what

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communism is. That's exactly right.
So and he tendis get forgotten when you

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think about the people who went to
anyway. Sorry, oh no, you're

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you know, you're exactly right.
So Kendall was in Spain a little bit

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before the Civil War broke out.
So but you're exactly right that the experience

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he had is a close parallel for
Orwell and others, because he had many

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friends on the non Stalinist hard left
of Spain. And when the Spanish Civil

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War breaks out, it turns out
that those non Stalinist leftists had more to

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fear from the Stalinist leftists, even
more than they had to fear from Franco.

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And you know, the right,
right, that's right, that's that

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story is receded in the memory along
with the memory of the war. By

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the way, in reading Christopher Owen's
biography of Kendall, something finally clicked,

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you know, something I had i'd
you know, i'd known in a kind

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of abstract way, but had never
really felt before. And that is the

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reason why so many of these former
Trotskyists. So that includes James Burnham to

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some extent, it includes Wilmore Kendall
later on, it includes figures like Irving

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Crystal, a whole variety of people
who move from a version of Marxism into

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the right. But the reason why
many of them wound up with US intelligence

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connections is because if you are the
US intelligence community, what are the values

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you find in the Trotskyist Well,
there are two things that are really helpful

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about them. First, they actually
know the enemy, they know Stalinism,

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they know Communism. But second,
they are the people you can most rely

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upon to hate Stalin because you know, anyone else you know that they may

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feel indifferent, but the Trots,
you know, they have a very personal,

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visceral reason to hate Stalin. So
I think that's you know, a

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part of the twentieth century history that's
important, but that i'd never quite fully,

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you know, sort of comprehended before. Yeah, they think, if

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they thought, they think politically,
and you know, both high and low

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sense of the word. I mean, you know, we're here at this

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conference together, and some people it's
an occupational hazard. They tend to lap

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to the abstractions. You know,
that's your day job here, professor.

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And yeah, the people you mentioned
they think more politically, and so here

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we are. But I should bring
this back to a question you raised a

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moment ago, which is to what
extent did Wilmore Kendall change his way of

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looking at things, particularly h you
know, where the question of majoritarianism is

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involved. So he writes his PhD
thesis as a reevaluation of John Locke as

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a majoritarian rather than a liberal.
And there is this through line in Kendall's

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thinking where he has always devoted to
the idea of popular self government of democracy

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properly understood, although what the proper
understanding of democracy is changes for Kendall over

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time, and he certainly changes his
evaluation of Locke based upon his reading of

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Leo Strauss. So initially, you
know, from his own study of Locke,

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he thinks of Locke as being a
majoritarian and a democrat rather than a

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liberal and a natural rights guy.
When he reads Leo Strauss, he comes

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away and decides, Ah, actually
Locke is a very subversive figure who does

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not believe in, you know,
a virtuous majority rule. Actually, what

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he wants to do is subvert you
know, Christianity and subvert you know,

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kind of Aristotelian natural law. And
so Kendall changes his mind on Locke,

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and but his his majoritarianism, I
think it gets more articulated as opposed to

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being erased so early on. His
understanding of majoritarianism is probably what many listeners

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would think of it's just, you
know, okay, whoever has the most

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votes, you know, gets everything. But Kendall, you know, through

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his study of the federalist papers,
through his careful study not just of you

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know, the Constitution, but of
the documents that lead up to the Constitution,

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going back to things like the Mayflower
Compact and the Fundamental Orders of Connecticut,

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basically Kendall develops a sense of majoritarianism
that is mixed with both the idea

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that you have to have a pre
existing commitment on the part of the people

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to a higher truth basically to God
or to some you know, transcendent metaphysics,

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and at the same time that you
have a certain ultimately articulated in the

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Constitution procedures that allow you to take
what is still a majority rule system,

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but to make sure that it is
a little more deliberative, a little more

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sort of self reflective and examining,
and so you can still have majoritarianism,

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but it's actually a majoritarianism that is
quite localized, that is also you know,

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sort of wrapped together into federalism,
and that has many filters, and

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they're they're popular filters. That's the
key thing that I think many conservatives get

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wrong. And Kendall is very clear
to argue this against other conservatives. Many

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conservatives say, Aha, the Constitution
has all these checks on the people.

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Kendall says, that's wrong. Actually, these are checks by the people on

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the people. So it's not that
there is an aristocracy or some other you

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know, non popular element that is
coming in and you know, correcting the

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people. It's rather that the people
are you know, have through through representatives

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and through the framers of the Constitution, found a way to correct themselves.

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Yeah. I mean the way I
try and explain it to students, and

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usually not directly Brandon Kendall, is
that all those devices that you reference the

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founders had in mind creating majorities that
think you mentioned deliberation and Kendall's additional I

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should say, or i'd say secret
sauce is virtue. You want to have

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a virtuous people, and that's going
to depend on you know, piety,

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religion, Christian faith, and you
know, so you brought up you know,

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his talking about the Fundamental Ords or
Connecticut, the Mayflower Compact and other

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compacts that are also reminiscent of covenants
of the Old Testament. Right. And

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and there's an important point because no, no, that it actually sets up

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a key element of Kendall's thought,
which is there's a difference between a social

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contract, which articulates something, and
a social contract which is seen as creating

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x niolo a new order. So
Kendall rejected a Lockian and certainly a Russoian

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view of a social contract, which
is simply, okay, we're going to

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create not only the law and not
only the state, but even morality itself.

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All of these things are just a
matter of social convention. Kendall totally

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rejected that. He said, instead, what you have is a people who

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already possess revelation. They already possess, you know, historical practices that may

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be sound. They already possessed a
very high degree of virtue. Otherwise they

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would have been extinct, they would
never have made it to the New World.

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But you take these pre existing elements, and then you can have a

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social compact that brings these elements into
play and reformulates how they relate to one

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another. So Kendall's idea of the
constitution and of this tradition, going back

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to the Mayflower compact, is one
in which the social contract is a specifying

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contract, not a creation of order
from a kind of you know, a

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metaphysical wasteland, right or you know, Plato's Republic or something like that.

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Although you know, we're going all
over the place, but it's just fun

300
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with Kenball because he was all over
the place in some ways. You probably

301
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know that one of his provocations in
class, and he taught at Yale and

302
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Dallas and elsewhere was maybe the Athenians
were right to execute Socrates. And that's

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sort of simple majoritarity, isn't But
he was trying to get students to think

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about the fundamental question of well,
first of all, you shake people out

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of the complace and easygoing modern liberal
view that Socrates was a good guy and

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so therefore how horrible the Athenians to
execute him for impiety? And what he's

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trying to bring out is, yeah, but you understand that that kind of

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philosophical inquiry can undermine the pietistic foundations
of a social order. That's the beginning

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of a long tradition of you know, okay, but Kendall would bring it

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up and confront students with it and
they can work through it and there's some

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wisdom. Right. Oh, absolutely
so kendall In he believed correctly. I

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think that every society, every community, has to have a public orthodoxy,

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and that is what constitutes and defines
it. Now, let me use this

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analogy for a reader, for listeners
who might be kind of shocked at this

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idea of you know, yes,
Athens was right to execute Socrates. But

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imagine there was a magic word.
It's a word, but if you utter

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it, it will actually dissolve your
community, destroy it, unleash anarchy and

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disorder. If there were such a
magic word that had that that material power,

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I think most people would say it's
quite reasonable for government to say,

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Okay, that's one word you can't
say. You can say almost anything else,

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but you can't say that magic word. Well, what if the word

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is not magic. What if it's
just a regular kind of argument or an

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argument against, you know, the
very foundations of your society. If that

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has exactly the same consequences as this
magical word I've hypothesized, I think most

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people would still say, you know
what, yeah, maybe maybe there does

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need to be some restriction because if
that really is the consequence of this idea,

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and it leads to, you know, the destruction of your society.

328
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So it's the idea that the safety
of the public order may require some constraints.

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In fact, it always requires some
constraints upon a freedom of speech and

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freedom of expression. And you know, I think people look at Kendall's argument

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here and they say, ah,
this is a censorious guy. This is

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a guy who hates, you know, free speech, doesn't want to argue

333
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or whatever. That's exactly wrong,
because again Kendall has this commitment to deliberation,

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which he thinks is, you know, deliberation is the secret sauce that

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makes majority rule and that makes representative
government function. You can't have deliberation without

336
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a pretty large degree of free speech. So his point is not to get

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rid of free speech, but rather
to say, the basis, the thing

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that authorizes or legitimizes free speech is
deliberation, which has a political goal,

339
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and it has a goal under you
know, the you know, metaphysical horizons

340
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of the community. That is,
that is the kind of free speech you

341
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can have. Whereas if you try
to get rid of those metaphysical horizons,

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if you say, we're not going
to have God, We're not gonna have

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you know, truth, basically,
we're not gonna have anything transcendent. Then

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you know, okay, you have
free speech, but you know what else

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you have? You have a society
with no no, you know, rational

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or revealed basis for you know,
its laws. It's just a matter of

347
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pure force. Yeah. So let's
uh, I want to come back to

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the Conservative Affirmation, the book you
put together, but I'm having too much

349
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fun wandering around, so we'll end
with it is what we'll do. But

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what I want to do is,
so there's two or three data points.

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We mentioned that Kendall died in nineteen
sixty seven, I think it was.

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He was only fifty nine years old, I think, or fifty seven he

353
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had it. You mentioned he had
an alcohol problem and bad health, and

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and so the next point I make
is we were deprived, not like just

355
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a great man on the merits of
it, we were also deprived I think

356
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of what would have been an epic
intellectual debate that I think would have gone

357
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very well on the merits of it
because he died kind of didn't. And

358
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that was with Harry Jaffer, right, because by the way, you know,

359
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you know, and everybody's noted that
Jaffa took after Kendall posthumously for the

360
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Basic Symbols book. Again, I've
heard they used to talk to each other

361
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on the phone for hours in the
middle of the night because rates are cheap

362
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back then. And I've heard the
recording of Jaffa from nineteen seventy one,

363
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I think, referring to his late
good friend Wilmore Kendall. And then the

364
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book comes out, and so we'll
talk about I mean, this may be

365
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an overcrude summary, but Kendall,
who, as you say, came to

366
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Strouss later, he didn't study with
Strouss, but he came to know him.

367
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That a correspondence, Kendell and Jaffa
knew each other. Kendall gave a

368
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mostly favorable review to Jaffa's most famous
book, but he worries at the end

369
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about where this is going. And
then you may have seen this. There's

370
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some evidence that Kendall wanted to take
on jaff on this question of the place

371
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of equality in America, and whether
Jaffa and his followers, like you know

372
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me or Charles Gusterer, pushed the
Lincoln example too far. That would have

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been absolutely sparkling conversation, and because
the two men knew and admired each other,

374
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it would have been entired. It
might have betten very strong, but

375
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it wouldn't have been as you know
the sequels that Okay, But anyway,

376
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so let me try and briefly summarize, and then you help me refine it

377
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to something more precise. The argument
of basic symbols of the American political tradition

378
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was the basic symbol really is this
compact theory. We've already made reference to

379
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it, you know, based on
insand like Covenant and that equally it sort

380
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of downplayed lock in equality and natural
rights and the way that has unfolded in

381
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American politics. I've extrapolated a little
bit and said, and I had this

382
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argument with a lot of my friends
that Kendall may or not. You know,

383
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you can quarrel with Kendall's accountabis On
the other hand, it is certainly

384
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true that the idea of equality has
metastasized in the modern world. Behold the

385
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world with even now of equity.
And I know all the counter arguments about

386
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why that was mistaken and wrong and
the old principles right, But now I've

387
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rambled a long time sorry, Dan, but I think that you know,

388
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that book was an interesting provocation and
here we are today and I'm not sure

389
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who has the best of this.
Yeah, I agree, there would have

390
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been a fascinating ongoing battle. Yeah, I'm sorry. If there's a letter

391
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that Kendall sent to Strauss where he
kind of hints, I'm going to take

392
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on Jaffa and Strauss, I'll keep
mum about it. That would have been

393
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like nineteen what would have had have
been sixty eight or so? So anyway,

394
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sorry for sixty six. I don't
know anyway. Yeah. So Kendall

395
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reviews Crisis of the House Divided by
Harry Jaffa in National Review magazine, and

396
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as you say, it is a
mostly favorable review except the last few paragraphs

397
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where Kendall says, if you have
a philosopher king or a philosopher president,

398
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and he takes this abstract idea equality
and makes that the heart of the political

399
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order, what is to prevent some
next, you know, some flawed philosopher

400
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or flawed president from coming along next, taking that concept, distorting it and

401
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basically, you know, running rough
shot over the constitutional order with it,

402
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and a lot of conservatives, I
think, even those who are not necessarily

403
00:29:10.880 --> 00:29:14.400
engaged in the Jaffa Kendall debate would
say, this is exactly what has happened

404
00:29:14.720 --> 00:29:18.240
that the concept of equality, which
had you know, very defensible, uh,

405
00:29:18.240 --> 00:29:21.839
you know, roots in the Declaration
of Independence and in the way in

406
00:29:21.880 --> 00:29:26.680
which you know Lincoln used it himself, has nevertheless gotten away from any kind

407
00:29:26.720 --> 00:29:30.440
of limitation or control and you know, lends itself to equality of outcome.

408
00:29:32.000 --> 00:29:33.559
Uh. You know, now this
idea of equity which you know, we're

409
00:29:33.599 --> 00:29:37.759
just going to say, let's just
you know, kind of redistribute in order

410
00:29:37.799 --> 00:29:40.759
to get the just outcomes that we
have predetermined are going to be justice,

411
00:29:40.839 --> 00:29:44.319
right, that we're not going to
have leave anything to chance. So equality,

412
00:29:44.480 --> 00:29:47.960
you know, does get out of
control. And nowadays, you know,

413
00:29:48.599 --> 00:29:51.920
many of our friends who are you
know, very close to the Jaffa

414
00:29:51.920 --> 00:29:56.759
tradition would happily agree, yes,
equality got out of control. But they

415
00:29:56.759 --> 00:30:00.480
would say that Kendall went too far
in trying to minimize the role of equality

416
00:30:00.880 --> 00:30:04.599
in both the Declaration and the American
tradition in general, and perhaps also in

417
00:30:04.640 --> 00:30:10.240
you know, fearing that Lincoln was
the beginning of a corruption. For Kendall,

418
00:30:10.640 --> 00:30:15.160
it's it's not that America is founded
on an idea, because it's not

419
00:30:15.640 --> 00:30:21.119
it's not founded upon this, you
know, sort of natural justice conception or

420
00:30:21.200 --> 00:30:26.599
natural right conception of equality, or
of anything else you find in the Declaration

421
00:30:26.640 --> 00:30:30.960
of Independence. Rather that you already
have a pre existing virtue, partly through

422
00:30:32.039 --> 00:30:37.960
revelation and partly through you know,
sort of well the philosophical tradition that Americans

423
00:30:38.000 --> 00:30:44.319
had inherited from Aristotle, that Americans
in the colonial period already were a virtuous

424
00:30:44.359 --> 00:30:48.079
people who understood themselves to be making
their decisions under God, and that this

425
00:30:48.160 --> 00:30:53.079
is the basis for the Mayflower Compact, the Fundamental Orders of Connecticut. Ultimately

426
00:30:53.519 --> 00:30:56.640
to some degree also it is the
Declaration of Independence, and then finally the

427
00:30:56.640 --> 00:31:02.559
Constitution. And Kendall's warning that if
you take this element from the Declaration,

428
00:31:02.640 --> 00:31:07.839
this idea of equality in the abstract, apart from democratic deliberation, and you

429
00:31:07.920 --> 00:31:10.519
say that from this we're going to
derive, you know, the rights or

430
00:31:10.519 --> 00:31:14.680
the procedures that will govern our society. That's what he thinks of the fatal

431
00:31:14.680 --> 00:31:18.480
flaw and will lead to what we
have today. Yeah, my own hunch,

432
00:31:18.480 --> 00:31:22.799
and it's only that or an opinion, is that he had a waste

433
00:31:22.799 --> 00:31:25.799
too. Well, that might have
been not been his last word on the

434
00:31:25.799 --> 00:31:27.960
subject. I think there's other evidence
that, you know, he was very

435
00:31:27.960 --> 00:31:33.599
taken with Richard Weaver late in his
life in ways I can't quite remember now,

436
00:31:33.599 --> 00:31:36.480
but he thought we had some unique
insights into this question of how do

437
00:31:36.480 --> 00:31:38.759
you create a virtuous people? And
well, yes, in fact, i'll

438
00:31:38.839 --> 00:31:45.759
jump in because this does relate to
the Conservative affirmation. So the Conservative affirmation.

439
00:31:45.359 --> 00:31:49.119
This volume of Wilmore Kendall's from nineteen
sixty three, which has now been

440
00:31:49.160 --> 00:31:55.680
reissued by Reregunary with a new introduction
by yours truly. The book is modeled

441
00:31:55.720 --> 00:32:00.400
after Leo Strauss's What Is Political Philosophy? As listeners may know, What Is

442
00:32:00.440 --> 00:32:05.119
Political Philosophy consists of a number of
essays followed by a selection of book reviews,

443
00:32:05.559 --> 00:32:08.640
and Wilmore Kendall's book also is a
number of essays followed by a rather

444
00:32:08.720 --> 00:32:13.720
large number of book reviews, and
included in those book reviews are the review

445
00:32:13.880 --> 00:32:16.680
of Harry Jaffers Crisis of the House
Divided, and also a review it may

446
00:32:16.720 --> 00:32:20.240
not be of ideas have consequences,
but in any case it's a review of

447
00:32:20.279 --> 00:32:22.559
one of Weaver's books, and he
is praising Weaver, although I have to

448
00:32:22.559 --> 00:32:27.759
say, in preparing my introduction,
I went back and reread that review,

449
00:32:28.039 --> 00:32:31.480
and I realized that Kendall was less
favorable towards Weaver than he might have sounded

450
00:32:31.480 --> 00:32:39.279
on my first reading. But basically, the problem that any kind of regime

451
00:32:39.359 --> 00:32:44.279
faces is how can you make sure
the sovereign is virtuous? And a lot

452
00:32:44.319 --> 00:32:45.960
of people would like to solve that
by saying, well, you know,

453
00:32:46.559 --> 00:32:51.720
one particular form of regime is always
virtuous, and other forms of regime like

454
00:32:51.759 --> 00:32:54.000
democracy, are always vicious. And
Kendall, I think was quite wise in

455
00:32:54.000 --> 00:32:58.680
recognizing that's false, that in fact, you know, the thing you have

456
00:32:58.759 --> 00:33:02.079
to have is one who's able to
teach virtue to whatever kind of regime you

457
00:33:02.119 --> 00:33:07.440
have. So in a democracy,
in a representative republic, you still have,

458
00:33:07.960 --> 00:33:12.559
if anything, the office of the
teacher is more important than ever because

459
00:33:12.599 --> 00:33:15.359
you have to educate and perpetuate the
virtue of a larger and larger group of

460
00:33:15.359 --> 00:33:20.640
people. So I think Kendall looked
at Leo Strauss and Eric Vogelan and Richard

461
00:33:20.640 --> 00:33:23.279
Weaver, despite having some criticisms or
differences with all of them, and said,

462
00:33:23.480 --> 00:33:28.920
this class of person. This kind
of teacher is exactly what America needs

463
00:33:28.920 --> 00:33:30.759
if it's going to maintain virtue,
and you need to maintain that virtue in

464
00:33:30.839 --> 00:33:35.279
order to maintain the republic. Yeah, so it's so I've talked about.

465
00:33:35.359 --> 00:33:37.920
You know, he would have quarreled
with Jaffa. He did. He didn't

466
00:33:37.920 --> 00:33:40.119
think much of Russell Kirk. I
don't remember if I know. This is

467
00:33:40.160 --> 00:33:44.240
a whole separate essay in another book
of his, the what we call the

468
00:33:44.240 --> 00:33:46.559
Sage and We Cost or something,
and he was really hard on Kirk.

469
00:33:46.680 --> 00:33:51.680
Well, so I don't think much
of Frank Meyer's fusionisms. I'd say a

470
00:33:51.680 --> 00:33:58.079
little bit about yet other people.
Wilmore Kendall started writing a book. In

471
00:33:58.119 --> 00:34:00.160
fact, it probably would have been
the book he would have written if he

472
00:34:00.200 --> 00:34:06.680
hadn't published The Conservative Affirmation. He
started writing a book which basically was a

473
00:34:06.720 --> 00:34:10.840
series of chapters demolishing every rival Conservative. So Frank Myer is in there,

474
00:34:10.880 --> 00:34:15.519
the Sage of Woodstock, Clinton Rossiter
is in there, right, Russell Kirk

475
00:34:15.599 --> 00:34:19.559
is in there. James Burnham was
going to be in there. Basically it

476
00:34:19.559 --> 00:34:22.760
was going to be Wilmore Kendall versus
everyone. And in fact there is you

477
00:34:22.760 --> 00:34:27.159
mentioned the people versus Socrates Revisited,
which is one of Kendall's famous essays.

478
00:34:27.440 --> 00:34:32.000
The collection of essays in which that
appears is called Wilmore Kendall Contramundum against the

479
00:34:32.039 --> 00:34:36.079
World. And sure enough, you
know, Kendall was willing to take on

480
00:34:36.119 --> 00:34:38.480
all comers. He was going to
write this book of criticisms, and in

481
00:34:38.480 --> 00:34:44.039
fact Wilmore Kendall Contramundum includes these,
you know, chapters that he he created

482
00:34:44.039 --> 00:34:49.000
for the book that he didn't write. His criticism was he thought Kirk was

483
00:34:49.079 --> 00:34:52.519
Unamerican. He thought, you know, Kirk was too interested in British conservatism,

484
00:34:53.280 --> 00:34:55.840
too interested in the idea that you
know, you need to have a

485
00:34:57.239 --> 00:35:04.039
maybe a landed aristocracy, or just
in general, that Russell Kirk was temperamentally

486
00:35:04.360 --> 00:35:07.079
out of touch and out of sync
with his own country. And you know,

487
00:35:07.079 --> 00:35:09.480
I think Kirk would agree to some
extent. You know, there's a

488
00:35:09.519 --> 00:35:14.960
reason he goes and gets his doctorate
from Saint Andrew's University in Scotland. He

489
00:35:15.000 --> 00:35:16.880
really did feel out of step with
the America of his day and age.

490
00:35:16.880 --> 00:35:20.679
Although I think, you know,
to defend Kirk, he would point out

491
00:35:20.679 --> 00:35:23.039
that, you know, his tradition
is ultimately one of a kind of northern

492
00:35:23.039 --> 00:35:28.320
agrarianism or a variety of the Southern
agrarian tradition, which is very American.

493
00:35:29.039 --> 00:35:34.119
So it's not just a matter of
trying to import Europeans into the American bloodstream.

494
00:35:34.480 --> 00:35:37.119
I met Russell Kirk several times,
and I liked him personally. I

495
00:35:37.159 --> 00:35:38.119
didn't get to know him well,
but you know, I always enjoyed his

496
00:35:38.239 --> 00:35:42.960
company and being around him. But
I agree with Kempbell about it. Well,

497
00:35:43.039 --> 00:35:45.679
let's let's suck get directly into concern. We keep ted at about everything

498
00:35:45.719 --> 00:35:51.039
else but conservative affirmation. It has
his chapter defending Joe McCarthy, and of

499
00:35:51.039 --> 00:35:53.840
course that was a big part of
his life. I have to confess I

500
00:35:53.880 --> 00:35:58.400
have forgotten his chapter on the two
majorities of American politics. Can you remind

501
00:35:58.400 --> 00:36:01.159
me when it was? Quickly,
Steve, I know, I think this

502
00:36:01.280 --> 00:36:07.639
is the most important essay. Is
a different please first stated form me because

503
00:36:07.639 --> 00:36:09.480
I'm a mangle. Ah No,
it's it's it's you know, and it

504
00:36:09.559 --> 00:36:12.639
is the kind of thing you have
to revisit once in a while in order

505
00:36:12.679 --> 00:36:15.440
to refresh your memory. So the
two majorities are, on the one hand,

506
00:36:15.599 --> 00:36:21.599
the left wing progressive plebacyitary majority.
And this is where basically you take

507
00:36:21.639 --> 00:36:25.280
a majority, but there's no internal
differentiation, there is no filter. It

508
00:36:25.400 --> 00:36:29.920
is just, you know, it's
basically what progressives even now are arguing,

509
00:36:29.960 --> 00:36:31.880
in fact, even more forcefully than
they were in Kendall's own time. What

510
00:36:31.920 --> 00:36:36.679
do they say? They say the
president should be directly elected. They say,

511
00:36:36.760 --> 00:36:39.079
you know what, why do we
have every state represented by two senators

512
00:36:39.320 --> 00:36:43.519
rather than proportionally? And they look
at Congress and they say, why do

513
00:36:43.559 --> 00:36:46.719
we have districts where we should have
basically maybe at large representation. In fact,

514
00:36:46.920 --> 00:36:49.960
if well, if they got their
way, what they would do is

515
00:36:49.960 --> 00:36:52.320
they would have at large proportional representation, not only by state, but they'd

516
00:36:52.360 --> 00:36:55.119
ultimately say, why even have states, you should just have take the entire

517
00:36:55.199 --> 00:36:59.400
United States and just have you know, a mass vote. Everyone goes out

518
00:36:59.400 --> 00:37:00.280
on you know, maybe they don't
do it all on the same day,

519
00:37:00.280 --> 00:37:04.679
but they all vote, and then
you know, the powers that be decide

520
00:37:04.719 --> 00:37:07.360
who gets you know what slice.
So that's that's one kind of majority.

521
00:37:07.400 --> 00:37:10.840
That is the left's you know,
idea, both in Kendall's day and ours,

522
00:37:12.199 --> 00:37:15.840
of what democracy means. That's that's
precisely what it is. And and

523
00:37:15.960 --> 00:37:20.760
Kendall's criticism of that is when you
have an electorate that vast and when it's

524
00:37:20.760 --> 00:37:23.199
when it when it when it is
not organized into localities, Um, what

525
00:37:23.239 --> 00:37:27.800
you do is you wind up getting
an affirmation for everything and nothing. And

526
00:37:27.840 --> 00:37:30.960
I think Barack Obama in his campaigns
in O eight in twenty twelve was a

527
00:37:31.000 --> 00:37:37.039
perfect illustration of the kind of leader
you get when you have that plebiscitary mentality.

528
00:37:37.039 --> 00:37:42.199
What did Obama stand for? Hope
and change? These utterly banal,

529
00:37:42.519 --> 00:37:47.159
meaningless you know, abstractions exactly,
so you take so so when you have

530
00:37:47.440 --> 00:37:52.519
that vast electorate that has no particular
you know, sort of differentiation or focus,

531
00:37:52.960 --> 00:37:58.360
you can then you know, claim
that you have democratic legitimacy or authorization

532
00:37:58.440 --> 00:38:00.239
from that majority. But in act, what you really have is such an

533
00:38:00.239 --> 00:38:04.800
abstract mandate you can do anything you
want. So it's a kind of suicidal

534
00:38:04.800 --> 00:38:07.320
democracy. It's actually not democratic at
all. The other majority, which is

535
00:38:07.320 --> 00:38:13.199
the kind that Kendall supports, is
the Madisonian form of majority, and this

536
00:38:13.239 --> 00:38:15.440
is one where it is localized.
You do have districts, you have filters,

537
00:38:15.519 --> 00:38:20.679
you have you know, all the
complexities of our constitution, which again

538
00:38:21.079 --> 00:38:24.840
Kendall insists this is not antidemocratic.
This is not an aristocracy imposing its will

539
00:38:24.880 --> 00:38:30.400
on the people. This is actually
making sure that the people has maximum deliberation

540
00:38:30.679 --> 00:38:35.760
through different chambers, through different states, through different districts, and this through

541
00:38:35.760 --> 00:38:39.440
the electoral college, and this kind
of deliberation produces a much better kind of

542
00:38:39.480 --> 00:38:43.960
majority, a much better kind of
government, and a more legislative kind of

543
00:38:44.039 --> 00:38:51.119
government in his theory, at least
than the pletistary, universal kind of you

544
00:38:51.159 --> 00:38:54.280
know, disordered democracy that you find
the progressives endorsing. The I recently get

545
00:38:54.280 --> 00:38:59.000
confused is that there's a lot of
later work in political science on two majorities

546
00:38:59.039 --> 00:39:02.079
that differ from the simple we're simple
minded. But part of it was,

547
00:39:02.119 --> 00:39:07.440
you know, we started seeing with
Nixon and then later Reagan a presidential majority

548
00:39:07.480 --> 00:39:09.480
and a congressional majority, and a
lot of factors to all that, but

549
00:39:09.519 --> 00:39:14.400
it represented different current opinion. Kendall. It would have been fascinating to see

550
00:39:14.400 --> 00:39:16.599
if Kendall lived through those years to
have him update this and reflect upon that,

551
00:39:16.920 --> 00:39:20.960
because he would have said, I
told you so, there's a deeper,

552
00:39:21.159 --> 00:39:23.000
deeper meaning to what's going on here. Yeah. In fact, let

553
00:39:23.000 --> 00:39:28.760
me update the argument there, because
Kendall precisely did see that that there were

554
00:39:28.800 --> 00:39:31.679
different kinds of majorities for the president
and for Congress. And Kendall was always

555
00:39:31.719 --> 00:39:35.679
on the side of Congress. And
as you say, this was I mean,

556
00:39:35.679 --> 00:39:37.639
this is coming off of you know, decades of the New Deal and

557
00:39:37.760 --> 00:39:44.920
Harry Truman. You know, Dwight
Eisenhower was not Yeah, Dwight Eisenhower was

558
00:39:45.000 --> 00:39:47.599
not someone that you know, most
you know, people on the right,

559
00:39:49.000 --> 00:39:53.920
we're all that enthusiastic about. So
Wilmore Kendall didn't like presidential majorities, which

560
00:39:53.960 --> 00:39:58.400
he thought tended to embrace this kind
of abstract, you know, blank check

561
00:39:58.480 --> 00:40:04.599
rhetoric. He preferred aggressional majorities because
there you have the people organized in districts,

562
00:40:04.679 --> 00:40:08.880
organized in localities, having concrete discussions
and having deliberation. Now, in

563
00:40:08.920 --> 00:40:13.519
the nineteen seventies, I think,
shortly after the Nixon era, perhaps in

564
00:40:13.559 --> 00:40:16.119
the midst of the Carter years,
Jeffrey Hart, who was a senior editor

565
00:40:16.159 --> 00:40:21.639
at National Review, decided to revisit
Kendall's thought on this, but to argue

566
00:40:21.679 --> 00:40:23.639
the other side and to say,
basically, the only way to reign in

567
00:40:23.679 --> 00:40:29.000
the administrative state is with a powerful
president who has a mass mandate and so

568
00:40:29.239 --> 00:40:34.480
Heart kind of turned around Kendall's argument
and said, actually, Kendall was right

569
00:40:34.599 --> 00:40:37.039
about what happens, but he was
wrong to take the side of Congress as

570
00:40:37.039 --> 00:40:42.239
opposed to a vigorous executive, who
is the only kind of power you can

571
00:40:42.280 --> 00:40:45.840
have that can take on At that
time, it was the administrative state that

572
00:40:45.039 --> 00:40:49.440
a Heart was worried about. But
today a number of conservatives would say you

573
00:40:49.519 --> 00:40:52.159
need that kind of presidential caesarism.
And in fact, caesarism was the very

574
00:40:52.159 --> 00:40:57.639
word that both Kendall and James Burnham
used in discussing this. They say,

575
00:40:57.679 --> 00:41:00.519
you need presidential caesarism not only to
take on the administrative state, but also

576
00:41:00.559 --> 00:41:05.760
to take on the media, big
tech, all these powers that are outside

577
00:41:05.760 --> 00:41:08.079
of government but in fact rule our
lives. Yeah. Boy, that's a

578
00:41:08.199 --> 00:41:14.360
very live theme right now. So
I mentioned one mention. One last chapter

579
00:41:14.360 --> 00:41:16.559
and we'll draw here to a close. Is this chapter on freedom of speech

580
00:41:16.639 --> 00:41:22.599
right in the middle, and I
think this is his essay that you talked

581
00:41:22.599 --> 00:41:24.360
about the full circle in the world
in a small world. That drew upon

582
00:41:24.400 --> 00:41:28.480
the work of one of my teachers
who was a liberal, Leonard Levy,

583
00:41:28.679 --> 00:41:32.280
famous constitutional historian. It was in
the late fifties. It was very scrupulous.

584
00:41:32.320 --> 00:41:37.559
His story, the funny story that
you might appreciate. He did a

585
00:41:37.599 --> 00:41:39.199
lot of work showing that at the
time of the Founding and even after the

586
00:41:39.239 --> 00:41:45.159
First Amendment, that the understanding of
free speech was very different than it came

587
00:41:45.199 --> 00:41:50.119
in modern times. And the fact
that esectually it ratified Kendall's idea that it

588
00:41:50.199 --> 00:41:53.920
really does need to be a public
orthodoxy and that you defend against. And

589
00:41:54.559 --> 00:41:58.920
I know that. Oh one of
his books, I remember, the one

590
00:41:58.960 --> 00:42:01.280
that Kendall liked, was showing that
Thomas Jefferson, the great civil libertarian,

591
00:42:01.400 --> 00:42:06.840
was those complete hypocrite when he was
in office, arresting newspaper editors, suppressing

592
00:42:07.119 --> 00:42:10.840
the media. And Levy told me
one time that Felix Frankfurter, who he

593
00:42:10.920 --> 00:42:15.119
knew quite well the Supreme Court,
saw the manuscript and begged Levy not to

594
00:42:15.159 --> 00:42:20.400
publish it. This is dangerous to
the cause of civil liberties today. But

595
00:42:20.519 --> 00:42:23.079
Levy was scrupulous, honest guy published
it. And then Wilmore Kennaball picks up

596
00:42:23.079 --> 00:42:25.519
on it and runs with it.
And let me say, Levy was a

597
00:42:25.519 --> 00:42:28.800
liberal be with actually the guy,
but he always sort of like, oh

598
00:42:28.840 --> 00:42:31.360
my god, I didn't know this
national your conservatives are gonna grab my arnor

599
00:42:31.679 --> 00:42:36.199
anywhere. Funny stuff, but but
still worth reading. And that's a great

600
00:42:36.199 --> 00:42:38.280
it's a great book. It's Jefferson
and Civil Liberties, The Darker Side,

601
00:42:38.599 --> 00:42:43.480
And I think it is one of
the books that Kendall reviews and the Conservative

602
00:42:43.480 --> 00:42:45.480
Affirmation, So I think that's in
there, or at least some discussion of

603
00:42:45.519 --> 00:42:51.559
Levy is in there. Yeah,
Kendall, he thought that I don't think

604
00:42:51.559 --> 00:42:55.880
he's correct about this, that the
John Stuart Mill variety of absolute free speech

605
00:42:57.239 --> 00:43:00.159
and which is a corollary to this
idea of an open society. He thought

606
00:43:00.199 --> 00:43:06.280
this was an innovation, this was
something that did not exist in the American

607
00:43:06.320 --> 00:43:08.880
founding. And certainly Jefferson's own record, you know, supports the idea that

608
00:43:09.159 --> 00:43:14.519
Jefferson was not a million you know, free speech absolutist, and I mean,

609
00:43:14.559 --> 00:43:15.679
you know, just by the bye, I mean, you know this

610
00:43:15.719 --> 00:43:21.039
story as well. Jefferson really prided
himself on starting the University of Virginia.

611
00:43:21.320 --> 00:43:24.840
And but Jefferson was really worried about
the fact that he had histories by David

612
00:43:24.920 --> 00:43:29.960
Hume in the University of Virginia because
David Hume who you know, is often

613
00:43:30.000 --> 00:43:34.159
not seen as the radical right wing
Mastrian or something. But David Hume,

614
00:43:34.320 --> 00:43:37.719
you know, at various times,
because he's an honest historian, gives the

615
00:43:37.719 --> 00:43:40.239
Tory side of British history and says, actually, maybe the Tories are right

616
00:43:40.280 --> 00:43:45.360
and maybe the Whigs were bad.
And Jefferson thought, well, that's subversive,

617
00:43:45.440 --> 00:43:50.079
we might so Jefferson actually commissioned,
I think someone to go through and

618
00:43:50.400 --> 00:43:57.880
produce a you know, apracy,
a compressed version of Hume's history that eliminated

619
00:43:57.920 --> 00:44:02.039
the Tory buyas. So Jefferson was
not above censorship in a public as well

620
00:44:02.079 --> 00:44:07.760
as a private as well as public
capacity. So yeah, Kendall rejects the

621
00:44:07.800 --> 00:44:12.880
idea of you know, a million
absolute free speech. He also, very

622
00:44:12.920 --> 00:44:16.400
astutely in this essay in The Conservative
Affirmation, points out that in fact,

623
00:44:16.440 --> 00:44:22.079
the whole million position the open society
is a fraud and that actually when whenever

624
00:44:22.159 --> 00:44:24.280
these progressives gain power, what do
they do? They shut up their opponents.

625
00:44:24.639 --> 00:44:29.000
And you know that was true in
Kendall's day in the nineteen sixties,

626
00:44:29.199 --> 00:44:32.679
it is true in spades today.
So yeah, I always prefer our universities

627
00:44:32.719 --> 00:44:38.199
these days as our East German universities
complete with their own stas to force orthodoxy.

628
00:44:38.559 --> 00:44:42.360
Well, last question, that's really
kind of a comment, but you

629
00:44:42.400 --> 00:44:45.199
can turn into question if you want. The main thing thing they mean about

630
00:44:45.239 --> 00:44:49.920
Kendall is that he was not always
changing his mind, but you could see

631
00:44:50.000 --> 00:44:53.480
him following things and adding on to
and modifying his views and seeing new things,

632
00:44:54.079 --> 00:44:57.840
much more so than a lot of
scholars who, although they developed new

633
00:44:57.880 --> 00:45:02.159
thoughts, they sort of follow more
familiar pathway and it seems more zig Zaggy's

634
00:45:02.199 --> 00:45:06.480
not quite right. But there's something
fascinating and utterly unique about him. That's

635
00:45:06.559 --> 00:45:09.400
what makes him compelling to me.
Yeah, there's a sense in which his

636
00:45:09.559 --> 00:45:13.880
thought is a work in progress,
which is, you know, some people

637
00:45:13.960 --> 00:45:15.239
might say, oh, that's a
criticism that he didn't have, you know,

638
00:45:15.599 --> 00:45:20.320
a final doctrine that we can all
agree with or disagree with. But

639
00:45:20.440 --> 00:45:23.400
actually, when you delve into his
work, what is so wonderful about it

640
00:45:23.480 --> 00:45:29.039
is you can see a powerful mind
working through these fundamental questions, and that

641
00:45:29.159 --> 00:45:30.920
I think is one of the most
inspiring things a teacher can do. So

642
00:45:30.960 --> 00:45:35.280
his text will still do that for
you. The other really fascinating thing,

643
00:45:35.280 --> 00:45:37.519
and I think this is a great
compliment to his character. Is that Wilmore

644
00:45:37.599 --> 00:45:40.760
Kendall even when he was you know, he had been a don at Oxford

645
00:45:40.800 --> 00:45:45.639
Universe, sorry, a don at
a Yale University. He was, you

646
00:45:45.679 --> 00:45:49.920
know, someone who had considerable achievements
of his own. He was always willing

647
00:45:49.920 --> 00:45:52.639
to revise his own thought based upon
reading someone who basically was a peer of

648
00:45:52.679 --> 00:45:55.559
his. So he would read Leo
Strauss and say, wait a minute,

649
00:45:55.559 --> 00:46:00.280
I was wrong about John Locke.
Leo Strauss is right about Locke. He

650
00:46:00.280 --> 00:46:02.320
would read Eric Vogelin and say,
ah, here are some of the answers

651
00:46:02.360 --> 00:46:07.800
I've been looking for to understand how
revelation and reason and a tradition relate to

652
00:46:07.800 --> 00:46:12.320
one another. And similarly with Richard
Weaver. Even though I think again he

653
00:46:12.400 --> 00:46:16.199
may not be quite as enthusiastic about
Weaver as one might immediately think based on

654
00:46:16.239 --> 00:46:21.400
this review, he does think that
Weaver has you know, clearly stated this

655
00:46:21.559 --> 00:46:27.000
need for an overarching metaphysics in a
way that that Kendall himself finds very valuable.

656
00:46:27.440 --> 00:46:30.480
The phrase in that review is that
you know, Kendall says, you

657
00:46:30.519 --> 00:46:32.760
know, with maybe one or two
slight modifications, he would vote for,

658
00:46:32.920 --> 00:46:37.559
you know, Richard Weaver to be
the captain of the conservative intellectual team,

659
00:46:37.960 --> 00:46:40.119
which which indeed is high praise.
So I think what we'd say is he

660
00:46:40.679 --> 00:46:44.920
was open minded in the right sense
of that term. Well, he was.

661
00:46:45.400 --> 00:46:47.960
He was his mind was always working, yea. And I think that's

662
00:46:49.480 --> 00:46:52.599
that's that's an important distinction because you
know, I mean, we've talked about

663
00:46:52.639 --> 00:46:55.719
paleo Conservatism and some of these other
conservative schools of thought. One of the

664
00:46:55.760 --> 00:46:59.559
things that frustrates me about almost all
of them is that they reach a point

665
00:46:59.599 --> 00:47:02.920
of a where it's simply, you
know, rain or shine, you're carrying

666
00:47:02.920 --> 00:47:06.920
the same umbrella. And in fact, you know, the world is a

667
00:47:06.960 --> 00:47:09.599
very complex place, and there's a
need constantly to be you know, not

668
00:47:10.000 --> 00:47:15.320
changing our minds, but rather refining
and deepening or understanding. With Wilmore Kendall,

669
00:47:15.360 --> 00:47:19.199
that sense of ongoing deepening is there. And so I disagree with people

670
00:47:19.199 --> 00:47:22.519
who think that Kendall is inconsistent.
I think rather there is a logical sequence

671
00:47:22.559 --> 00:47:27.840
to the development of his thought and
tracing it and then following it beyond where

672
00:47:27.880 --> 00:47:29.719
he went because of course, you
know, as you mentioned, he dies

673
00:47:29.800 --> 00:47:31.280
quite young, and there's a lot
of unfinished work, a lot of you

674
00:47:31.280 --> 00:47:36.480
know, sort of Machiavelli, as
you know, has this wonderful you know

675
00:47:36.559 --> 00:47:40.000
image early in The Prince where he
talks about how a tradition is like a

676
00:47:40.039 --> 00:47:44.480
wall where there's a brick sticking out, because you use that brick to build

677
00:47:44.519 --> 00:47:46.960
the next component of the wall.
In the same way with Wilmore Kendall,

678
00:47:47.000 --> 00:47:52.119
the very fact that his ideas are
in some ways in unfinished means that there

679
00:47:52.199 --> 00:47:54.360
is this call for other scholars and
thinkers to come and to you know,

680
00:47:54.440 --> 00:47:59.039
take the bricks that are hanging out
and start building that next component of the

681
00:47:59.079 --> 00:48:00.960
great Wall of Western civilization. Yeah. No, he gave us a great

682
00:48:01.000 --> 00:48:07.440
model on how to keep thinking.
And congratulations Dan on this collection and we'll

683
00:48:07.480 --> 00:48:15.480
put it in our bags and think
from here. Thanks Steve. So.

684
00:48:15.559 --> 00:48:20.719
I think Virgil Thompson's The Plow that
Broke the Planes is the right bumper exit

685
00:48:20.800 --> 00:48:23.960
music for any discussion of Wilmore Kendall. I hope you'll go get the Conservative

686
00:48:24.000 --> 00:48:28.679
Affirmation. Check out also the links
in the show notes for this episode for

687
00:48:29.719 --> 00:48:34.320
contrasting points of view about Kendall,
and always come back on Saturday for the

688
00:48:34.320 --> 00:48:37.760
three whiskey Happy Hour, and don't
forget to milk the soft power dividend.

689
00:48:37.800 --> 00:48:51.800
Bye bye, everybody, Ricochet.
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