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We're back with another edition of the
Federalist Radio Hour. I'm Emily Jishinsky,

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culture editor here at the Federalist.
As always, you can email the show

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at radio at the Federalist dot com, follow us on exit fdr LST.

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Make sure to subscribe wherever you download
your podcasts, and of course to the

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premium version of our website as well. We are joined today by Jeff Paul.

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He is the author of the new
book Winning America's Second Civil War,

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Progressivism's Authoritarian Threat, Where it came
from, and how to Defeat it.

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He is also a research professor in
the Social Philosophy Center at West Virginia University.

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Jeff, thank you so much for
joining us. Thank you for having

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me, of course, and before
we started, you mentioned that this book

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again it is called Winning America's Second
Civil War has been on your list on

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your agenda for more than a decade, some fifteen years. Can you tell

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us a little bit about why that
is. A lot of people maybe didn't

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feel like we were in such a
cultural emergency or a period of urgency until

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maybe twenty twenty, but you say
this has been on your mind for a

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long time. Can you tell us
a little bit about that. Yeah,

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when you go to graduate school,
indeed, when you're an undergraduate school,

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even though this was in my case
a very long time ago. I was

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an undergraduate in the sixties and a
graduate student in the late sixties into the

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early seventies. The first thing you
notice, if you're in the social sciences

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or the humanity is the disparity in
political outlook between what you find in universities

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and what you find outside of universities. And it's so dramatic that you wonder

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how it came to be that way, or why it is that way.

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So I was curious. And then
a book came out in the early nineteen

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seventies by someone with whom I became
a close friend subsequently, and the book

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was called The Divided Academy, and
it was a massive survey underwritten by one

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of the Carnegie Foundations of sixty thousand
faculty members. And what it showed was

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an extraordinary disparity between public opinion on
political matters and the faculty opinion on political

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matters, and they were exactly the
reverse of one another. And as I

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began to read more, sir,
as time went on, and there were

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tons of them being done in the
seventies, eighties, nineties, this disparity

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became ever greater. You may have
heard of the Harvard Crimson now does its

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own survey of its faculty, and
the one in twenty twenty two reported that

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its faculty, if they asked them
whether they were liberal or very liberal,

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or conservative or very conservative, the
faculty, whether it was the engineering faculty,

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the medical faculty, the physics faculty, or whether it was the political

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science faculty, the faculty as a
whole, characterized themselves as eighty percent liberal

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or very liberal, one percent conservative, and zero percent very conservative. This

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is very strange when you think about
it. What accounts for the disparity between

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the political outlook that one finds to
be standard in the universities and what it

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is outside of the universities. Indeed, the universities look like a secular church

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of sort of a political church,
a place in which only one point of

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view is being presented at most institutions, with a few exceptions. And that

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puzzle caused me to want to investigate, since no one could explain to me

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why it was this way. Although
I had been warned by one of those

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who did this survey that all the
indirect evidence suggested this way back to the

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year nineteen hundred. This disparity has
been the same and getting worse since nineteen

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hundred. This didn't happen in the
last ten or twenty years. It didn't

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happen in the nineteen sixties with the
New Left and SDS. It started way

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before that. So I realized I
had to read the history of the American

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tertiary education system higher education. And
I did that, And so the book

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reports on that history, and I
started in about eighteen thirty five and go

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to the present. So and I
found the exact point at which it flipped.

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It didn't flip gradually, and there
was specific reason why it flipped.

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So let me just say a few
words. If I'm going on too long,

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please tell me no, not at
all. This is also interesting,

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okay, So let me tell you
what the universities were like. Let's say

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zapmdebt dot com. Zapmdebt dot com. You know I was actually going to

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ask you about that anyway. One
of the most interesting arguments in your book.

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You trace a lot of this back
to Germany and show how sort of

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was imported into the United States.
So please continue right. The United States

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was founded on a singular political philosophy
a view that had never been announced in

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recorded human history before sixteen ninety and
has not been particularly persuasive since, but

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it led to all of what we
see in the United States, its freedoms,

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its wealth, everything. The view
was that all human beings have a

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right of self ownership. They have
a property right in themselves which comes from

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nature, and that the right of
self ownership therefore implies a right to liberty

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with respect to oneself, and in
addition, a right to the product of

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one's labors. One can go about
protecting these rights in one of two ways.

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One can defend oneself and stay outside
of government, or one can coalesce

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coalesce with people who hold the same
views that human beings have these specific rights

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and form a government devoted to their
protection and according to the natural right view

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as described by the British philosopher John
Locke, which became the central doctrine,

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and that book became the central book
for the Founders. According to Locke,

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the only legitimate grounds for forming a
government was to protect these rights, and

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a government, therefore, if it
is legitimate, is circumscribed in its duties

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to the protection of these rights.
And these rights are pre legal, being

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pre legal. They are superior to
any written law, including the Constitution.

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One could go back to the Constitution
because it's written, and one can look

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at the exact, exact wording,
and so on. The others. The

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rights are conceptions. They've been put
into the Constitution so that they're there in

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written language, but they are pre
legal, and one has them whether they

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are written anywhere or not. So
upon the Founding, of course, the

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founders recognized before the Declaration of Independence, and began writing about this before the

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Declaration of Independence, that this view
was totally inconsistent with slavery, and that

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slavery had to be purged. And
so with a revolution and them not having

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purged it, but it disappearing state
by state, they still decided that they

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had to have states like South Carolina
and Enjoyed to participate in the revolution to

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make sure it was successful, and
not have Britain allies that were inside the

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inside of this continent. Afterwards,
there began this controversy which became intense in

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eighteen twenty about slavery. It became
so intense it could only be resolved by

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military means, and that's the first
civil law, and so that represented the

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triumph of this view that there are
natural rights and it is government's duty to

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protect them. When they were defending
themselves verbally, the Confederates, the defenders

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of slavery, rejected these rights explicitly
and said the individual has only duties that

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are accorded by government, and government
should be formed according to race, and

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the Teutonic was a superior race,
so it should be it should be superior

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to the rest and issuing duties and
orders and so forth. But that view

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had been defeated on the field of
battle. Ten years or so after that

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First Civil War was completed, there
began the preface to a second Civil War.

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I call what we're going through now
the Second Civil War. I'll be

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more specific later. The preface to
it began in about eighteen seventy five or

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eighteen seventy six. Here's what happened. The universities in the United States,

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mostly they were they called themselves colleges
because they only gave baccalaureate degrees and a

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few master's degrees. No doctoral degrees
were given, with the exception of Yale

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in eighteen sixty one, and it
gave three or four teen sixty one.

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But they weren't like what we think
of as doctoral degrees today. Since the

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faculty at Yale was comprised of people
with bachelor's degrees and master's degrees, none

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of them had doctorates, yet they
were awarding doctorates. They were awarding doctorates.

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In eighteen sixty one, in order
to have genuine doctoral programs, the

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universities concluded they had to have doctorates
on their faculty and place the doctoral programs

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in the hands of those with those
doctorates. The only country which had had

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doctoral programs had them and had had
them for two hundred years was Germany,

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and Germany had research universities, which
the leading American colleges aspired to be,

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and so they decided that they would
hire Americans with German doctoral degrees as the

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graduate faculty in universities which hadn't had
a graduate faculty but wanted them so that

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they could give genuine They could award
genuine doctoral degrees give genuine doctoral training.

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So the import of these Germans began
in the mid eighteen seventies, particularly with

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the founding of Johns. Hopkins University
in eighteen seventy six, and continued from

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there on. Columbia was a major
participant in this I would say the two

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leading participants were JOHNS. Hopkins in
Colombia, then followed by the rest the

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Ivy League colleges Michigan, Wisconsin,
Berkeley, and so on. Now,

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this was enormously successful in terms of
what the presidents had intended the outcome to

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be. That is, in mathematics, physics, chemistry, biology, in

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the natural sciences, in medicine,
it meant an enormous leapforward for American tertiary

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education. But in the social sciences
and the humanities it was ten steps backward

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or many more, because the philosophy
that was imported from Germany was the exact

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antithesis of the founding philosophy. No
one had rights, No one has a

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right to self ownership. The nation
is not essentially comprised of individual human beings.

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It is rather itself an organism,
and the human beings are only the

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cellular components of the organism, who
therefore have a duty to maintain, as

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it is with all organisms, the
existence of the organism. So if you're

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in Germany or your duty is to
preserve and extend the life of the organism

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which is Germany. And so there
are no rights. There are only duties.

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Well. Who formulates the specific duties. It's the faculty at these institutions

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and their allies. Outside the institutions. The principal ally are their students who

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enter. What Germany had we have
now in the twenty we had in the

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twentieth century developed in the twentieth century
the bureaucracy, the administrative state, the

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fourth branch of government in the United
States, which was created and by these

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very people, specifically a man named
good Now at Columbia and the Woodrow Wilson

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at Johns Hopkins initially, which is
where he got his doctoral degree. This

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idea of a fourth branch which would
not be elected, which would have extraordinary

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powers, the powers effectively of making
law, but they'd call them rules,

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And that fourth branch would really be
an expression of this philosophy in which the

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superior person, not by virtue of
being elected, but by virtue of his

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superiority, can formulate rules while not
being elected, can formulate rules which everyone

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has a duty to obey. That
given the faculty, the doctoral faculty that

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came from Germany had an initial monopoly
on graduate education as it was being founded

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in the United States. They could
train and hire their successors, and so

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with each generation this initial Germanic philosophy
became amplified. And the central principle of

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that is that there is an elite
which is superior, which can issue orders

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which must be obeyed, there are
no rights. And that has grown worse

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year by year, decade by decade, from the mid eighteen seventies to the

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present, and it has spilled over, of course, since college attendance has

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been much greater, far greater in
the twentieth and twenty first century than it

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was in the nineteenth century, many
more college degrees, many more people entering

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college, and so on. It
has in a since it has polluted the

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rest of the culture, so that
by the nineteen twenties journalism was dominated by

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people with the same point of view. One of the early and eventually most

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esteemed columnists in the United States,
Walter Lippman, was one of the first

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major American journalists who was the product
of his system. Journalism by the late

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nineteen thirties was nderantly they were members
of the Democratic Party. I should also

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say one more thing. The people
initially with German doctorates could not identify themselves

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by the term that the Germans used
which was in Germany a good term of

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characterization, but in America would have
been a despicable term. They were called

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state socialists and called themselves state socialists. In Germany, a number of state

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socialists are cited by the Nazis as
being the origin of their own views.

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And so they were being trained by
these people. And so when you read

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both the Germans and the first generation
of Americans, you can't tell which is

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which if you just see English,
because you can't tell who's been translated and

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who's an American who doesn't require translation. So that that's what's happened. And

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when these Americans came to came back
to the United States, they needed another

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term to characterize themselves and characterize their
views, which differed from those of the

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majority of Americans, a majority of
academics when they came. When they re

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entered the United States, the term
they chose to disguise their views was the

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name of one of Germany's parties,
the Progress Party, and they called themselves

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Progressive. That's where the name comes
from. It comes from this generation that

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was trained in Germany. And I
should mention, in addition of the German

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generation which trained this American generation is
the same generation in Germany which trained the

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Nazi Professauia. So they shared the
same views that became national socialism in Germany,

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but they used this term progressive to
disguise what they were. After World

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War One, the term progressive became
an embarrassment because of its association with Germany,

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and so they began to look for
another term. The term they seized

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upon was liberal, and they could
use the term liberal as they chose because

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they had a monopoly on education and
that. The term liberal was then absorbed

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into the media, into journalism,
and then it was used to describe the

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first thoroughly experience, the first experiment, let's say, full scale experiment in

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progressivism, which was an FDRs New
Deal. So that's what I would say

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about how we got to where we
are now, and I mean I can

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say more, I guess. The
only other thing I would add is that

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what had transpired the university went out
of sight of its trustees, its donors,

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the general public, etc. Up
until nineteen fifty. And what happened

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in nineteen fifty was a young graduate
from Yale wrote a book called Godman at

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Yale, and his name was William
F. Buckley, the founder of National

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Review, and he exposed what was
going on at Yale University. He didn't

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know why it was that way.
He talked about the homogeneity of the views

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of economists there, which were the
antithesis of the views that he expected to

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be presented by the economics department,
and he was appalled. His book was

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excoriated by the press and by academics
who reviewed it, but it was the

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first glimpse the public got at what
the universities that were educating America's children young

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adults had become. Now Buckling never
investigated how it got this way, but

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that it was this way was an
enormous revelation to many, and they began

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to focus on doing something to reform
the America's universities. But they've never been

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reformed. This trends just persistent.
Hello, thank you for listening to The

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That's actually what I wanted to ask
you about, because that's just such a

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00:26:51,039 --> 00:26:56,519
such a fascinating history. In the
book, you'll also talk about what can

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be done. In fact that it's
in the sort of title of the book,

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00:27:00,200 --> 00:27:06,839
winning Winning America Second Civil War,
and you have some specific ways that

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00:27:06,920 --> 00:27:08,759
you think that war can be won. Could you tell us a little bit

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00:27:08,799 --> 00:27:15,640
about what should be done to reverse
the guide let me say, let me

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00:27:15,680 --> 00:27:25,079
say two things before I get to
the specifics. My view is that building

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from the ground up, i e. Reforming the universities, reforming how we

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make appointments to the Supreme Court,
what criteria we use when we appoint someone

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to the Supreme Court. Reforming state
universities first by using certain devices and policies,

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doing things like eliminating all federal support
of universities, whether public or private.

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Those kinds of things would hopefully have
a long term beneficial effect. However,

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I'm very concerned that we don't have
a long term I think we've reached

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a crisis point in the United States, and so I think it is very

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important because I believe that Democratic Party
has been thoroughly corrupted by what has transpired

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educationally and then the media in the
United States. If the Republican Party is

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to get a majority in the United
States, it can only be through something

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that benefits, that has such benefits
to the middle class that it can put

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together easily elition of the majority of
Americans. And therefore I've proposed a complete

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revision of the tax code and the
tax system that we have in the United

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States as grounds for a new policy
prescription for the Republican Party, and that

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is a universal tax on the sales
of everything to replace income payroll taxes both

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for the individual and for businesses,
the estate tax, the gift tax,

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the capital gains tax, and so
on, so that individuals would only be

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paying about one percent on all purchases
that they make, and that would include

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the of stocks, bonds, and
derivatives. And most of the revenue from

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this new system would come from those
transactions, the sales revenues that are gathered

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from those transactions ninety percent of the
revenue. And what we found I had

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three columnists and myself working on this
for two years. What we found is

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going back over a ten year period
in the decade for which we had a

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00:30:30,119 --> 00:30:37,480
lot of data going Before that the
data was less reliable, and after we

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didn't have data yet. So what
we found was that this system, though

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it might seem intuitively implausible, would
raise more revenue than the current system.

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To give an example, from twenty
nineteen, which was the very first year

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that we investigated, the money raised
by the current system was about three and

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00:31:03,799 --> 00:31:11,839
a half trillion dollars, which fell
short of balancing the budget by one point

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one trillion dollars. Adopting this new
system in replacement would have balanced the budget.

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It would have raised about four point
six trillion dollars. And we found

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that to be the case for all
ten years going back to twenty eleven and

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through twenty twenty one. So because
I believe had this been discovered what I've

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discovered in this history that I've done, had it been recognized and discovered,

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let's say around nineteen hundred, perhaps
there could have been an immediate reform gone.

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I think there could have been,
because the trustees would have been outraged,

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the donors would have been outraged,
and so forth. But trying to

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do it now the current conditions is
very difficult, and I should specify that

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it has been tried by many foundations, many organizations that I've been affiliated with

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for seventy years now, But seventy
five, I would say, and it

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hasn't. It's had some successes,
and I talk about them in the book,

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but the successes were not sufficient to
restore the trajectory of education to its

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original character in the social sciences and
the humanities. So I think that this

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tax proposal, which I began to
explore when I realized just how perilous the

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current condition, and which we worked
on for two years, is probably the

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most important of the prescriptions that I
give in that final chapter for how to

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00:33:13,400 --> 00:33:20,200
reverse things. All they want to
do is keep you poor and stupid.

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The Watchdot on Wall Street podcast with
Chris Markowski every day Chris helps unpack the

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00:33:23,720 --> 00:33:28,440
connection between politics and the economy and
how it affects your wallet. Some of

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00:33:28,480 --> 00:33:30,960
the media are trying to tell you
it's bad if your prices go down,

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00:33:31,039 --> 00:33:36,279
causing a deflation spiral. If prices
go down, are people really going to

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00:33:36,359 --> 00:33:39,279
hold off on buying things? Doesn't
everyone need groceries. Whether it's happening in

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00:33:39,359 --> 00:33:43,599
DC or down on Wall Street,
it's affecting you financially. Be informed check

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00:33:43,599 --> 00:33:46,119
out the Watchdot on Wall Street podcast
with Chris Markowski on Apple, Spotify,

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00:33:46,200 --> 00:33:54,319
or wherever you get your podcasts.
Yeah, and I'm curious if you are

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00:33:54,359 --> 00:34:00,960
optimistic there's an appetite to take up
proposals like this and innovative specific do you

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00:34:01,079 --> 00:34:07,800
see you know as you survey the
political landscape, ideological landscape, that there's

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hope for people, serious people,
serious legislators to take up these proposals and

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really, you know, turn the
Titanic around. The tax proposal is going

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00:34:22,920 --> 00:34:25,400
to take some work. I can't
say a lot about it at the moment.

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My group of economists is represented by
one of the people is beginning to

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00:34:36,519 --> 00:34:46,840
share the proposal with some highly esteemed
economists and we're going to have to see

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00:34:46,840 --> 00:34:52,039
how that goes, who have access
to the media and so forth. We're

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00:34:52,079 --> 00:34:57,159
just going to have to see how
that goes. It's too early for me

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00:34:57,400 --> 00:35:06,280
to report whether we've had any success
with that. So that's in that.

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That's what I would say about that. I would say immediately, I think

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the Democratic Party, it's not it's
everybody sort of ascribes whatever's happened over the

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00:35:17,960 --> 00:35:24,880
last four years to Joe Biden.
But you could exchange him with many other

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00:35:25,000 --> 00:35:29,599
Democrats, and you would have had
the same policies and the same outcome.

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I then extremely important for the Republicans
and for Donald Trump particularly to win this

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00:35:37,039 --> 00:35:43,880
next election. I think it's pivotal
because I think if you look back the

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00:35:43,960 --> 00:35:50,639
last four years, in fact,
if you look back to about twenty fifteen,

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00:35:51,239 --> 00:36:00,119
the behavior of the Democratic Party and
it's supporters within what's everyone refers to

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00:36:00,199 --> 00:36:06,440
as the deep state and so forth, has been quite appalling. The use

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00:36:06,480 --> 00:36:13,559
of law fair which began, of
course in twenty fifteen against Donald Trump.

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00:36:14,360 --> 00:36:19,320
This sort of thing's never been seen
before. There have been elements of it.

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00:36:19,719 --> 00:36:23,559
There have been elements of this,
and I think gives some examples from

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00:36:23,599 --> 00:36:30,719
both the Kennedy administration and the Roosevelt
administration, but nothing like this, Nothing

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00:36:30,840 --> 00:36:37,199
like what we've seen and what we
see here as an autocratic party is willing

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00:36:37,239 --> 00:36:45,320
to do most anything to acquire power. And I think the similarity between what's

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00:36:45,400 --> 00:36:52,639
going on here and what transpired in
Germany under much worse conditions, the conditions

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00:36:52,639 --> 00:36:53,800
of the depression, are quite similar
