WEBVTT

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From power Line blog dot com and
produced by Ricochet dot Com. This is

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the power Line Show with your host
Steve Hayward. This Sunday, the member

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states of the European Union will be
going to the polls to elect their members

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of the European Parliament. Now,
the European Parliament is a rather opaque organization

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to most Americans. We're not really
clear what it does, but actually it's

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somewhat opaque to Europeans as well.
In any case, it's all linked up

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with the European Union bureaucracy in Brussels, the subject rightly of a lot of

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suspicion, and the campaign is in
full swing through the continent. Here in

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Budapest, where I still am at
the moment, there was a march last

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weekend of several hundred thousand people campaigning
on behalf of the Conservative candidates for the

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country, and I gather similar things
are happening at other countries around the continent.

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Now, the polls suggest that populist
parties or center right parties insurgent parties

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are likely to do very well in
the elections this weekend. We'll just have

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to see. There are a few
outliers, like the Alternative for Germany Party

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AfD, which has lately encountered some
problems because of some basic conflicts and uncertainties

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about what they're all about. Meanwhile, on July fourth, Britain will go

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to the polls for the first time
in five years, and all the polls

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suggest that the Conservative Party is going
to get wiped out. They look to

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be heading to a historic defeat after
what I think thirteen years in office and

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seemingly unable to get their act together. Well, I thought the person to

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decode both of these is one of
my hosts here in Bouot, and it's

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the famous John O'Sullivan American listeners may
remember, was the editor of National Review

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for many years back in the late
eighties and early nineties, where he was

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way ahead of the curve and raising
issue of immigration and what he liked to

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call the national question, meaning you
know, what's the national identity of the

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country and what waves of mass immigration
mean for that, both here and in

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other countries, And in that respect
he was an early prophet of what became

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the national conservatism movement, both in
the United States and around the world.

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Currently, John lives here in Budapesta, where he is the president of the

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Danube Institute. He was, as
you may know, a chief speechwriter for

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Margaret Thatcher for a long time,
as well as spending time in America and

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at all the premiere publications on Fleet
Street. So with his finger on all

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these issues, I decided to have
a conversation with him about what to look

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for, what these elections are about, what's behind all this And so without

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further ado, here is John O'Sullivan. So, John, I want to

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talk to you about the upcoming elections. The European Parliament elections are coming in

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about the week and a half here
in Europe, and then on July fourth,

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kind of an ironic day for Americans, will be the next national election

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in Britain. So, first of
all, most Americans, I think don't

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really have a good feel for what
the European Parliament is and what it does.

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And then we'll get the politics side
it. Maybe you can be called

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it just briefly in the summary form
for mostly American audience. Well, the

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European Parliament was initially not directly elected
by the voters. It was Parliament's which

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sent their members to Strasbourg and those
delegated MPs, where in fact they were

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the European Parliament. But now for
the last twenty more years or more,

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it has been directly elected. As
a result of that, it wants to

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exercise more power. Problem because it's
powers are fairly well circumscribed, and so

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they're trying to use votes on matters
in which they have And this is the

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left. It's fundamentally when he left
parliament, but we can we might look

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into that. But because of that, they try to use votes in the

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parliament to pressure both national governments but
also the European Commission, which is the

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executive arm of the European Union.
They try to pressure these bodies, and

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these bodies, particularly the European Commission, are quite happy to bend to that

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pressure to pursue more powers, to
give themselves more power over member states and

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in particular of course on moral issues, on everything except the economics, to

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push Europe, the European Union as
a whole, to the left, so

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to the extent that the Americans are
familiar in all the European Parliament. That

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remember Niger Farage, who am I
right to say that he couldn't have been

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elected the parliament in England. He
was such an outlier in British politics.

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But he could be elected to the
Parliament. Well, it's slightly difficult to

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answer your question. I'll tell you
why you say that that Nigel could.

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He tried several times to be elected
to Parliament and he didn't get in.

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That itself doesn't tell you a lot
because he was not standing for one of

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the major parties and it's very hard
for anybody to get in. But we

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discovered in the Brexit debate that he
spoke for actually the majority of the country.

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Now neither major party wants to concede
that they and they are very hostile

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to him. And for example,
although he helped the Conservatives to gain their

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eighty seat majority last time, neither
he nor any other member of his party,

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the Brexit Party then Reform now has
been given any seats in the House

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of Lords. I regard that as
a scandal and a shame and borishing me

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ashamed of himself because he was the
man who drove a hard bargain but didn't

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even give some of the ceremonial treats
that British government can hand out to Nigel.

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So I think that Nigel is an
extremely important figure. We don't know

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if he'll carry on being important.
After all, he's been important now for

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about a decade without the benefit of
a political party. So we now have

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to see whether or not in the
new politics, which are basically quite favorable

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to him in the sense that there's
now a large number of people who share

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his critique, his criticism of the
UNI Party, the way in which both

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of these parties tend to adopt the
same policies. Not only were they against

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Brexit, but the Laborers and Conservative
Party until the brief period of Boris's leadership,

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the labor and Conservas have been shadowing
each other on other masses too.

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They're both in favor of net zero, although it's fairly plain now that this

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is completely disastrous policy and isn't and
is in any way doesn't it go anyway

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to achieving it's professed aim, namely
to reduce the temperature levels average temperature levels

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in the following industrialization. Well,
right, I mean the brief digression.

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But net zero is a great con
game. I mean, you know,

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twenty years ago it was in an
eighty to ninety percent reduction from baseline level.

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Net zero means you leed lots of
room for cheating, and that's what's

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going to happen? Right, Absolutely
well, now the kind of just But

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on the other hand, it had
the allegiance of the entire House of Commons.

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When the Climate Change Act, which
enshrines it was first pass only five

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members of Parliament voted against it from
a house of about six hundred and thirty

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MPs. So there was a sense
for a long time that it was inevitable.

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But the reason I felt argue that
it wasn't inevitable we could and should

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fight it was because if it was
seriously attempted, it would impose intolerable living

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standards, price increases, and higher
taxes on the majority of people, and

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there'll be no reason to think that
they would go along with that. They

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would in fact rebel. And that
has happened, and it's come as a

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terrible shock to all of the adults
in the room who tended to think they

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could put one over on the voters. Right. We'll follow up on that.

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This is a bit arcane even for
me. But was there really nobody

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who was skeptical or was this one
of those votes that had what are you

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called the four line whip or whatever
it's called, were the imposed party discipline

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or do you know, I don't
think it mattered really. I think I

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would guess that there were two votes, the most recent one, but they

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both, however, had massive majorities. And the fact that everybody else seems

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to be believe it means that anybody
who doesn't believe it is going to have

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to have very strong principle, very
strong character, more simply a willingness to

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fight for what he believes. And
as I say it turned that turned out

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to be fives of parliament. Yeah, oh boy, right, all right,

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So back to the European parliamentary election
scene from Afar. The general news

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is that popular center right parties rebelling
against Brussels had been gaining strength Marine Lapan,

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showing great strength in France. I'll
set aside AfD for just a moment

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in Germany Ian to talk about them
specifically, but and I gather that the

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expectation is that those parties are going
to do very very well on this selection.

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Is that sound right? Yes?
The general view is that what are

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called far right obviously falsely but far
right or populist parties look like doing well

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almost everywhere, which will turn out
to be an exaggeration. But almost everywhere

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except Britain. And the reason Britain
is the exception is that first of all,

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we're not in the European Union and
we won't be in those elections,

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but in Britain's own election. The
problem for the Conservatives is that they've been

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in past since twenty ten. They
have done very badly. They didn't handle

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the pandemic well. They have really
not got the benefits that are available under

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Brexit because they're running skirred of EU
reactions and there are other many other things

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like that. So because they're in
power and because everybody thinks that they not

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only have not done well, but
on the issue of immigration, have lied

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about what they were going to do
and actually they have. Instead of reducing

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immigration to the tens of thousands David
Cameron's pledge in twenty ten, it has

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in fact risen to several hundred thousand
and is currently producing a very significant,

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i think change in the way in
which public affairs are debated in England.

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People are very worried about growing anti
Semitism, which they attribute in part to

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high levels of immigration from the Middle
East, and they are very worried about

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the fact that there are clear physical
threats to Jewish people on Saturdays in London

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when these big marches occur. So
there's a general feeling of great anxiety apart

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from other things, and so they
weren't. So the Tories suffer from the

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fact that they've been in when they
haven't done much of any good at all.

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Right, Yeah, I mean,
yeah, that's right. That's side

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of that is Johnson missed his opportunity
to on COVID. Yeah, but so

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did President Trump and a lot of
people who I think should have known better.

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And then your immigration and then in
that zero business. It's all going

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to be worse under Labor though,
isn't it. I mean, understand the

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impulse to throw the bums out there
have been laughs too long and would say

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more about that, but yeah,
I mean, I don't, I don't

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mean to laugh, but I mean
the Labor Party is hardly a sensible alternative

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to those problems. No, And
it doesn't look as though the insurgent right

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wing party so to speak, Reform
is going to get enough votes to win

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any seats they might get, you
know, as many as eighteen twenty percent.

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At the moment they're getting about twelve. But even if they were to

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get twenty percent. That could mean
that they still don't win a single seat.

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So the general feeling is you're correct
that the Tories are going to be

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punished for what they have and haven't
done in office. Labor is likely to

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win. Sorry, the other conservative
parties just are stymied by the two party

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system. Labor is almost certain to
win, is the general view. A

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slight question mark is now being raised
against that expectation, and that is that

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because of what's happening in the Middle
East, because the Labor Party has not

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been prepared to accept the demands of
the pro Palestinian, the pro Palestinian demonstrators

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and voices which are strongly influenced by
the Muslim religion in their own party,

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that they will not do as well
with the Muslim voters everybody expected. They're

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going to suffer the same problem that
the Democrats are facing in the States,

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which is to say, on the
one hand, they are seen by Jewish

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voters and by people who are worried
about the attacks on Jews, as not

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being strong enough to defend the civil
rights of everybody, including Jewish citizens you

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know, who are not immigrants.
They're born and brought up for generations in

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England, and secondly, they are
not satisfying the demands of those who would

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like to see a Palestinian and embrace
the Palestinian statehood. And so there's a

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feeling that they may not do quite
as well as they expected, having as

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everybody expected about a month or two
ago. But having said that, it

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still looks as though they will win
a majority, a clear majority and former

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government and the Tories will be reduced
to well, some people think below one

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hundred. Some people think it'll be
more like one hundred and fifty one hundred

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and eighty. Yeah, So well
I stick with that from how do they

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rebuild? I mean we just said
that. I mean after the Tories were

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way down under Tony Blair, who
was a very talented man. Yeah,

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but then came back finally under I
mean, I don't know David Cameron's incapable

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of what rather bland, but no, they came back. So I don't

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know what's the toy is going to
have to go back to their Tory roots

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and Thatcher right roots to get going
again. Well, it does appear that

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one of the things that is now
happening is that rather than fight the election,

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quite a lot of people at the
Tory Party, preparing the ground to

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fight for control of the party when
it goes into opposite and now. Until

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recently, the people who seem to
be talking most strongly about getting control of

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the party and making it a more
genuinely conservative party were the people who were

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talking the most. But just lately
members of what's called the One Nation,

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which is malely liberal group of conservatives, they are talking now about saving the

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party from alert to the right.
It looks likely as though most of the

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people who lose their seats simply because
the majorities are smaller than the others,

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will be the people on the right. And it's not likely that people like

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Zuela Bravoman, who is admired for
the courage that she has taken in quarreling

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very publicly with the Prime Minister on
immigration and control. It's not likely that

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people who who are like her in
seats which they probably their personal reputation probably

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won't save them. That doesn't often
happen in the British system. So there

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will be a you know what,
they call it a dunny Brook in Tory

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politics when it's over, and that
will last for a couple of years,

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I think. But the electoral dynamics, which have been well laid out by

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Matt Goodwin, the political scientist,
in a couple of recent books on populism.

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The most recently is called I Think
the New British Politics Not quite right.

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I have a reviewer in the Clermont
Review in fact coming up. It

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looks to me as though there is
going to be the Tory Party is going

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to be forced to become a Conservative
or else it will stay out for well

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probably two, three or four elections. Oh boy, I think what the

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number? I heard something like eighty
Conservative members are not standing for election?

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That's right, Yeah, I heard
seventy eight eight. Is that typical when

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you're facing a white belt. I
suppose there's a tendency for that to happen,

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But I think it's something more too, which is that quite a lot

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of the Tory Party, particularly people
brought in by David Cameron, who attempted

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to create deliberately bring an intake of
young progressive people into the party, they

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were never really comfortable in the Conservative
Party. They were on the opposite side

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to the majority of its members on
Brexit. They started leaving five years ago,

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and though quite a few of them
have just simply been glad to sort

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of say, well, we're going
to lose any way, we might as

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well go into private life and maybe
make some money instead. Now, so,

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yes, I think that will be
a fact as well, what you

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might call that disproportionate resignations. Right, let's go back to Europe for a

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moment. So I've been following from
AFAR with some interest, the AfD alternative

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for deutsch Land, and I don't
trust what I read a lot of the

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media about them. On the other
hand, you know, our mutual friend

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Mario Fantini has been very cautious about
them and mixed in's evaluation, and most

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recently I think they've been either expelled
is that the right word? From one

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of the sort of international consortions of
populist parties. I did any Unpan Parliament.

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What's your assessment of them? I
mean, was it always a sort

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of unstable or unclear? I mean, I think this thing began fifteen years

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ago with a bunch of economists.
I was told that's right, it began.

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I used to call it the International
Alliance of German bankers because what they

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were most concerned about when they founded
the party was actually they didn't want to

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go into the Europe or they want
to go in on much more restrictive and

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anti inflationary terms. And yes,
despite the fact that the despite the manifest

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respectability of their aims and interests,
they were treated by German media and others

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as a monstrous, kind of dangerous, neo fascist group of people. The

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German German media is it suffers from
a permanent German version of Trump derangement syndrome,

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and so everybody who comes along looks
to them like another Trump. And

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that's what that's the that was the
problem. Now, as you say,

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its character has changed. It's become
a party which is strong as first of

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all in Eastern Germany rather than in
the old Western Germany. Secondly, they

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are undoubtedly strong, powerfully motivated by
issues like immigration. And thirdly they are

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not so that they are They are
themselves a various, very gated bunch.

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And I think it's probably reasonable to
say that most members of the party are

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simply right wing conservatives, but there
are one or two who we discover every

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now and then who have other points
of view which are probably too probably dangerous

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or at least highly unrespectable. Now, the truth of the matter is that

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there is something going on in German
politics which is extremely interesting and which the

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conservatives have never yet grasped, nor
of the centrists, and that is that

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there is also in Germany and in
other parts of Europe, the potential which

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is now beginning to be realized for
left wing populism, people who have socialist

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policies in a very clear way,
and at the same time not left wing

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on gender, who want to control
immigration, who take the view that you

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may remember Bernie Sanders expressed until he
was bullied out of it, that an

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open immigration policy is damaging to workers'
rights and to and you know, it

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prevents the tight labor market which benefits
the workers in iowages. So I think

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that we're going to see quite soon
some changes in German politics because there is

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now a vowedly left wing populist party. It's new and it's small, but

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the potential for us is there,
and it's there in other places. In

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fact, one of the things about
Hungary which is interesting is that Victor Auburn

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obviously saw populism emerging and Fidez is
a conservative party. It's not a populist

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party, but it's a party which
like and Borris did the same thing five

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years ago in England. It reached
out it's with its right arm and brought

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the populist voters into the into the
party. And if you if the Conservatives

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don't do that in any given country, they're going to find that the left

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winger comes along and takes I don't
know a third of those votes, sure,

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right, yeah, oh my goodness. Yeah. I think AfD has

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been polling well in Germany, something
like over twenty percent. That's right.

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It's it's the second largest party I
think at and has been for some time.

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What is interesting is the way in
which in Germany, in the European

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Parliament, in Ireland and in several
other countries, what you have is the

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development of what i'd call gram coalition
politics. You've got a party emerging on

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the right. People say it's unrespectable, wicked, can't have anything to do

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with it. So the conservative voters
start not voting for the Christian Democrat parties

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say at that point, the Christian
Democrats, which used to be in all

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of these countries probably the most the
largest, most stable governing party, almost

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always in power, they find themselves
shrinking and they find in order to stay

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in power. They and the Socialists
and now the Liberals get together in the

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Grand Coalition. It has happened in
Ireland, and it's happened in the European

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Parliament. Now for the first time, there is a real prospect. Personally,

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I think it will This will not
quite happen, but there is a

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real prospect that the governing coalition in
the European Parliament Liberals, Greens, Christian

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Democrats and Socialists, we'll find that
it falls just below fifty percent. I

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think it will be a buppet.
But if it falls below fifty one percent

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of the votes of the Parliament,
you could begin to see really serious changes

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in Europe. Without that, I
think we have, we'll have to wait

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for another five years. Oh boy, Well, let's let me ask you

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about two questions about America and then
we'll wind it close. This left right

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coalition it's harder to work out in
America except on the level of ideas,

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and I'm thinking of, in particular
some aspects of the National Conservatives. By

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the way, they always seem to
schedule the conferences. When I have a

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scheduled conflict can't come. But you
know, I know or in cass I

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like his work. I'm skeptical of
his calls for industrial policy because I kept

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saying, when did we decide that
Walter Mondale was our right? But i'd

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I mean, I understand the impulse, I agree with it, but and

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I keep thinking, well, I
wonder how that's going to fall out.

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And in fact, you know,
people like Soba Mai and I think Oren

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have made some overtures to central left
thinkers, pro labor people, pro union

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people, and hasn't gone well as
my perception, But there's been anyway,

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how do you size up all that? What? It seems to me that

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this needs to be a lot more
work to really figure out how to make

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that work. That's the policy?
Want go no, no, No,

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Well, I think I'd say two
things. The first is that for me,

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national conservatism is an attempt to say, why did the Conservatives after nineteen

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eighty nine and for about twenty years
after that, why did they abandon the

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idea that patriotism and nationalism will pass
natural paths of the Conservative coalition they always

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had been before, they are going
to be in the future. I couldn't

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quite understand why that had ceased to
be true. I think it's something to

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do with the fact that the elites
at the top of conservative parties in Europe

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and to some extent in America found
the supporters who were still, as they

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saw it, knuckle dragging reactionaries,
embarrassing and they wanted to in a sense,

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go away from that anyway. So
that's the first thing. Is I

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happen to think that the argument that
has an he makes in his book this

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is a very important argument that in
most cases it is the case that a

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country which is a national democracy is
better than one in which it's one country

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in about ten and they have to
quarrel about what their policies are with all

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of the others to get in thething
done. So that's the first thing.

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And the second point is that in
sorry, what I think, what's going

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to make for us? Well,
maybe it'll come back to your So last

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00:27:57.720 --> 00:28:02.119
thing I was going to ask about
is speaking here shortly after Donald Trump has

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been convicted in this crazy kangaroo court. By the way, I'm going to

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00:28:06.079 --> 00:28:08.880
ask Tony Abbott and I forgot whether
kangaroo Court is an insult to Australians,

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and he said, if you called
the Wallaby Court it would be anyway.

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And I don't know you. We
spent some time living in America some years

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ago, and I don't know what's
your sense of things? I mean,

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I have a sense of where this
is going, but I don't know do

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00:28:22.839 --> 00:28:26.480
you have a prediction or expectation or
what your what's your evaluation where things stand?

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Right? Yeah, I mean I
think everybody seems to me that.

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And this is you know, I'm
sitting in a comfortable office here in a

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country which is actually more reasonably at
peace with itself because there are disputes and

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arguments, but still, and everybody, even the people who would be particularly

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favorable to all Man's government, there's
they tend to look at what's going on

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in America and to be very worried
about it. You must, and they

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also so there are people here who
will tell you when I hear what the

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left is saying in America about gender, about immigration, about the about the

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about economics of all of these things, I feel that's what it reminds me

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of my youth when I was living
under the Communists. And there is this

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sense that the kind of wokery is
a kind of of Marxism that has gone

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to sleep for twenty years and woken
up after with some very new ideas and

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00:29:41.519 --> 00:29:48.039
so now that's an inadequate account,
but nonetheless that's what people feel. And

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so I think the sense of anxiety
for America is quite strong in Europe.

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And the second thing is I think
in America, because of course I managed

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an American and live in America and
come back and forth zon, is that

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00:30:04.920 --> 00:30:11.440
sense of anxiety is quite strong there
people. And that's true for England as

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00:30:11.480 --> 00:30:18.880
well. We're living in a period
of extreme nervousness about the people we put

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into government, which is interesting because
the odd thing about the current campaign in

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the British election is how dullage is. It's very, very dull, and

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partly because it looks as though we're
going to march in lockstep and with our

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eyes closed into voting for a labor
government. And nobody likes that, but

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they somehow feel that it's inevitable.
And I would say that probably that's probably

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right, But it also means that
you cannot rule out a surprising reaction,

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maybe in reaction to some damaging event, and so right up to the last

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minute, I think people could change
their mind. Yeah, you know,

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I kind of a hunter. It's
going to be closer than people think too.

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I mean, you know, I
think back to John Major pulling off

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an upset election. I mean,
he was certainly a bland fellow I think,

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sound I suppose, but I think
it was a great campaigner on the

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00:31:15.559 --> 00:31:18.240
stuff is what people used to tell
me. But yes, I don't think

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that was the reason I think.
I mean, I'm not not attacking I

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mean, he fought to a good
campaign. But the really interesting thing I

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think was the way in which there
was a kind of people use the term

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Nurumberg style rally by labor a week
beforehand, and I think that's a bit

355
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unfer tokay. But and people kind
of rebelled against the notion that these people

356
00:31:45.160 --> 00:31:51.200
were going to be running their lives
the next and that could happen again.

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Though Kirshtarmer obviously thinks that's the main
risk to him, and so he's running

358
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a campaign of extreme caution. And
you have this very peculiar situation in which

359
00:32:04.720 --> 00:32:07.200
the Tories are saying we're going to
spend more money on this and this and

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this right and I was saying,
oh, I don't think so. We

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really have to reduce borrowing before we
can think of spending money again. It's

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the two parties have changed personalities for
the duration of the campaign, and of

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course it doesn't bode well for public
policy, and certainly not for Tory policy.

364
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But and it's obviously in a sense
fallacious that they can't hold their breath

365
00:32:36.400 --> 00:32:38.839
for four full years, can they? No? Right? I mean I

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think the Democrats. I mean,
we think back to the famous Wellstone funeral

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in nineteen ninety four, I think
it was, whatever year it was.

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Maybe there's more reason than that in
two thousand and two, but I could

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easily see them doing the same kind
of thing if they can turn anybody out.

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I mean, these Biden rallies are
embarrassing. But yeah, and then

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that's very funny, of course,
right, exactly, bigger crab. Well

372
00:33:01.160 --> 00:33:06.160
then, but your general analysis of
the anxiety and happiness, that's why I

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think Trump is gonna win, and
maybe win big. We don't know.

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00:33:09.319 --> 00:33:14.039
It's a strange world, but that's
what I expect right now. Well,

375
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yes, and I can see why
you do, and I probably would show

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your view. The one thing which
alarms me slidely is, given the very

377
00:33:22.400 --> 00:33:30.640
good reasons for anxiety and nervousness,
why isn't his lead bigger in the states.

378
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The key states it's four put four
points, five points, three points.

379
00:33:36.000 --> 00:33:39.559
I'm surprised it's not more. And
I recently read an arka by a

380
00:33:39.559 --> 00:33:45.319
guy on the left who argued,
I think, very reasonably and interestingly and

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00:33:45.359 --> 00:33:50.359
from his own point of view,
it wasn't his advantage. He said he

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00:33:50.440 --> 00:33:59.319
thinks that the figures for the Democrat
turnout are false and that that the victory

383
00:33:59.359 --> 00:34:06.200
will be bigger for Trump partly because
the figures are misleadingly good for the Democrats.

384
00:34:06.480 --> 00:34:08.840
Yes, I mean we now have
two big elections where Trump ran ahead

385
00:34:08.840 --> 00:34:13.239
of his polls. Yeah, and
why wouldn't you expect that? I know

386
00:34:13.280 --> 00:34:15.519
the posters are trying to correct and
all kinds of things, but then they're

387
00:34:15.800 --> 00:34:20.679
scared of death of all these surveys
showing growing strength among minority voters for Trump.

388
00:34:20.679 --> 00:34:22.679
Oh yeah. I did ask Glenn
Lowry the other day, who's got

389
00:34:22.679 --> 00:34:29.119
this terrific new look out about He
has criticized conservatives for not sort of giving

390
00:34:29.199 --> 00:34:31.199
up on blacks and inner city and
I kind of agree with him in a

391
00:34:31.199 --> 00:34:34.599
certain extent. I asked him,
whatever happened to Enterprise Zone? Do you

392
00:34:34.599 --> 00:34:37.880
remember those forty years ago? Nothing
ever came of that really, and there's

393
00:34:37.880 --> 00:34:42.599
been no replacement that I've really seen. But yet you see these numbers of

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00:34:42.880 --> 00:34:45.480
And Glenn's answer was simple. He
says, it's not a vast majority,

395
00:34:45.519 --> 00:34:50.760
it's not a huge ground swell,
but more and more blacks and Latinos are

396
00:34:50.840 --> 00:34:53.280
tired of being condescended too. I
think there's something to that. Well.

397
00:34:53.920 --> 00:35:00.920
Glenn and I have been conversations back
in the eighties in which I was trying

398
00:35:00.960 --> 00:35:05.480
to involve him in discussions and he
was quite keen to be involved in fact,

399
00:35:06.920 --> 00:35:14.280
in which we discussed American the American
identity as one that in principle did

400
00:35:14.679 --> 00:35:22.079
contain everybody, but but somehow or
other, significant portions of my racial ethnic

401
00:35:22.119 --> 00:35:27.000
minorities didn't feel that it did.
And what could we do about that?

402
00:35:27.199 --> 00:35:35.559
Now? As those conversations resulted in
our in the National Review making the national

403
00:35:35.639 --> 00:35:38.639
question a major issue, and I
think we now look very good in reference.

404
00:35:38.920 --> 00:35:43.039
Yes, and I think you know, so Glenn was part of that,

405
00:35:43.119 --> 00:35:46.320
but he and I we drift.
I mean, there's nothing significant.

406
00:35:46.320 --> 00:35:51.440
He just had to do other things
and so we and we lost touch of

407
00:35:51.480 --> 00:35:53.119
it. I'd like to make touch
and I'd like to get in touch with

408
00:35:53.159 --> 00:35:57.440
him again, actually, because I
do agree with you that he is very

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talented and he's pursuing an extremely interesting
line of argument, and it's a line

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of argument which is creative and positive
about the about identity as opposed to divisive

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and frankly absurd. Right. Well, John, thanks very much. I've

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been a terrific visit here in June. I'm looking forward to coming back again

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soon. That's great because you're always
welcome here. And of course we have

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and we have a lot going on
too, so I mean, I've just

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00:36:25.920 --> 00:36:31.320
advise your listeners. You know,
we have a website. Everything we do

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00:36:31.599 --> 00:36:36.599
eventually ends up there, and sometimes
it's a bit of a way because we

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have so many things going on,
but it will all. And so when

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I when I hear, you know, people on the left say that we

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are dangerously reactionary, right, I
say, well, okay, quote me,

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you know, yeah, right,
No, I'm staggered by the level

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of activity not just here here at
dannyb Institute, but at the MCC and

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there's all kinds of other things,
the Center for Fundamental Right, and it's

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it's astounding the level of activity,
I mean relative to the population or the

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size of it it's it's amazing,
so you can learn a lot from him.

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So okay, thanks John, Thanks
Steve Ricochet. Join the conversation.

