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We're back with another edition of the
Federalist Radio Hour. I'm Emily Dashenski,

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culture editor here at the Federalist.
As always, you can email the show

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at radio at the Federalist dot com, follow us on x at fdr LST,

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make sure to subscribe wherever you download
your podcasts, and of course to

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the premium version of the Federalist dot
com as well. Today's podcast is a

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special one. I was actually at
an American Compass Media symposium last week at

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the National Press Club. I was
super interesting. I was on a panel

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with David Leonard of the New York
Times and the Washington bureo chief of The

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Economist as well. As We're talking
about how the media can better represent,

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or better reflect or better the various
sort of needs the everyday lives of people

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outside of the belt weigh and particularly
the working class. So of course that's

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fascinating to hear from The Economist and
the New York Times about how they see

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that problem. David Leonhardt is one
of the people at the New York Times

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that was sort of pushing their coverage
in a somewhat better direction on COVID,

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taking a little bit of a risk
there on their COVID coverage, their school

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lockdown coverage that was more in tune
with the rest of the country arguably then

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the kind of the New York City
bubble, and he was very kind.

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Economists was very kind. It was
quite an interesting event overall. You know,

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my take is basically that until these
sort of class biases are really reckoned

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with, there are going to be
gaping blind spots in any media coverage period

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ticularly from places like The New York
Times. And I think this is you

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know, their biggest problem is they
don't concede their biases. They still truly

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believe to their core on their news
side that what they're doing is the sort

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of aspirational neutrality that mass media had
for a really long time. That you

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know, you're the example that I
always use, and listeners here have heard

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in a million times of Johnny Carson
and Stephen Colbert. If you apply that

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to the news media. Johnny Carson
was not a political He was, you

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know, sort of he made plenty
of political jokes, but he was the

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top rated host in late night.
He had to appeal to everyone because there

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was few there were fewer choices,
and so advertising dollars went to the person

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who could draw the most eyeballs.
And you know, you look at Stephen

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Colbert, he's so political, he's
barely funny. And yet he was for

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a while during the Trump administration,
the top rated host in late night TV.

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But with a much smaller section of
the public. You can apply that

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to the news media. So if
The New York Times just kind of admitted

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that it was for affluent Adam Rubinstein
is out in the Atlantic with some reflections

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on what happened with Tom Cotton's at
ed in twenty twenty. He is one

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of the right of center people on
the opinion desk at the time. And

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I knew Adam a little bit when
he worked at the Weekly Standard because they

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shared an office with the Washington Examiner, a really interesting guy. The Atlantic

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piece, he's talking about how they
were doing icebreakers and his question was what

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his favorite sandwich was, and he
said Chick fil A, And a human

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resources person was not happy about that
because he said that his favorite sandwich was

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a spicy chicken sandwich from Chick fil
A. So again, the New York

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Times as evidenced by the whole Tom
Cotton debacle that you can read more about

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in Adam's New Atlantic piece, and
James Bennett, who was basically forced out

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after that he was the head of
the opinion desk, has written a long,

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long piece in The Economist about this
as well. They did that because

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they are now subservient to a tiny
slice of the public, which is their

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subscriber base. They have a pretty
robust subscriber base of affluent, educated people

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who have the will and the money
to subscribe to The New York Times,

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and they don't want to see op
eds from Tom Cotton, not even you

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know, sort of mainstream conservative arguments, as was the case with his peace

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I don't even know that you could
call that a conservative argument. At the

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time, it was polling pretty well
with the country in general. So you

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know, if the New York Times
kind of reckoned with that, understood that,

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you know, they were fully responsive
now to a small slice of the

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public that their aspirational neutrality is impossible
because the vast majority of their journalists have

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these sort of outward biases when it
comes to trans identity, black lives matter,

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Donald Trump, faith, all of
those different things, marriage, abortion

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that you know, are not allowing
them to even aspire to neutrality anymore.

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Great you know that we could start
talking about all of their errors and how

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some of their blind spots are leading
to errors. But if we could at

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least dispense with the lie that there's
any sort of ability on behalf of these

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journalists at the Post, the Times, places like The Atlantic to come down

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with a neutral perspective. I guess
maybe The Atlantic isn't the best example of

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that. SID never really purported to
be neutral, but the Times, the

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Washington Post, ABC, NBC,
CNN, they're sort of lie to the

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public that they are aspiring towards neutrality, when in fact they're openly embracing all

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kinds of very specific positions. I
think dispensing with that lie would at least

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be helpful, because then, you
know, it wouldn't be you wouldn't have

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as much weight to Paul Krugman writing
about how everyone's fine economically or whatever else,

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and we could just sort of have
a serious conversation about where we're coming

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from, and that will lead to
truth. It will lead to better coverage,

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and you know, people need to
be hired from different backgrounds and all

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of that. This is a tangent, but some reflections on the conversation that

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we had at the Media Symposium with
American Compass, which was just a really,

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really fascinating discussion, And on the
sidelines of the symposium, I had

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the opportunity to chat with Johnny Burka, who's the president of the Intercollegiate Studies

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Institute and doing a lot of good
work over there. He also is out

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with a new book on statesmanship.
So Johnny and I were supposed to do

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a podcast later in the day,
but we were both in the same place,

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so I just sort of had the
opportunity to pull him aside on the

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sidelines of the symposium, right in
the middle of the National Press Club,

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with all the hustle in the hustle
and bustle of the Beltway. If you're

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not based in DC or don't spend
a lot of time here, it's just

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a couple of blocks from the White
House. It's a cool spot, and

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we had the opportunity just to kind
of We found a table in the hallway

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and we talked a little bit about
statesmanship, the history of statesmanship, how

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Christianity, the concept of sort of
Christian ethics, how that altered the sort

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of Greek outlooks on statesmanship, how
Machia Valley came along how Churchill saw statesmanship.

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Super interesting conversation, especially because you
know, when I look back on

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the immigration deal of a couple of
weeks ago, it just it really is

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shocking how little statesmanship is involved in
some of these negotiations, how little statesmanship

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you see true statesmanship on the left
and the right. I even asked Johnny

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what he thought about Donald Trump on
Twitter. You can a statesman be a

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sort of a boomer tweeter. So
we go through all of these random questions

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that I have, but also I
found the history to be really interesting,

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and I just wanted to talk a
little bit about, you know, the

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symposium, the conversation with Johnny,
and thank everyone, as always for listening

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to Federal Stradio Hour. We appreciate
it immensely and mensely immensely. I'm so

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grateful, So thank you for listening. And I really hope you enjoyed this

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conversation with Johnny Burka. Johnny,
you graduated from Hillsdale, right, that's

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right, class of twenty twelve,
Class of twenty twelve. Okay, I

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won't call you old, but that
makes you old, Johnny. So tell

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us just a little bit about I
think this is your first time on Federal

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aust radio hour. That's right somehow, But tell us a little bit about

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your background and how you ended up
running ISI. Basically, yeah, absolutely,

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So. I grew up in rural
south central Michigan, went to local

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public schools, had the experience of
what we were talking about earlier today of

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living in the rust belt. And
my dad actually worked in the auto industry

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and had the ups and downs of
that industry contracting in light of the China

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shock. Then he ended up starting
a winery and a micro brewery. So

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I grew up with a lot of
hands on entrepreneurial experience working for my parents.

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Ended up going to Hillsdale College and
that really changed the trajectory of my

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life. Studied under Larry arn My
senior year in particular, I took a

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class on Aristotle and one on C. S. Lewis that he was teaching.

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And it was really at Hillsdale that
I fell in love with this tradition

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of the mirrors for Princes, which
we'll talk more about, which is classic

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texts offering leadership advice for statesmen.
So that kind of set the course of

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my intellectual trajectory. But I went
on to seminary because I thought I wanted

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to be a pastor, ended up
becoming Eastern Orthodox, decided not to go

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to seminary, and then got back
involved in the world of politics. Worked

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for ISI for two years as a
fundraiser, then came to DC for four

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years where I ran the American Conservative
magazine, and then ISI came knocking on

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my door, and so three and
a half years ago I went back there

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as president. Is an incredible trajectory, and actually on that point talked to

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us a little bit about this laneanguage
that you speak and that doctor Arne speaks.

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It would have been common to people
who had basically been educated, and

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not everybody was educated, you know, decades ago, let's say, five,

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six, seven, decades ago,
a lot of people would have understood

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what you're talking about when you're talking
about the like the mirrors of the princes,

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when you're talking about actually the subject
of this book. Frankly, that

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would have been a sort of common
parlance. Now it's really reserved for a

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sliver of the public. Let's start
with just asking how you personally got interested

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in it. Was it Hillsdale.
It was it Hillsdale that I was first

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introduced to the work of Thomas Moore
and Erasmus. Erasmus wrote The Education of

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a Christian Prince, which is a
gift that he presented to the young Prince

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Charles, who had become Charles the
fifth of the Holy Roman Empire. And

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Thomas Moore wrote a book Utopia,
and he of course was an advisor for

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Henry the eighth. So it was
there that I really discovered this tree,

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and the reason that I fell in
love with it kind of gets precisely at

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what you were what you were asking
is today in America if you say mirrors

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for princes, or even if you
mentioned Thomas Moore, Erasmus or Xenophon,

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most people's eyes would glaze over.
But this whole tradition actually existed to bridge

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the world of philosophy and political theory
with the world of action, because these

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were attacks that were not presented to
philosophers. They were given to statesmen,

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to kings, to queens, to
people serving in a public capacity who were

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very busy, very ambitious, had
many other cares and oftentimes didn't really care

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about philosophy, didn't care about living
the good life. And so these were

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written in such a way that it
would also appeal to their own self interest

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in terms of their political leadership and
what they wanted to accomplish. And it

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was a way for an advisor or
for an educator to say, hey,

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you know, pick me. I'm
here to offer my services, and also

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here to remind you that you may
be in charge as a king or queen

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or political leader, but ultimate one
day you're going to have to give an

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account to your actions, and so
you better pay attention to your conscience to

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while you're governing. So let me
have fun with the devil's advocate question here.

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And it's one that you deal with
a lot, and I know this,

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but it's basically the hey, hey
ho ho, Western Civice got to

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go argument? Why are we better
off for having studied Xenophone or now church

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Hall? Sure? Why is it
that centering these thinkers who have been centered

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for so long to use the sort
of vernacular, Why is it that's essential

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really to crafting statesmen, crafting leaders? And let me tag on to that

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question. Does it speak to the
lack of true statesmen that we have right

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now that this sort of fell out
of fashion? Absolutely so interestingly enough,

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you know, one of the problems
that I hope to address with publishing this

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book is really reminding people of the
civilizational in particularly the religious context out of

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which every political system emerges, even
our own tradition here in America. And

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so what I did for this book
that somewhat turns that narrative on its head

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is that I actually went back to
nearly every ancient civilization. So I went

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to ancient China, India, the
Islamic world, the Persian world, and

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I included their classic texts on advice
for statesmen, alongside the more prominent Western

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tax of Cicero and Aristotle and Xenophon. And so in doing that exercise,

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I actually think that you discover there's
greater unity among a lot of these classical

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civilizations than we might think today.
So one example of this is nearly in

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every tradition, but particularly the Persian, the Indian, and the Chinese,

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the foundation for effective political leadership is
self control. Self control. It's the

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restraint of those kind of base human
passions or glory for alcohol, for food,

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for sex, and almost stoicism.
So almost as yeah, there's a

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type of stoicism. And you see
this, I mean, you open up

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this ancient Indian text, you know, that was written thousands of years ago.

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And the very first thing is,
you know, your kingdom will come

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to ruin if you don't have restraint
over your senses. And so this is

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common in every tradition. And so
I really do think that living that morally

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virtuous life. You know, Machiavelli
might believe that you should depart from that

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in select occasions, but even then
for him it would still only be in

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select occasions. You know, having
self mastery is quite important in every tradition.

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And the other thing is that religion
really was, especially in the ancient

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world. It wasn't really until Christianity
in the West changed this a little bit,

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but religion and the religious cult was
the foundation for the political order,

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the religio exactly, history, economics, the Great works of letters, the

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meaning of the US Constitution. Did
you study these things in school? Probably

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not, or if you're like me, maybe it's just time for a refresher.

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Even if you did study them.
If you listen to this podcast,

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you know I talk all the time, I don't know that I actually studied

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these things with the best content in
the first place. Time and technology have

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changed a lot of things, but
they have not changed basic fundamental truths about

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the world and our place in it. That's why I am genuinely so excited

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that Hillsdale College is offering more than
forty free online courses in the most important

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and enduring subject You can learn about
the works of C. S. Lewis,

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the stories in the Book of Genesis, the meaning of the Constitution,

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the rise and fall of the Roman
Republic, or the history of the ancient

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Christian Church with Hillsdale College's online courses
all available for free. That's right,

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you heard me say that they are
free. I send these courses to my

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friends and family all the time.
Personally, I recommend you sign up for

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00:15:54,840 --> 00:15:58,240
C. S. Lewis on Christianity. In the seven lecture course, you

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00:15:58,279 --> 00:16:03,600
will examine some of Lewis's classic works, including Mere Christianity, my favorite,

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00:16:03,600 --> 00:16:07,279
The Screwtape Letters, The Abolition of
Man, and more to see what Lewis

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had to say about scripture, prayer, suffering, joy, Heaven and Hell.

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00:16:11,000 --> 00:16:15,639
The course is self paced so that
you can start whenever and wherever.

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00:16:15,159 --> 00:16:19,519
En roll right now in C.
S. Lewis on Christianity to discover Lewis's

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00:16:19,559 --> 00:16:25,320
core lessons regarding the truth and goodness
of the Christian faith and how to apply

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00:16:25,399 --> 00:16:29,399
those lessons to your life. So
go right now to Hillsdale dot edu slash

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00:16:29,480 --> 00:16:33,639
Federalist to enroll. There's no cost
and it's easy to get started. That's

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00:16:33,720 --> 00:16:45,120
Hillsdale dot edu slash Federalist to register
Hillsdale dot edu slash Federalist. So I

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was gonna it's funny that you said, I was just going to ask you

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about Tom Holland and dominion because this
question actually I was reading on some wild

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Milton atheist website. One of their
critiques of Tom Holland is that he doesn't

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realize the ways in which early Christian
sort of stole from the Stoics. But

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are there ways that some of this
is the water that we're swimming in?

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So why read Xenophon if we're swimming
in his waters? How true is that

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when it comes to these philosophers?
Well, I think what you'll find if

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you you know, it sounds kind
of high and abstract, But if you

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open the book and sit down and
just read any small section you could pick

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any of the one of the eighteen
to twenty authors that I have, you'll

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see that the advice really rings true
today because they were offering profound reflections on

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human nature, which I think is
permanent in nearly every context. So if

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you want advice on how do I
pick you know, let's say this is

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in a political context, how do
I pick good advisors? How do I

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find personnel to staff my administration?
How should I approach foreign policy? How

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should I spend my time? This
is going to have practical advice for you.

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Or if you're just an eighteen year
old and you're president of your student

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council and you want to make an
impact in politics, and you want to

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know, like how do I grow
and develop in my career and my professional

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development, there's practical pieces of advice
for you on these pages, and you

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would think that, wow, maybe
this is something that Jordan Peterson might tell

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me, or something that my one
of your favorite influencers might talk about.

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So it's a very practical tradition.
So Johnny Burka is the Jordan Peterson for

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politicians. Is what I just heard
you said it? Now, Okay,

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so actually let's talk a little bit
about you. So you include I'm reading

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from the list here, you have
Cistero, Augustine, Erasmus, Maket Valley,

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George Washington, and then you get
to Theodore Roosevelt and Winston Churchill.

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And obviously doctor Arn't probably loved the
Winston Churchill part of that. But if

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we stay for a minute on some
of those cross cultural differences in the ancient

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philosophers you mentioned restraint, are there
other things or are there key differences when

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you went back and sort of consulted
these texts that are are salient to leaning

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wisdom from them on statesmanship. Sure
so, especially with with Xenophon, with

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Han Fei and China, with Catilian, ancient India, these are operating much

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more from a realist political tradition,
which I would say is much actually more

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in line with Machiavelli. Some people
say that Machiavelli was a significant rupture from

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the ancient world, and I think
it's true that he was a rupture from

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the Christian kind of medieval world,
but perhaps less so from this ancient world

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of real politic, where to some
extent it does feel to me like the

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ends do justify the means. If
you can be successful in your political accomplishments,

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people will celebrate you as a victorious
conqueror. But if you fail,

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you know you're you're a despot and
a tyrant. Yes, So I think

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really the biggest change that's introduced is
by Christianity because in this ancient context,

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you know, the kings were often
believed to be gods, right, this

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was they were the one inter me
the area, the link between heaven and

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earth, and that's why the religious
call it was so central to the to

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the state. Christianity, you know, believes that there's only one God,

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right, and that that Christ is
king. Judaism ancient in ancient Judaism does

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that too, and that's that's a
very very important point. So you do

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have kingship in the Old Testament,
but there is a there is a distinction

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between the priestly class and the kind
of the royal dividic class, even though

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I would say, you know,
you have king David wrote the Psalms,

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right, so there is a priestly
function. There's a sort of a priestly

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aspect to a king in ancient Israel, but it's certainly not the kind of

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the divine status that you would find
in ancient Egypt or ancient Mesopotamia. So

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I think Christianity does introduce that distinction
between between the Church and the state,

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which then over time, you know, grows to be I think more absolute

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than I think probably the early Christians
would have understood it to be. So

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I think the introduction of Christianity,
and then obviously with Machiavelli, you do

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see that rupture where the world.
This is to quote you know, Harvey

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Mansfield and his introduction to the Prince. Basically politics is kind of unfettered from

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anything above it. So there's that
that severing and it's kind of done,

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you know, for its own sake, and so you do seek, you

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know, sort of with this rise
of a more secular approach to politics,

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a different approach to statesmanship. So
what does Christianity do to the concept of

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statesmanship, especially when you're looking back
at you know, Xenophone and then comparing

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it to what a statesman is like
or even Alexander the Great, and then

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comparing you know, post Christian statesman, you know, how kings saw themselves

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and then even how a Theodore Roosevelt
or Winston Churchill saw themselves on the world

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stage. So in the ancient world, you know, in Aristotle talks about

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this, honor is really honor in
the public realm is really the highest end.

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It's the path to immortality because they
were not entirely sure about what happens

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to the soul after death. You
see at the end of Cyrus the Great's

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life, he's on his deathbed and
he's giving a talk to his two sons,

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and he says, you know,
I hope that my soul lives on,

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you know, and that there is
some sort of life after death.

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And hopefully that can be a reminder
to you, my sons, that my

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soul and spirit are here, and
that can help you to be a better

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leader. But I'm not entirely sure
about that. And so there's a lot

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of hope that's placed in the public
honors, the songs that will be told,

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the monuments about your accomplishments on earth. And so I do feel like

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that helped to incentivize that ambiguity about
what happens after death, incentivized more of

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a conquering spirit, because this is
the only place you had to make a

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mark and live a legacy. And
even for Aristotle, right, he said,

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it's worth there are some condition in
life that are not worth living,

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you know, and so you really
do dying perhaps in pursuit of honor,

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would be worthwhile because it'd be a
way of the only way of achieving immortality.

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Where are Japanese? Yeah, there
you go exactly. And then you

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know, with the Christian context,
a lot of these texts really starts off

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by saying, you know, hey, you know, hey, person in

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power, right, one day,
you're going to die and you're going to

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stand before the judgment seat of Christ. And if you're not just and merciful

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and you know, caring for the
poor and pious and have more eternal rewards,

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you're going to spend eternity in hell
and that's going to be really painful.

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And so it's kind of their role
is almost to like prick the conscience

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of the king, because it was
an era where there were I don't want

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to say no checks and balances,
because there are many organic ones that we

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don't quite realize today, but there
were less formal checks and balances on a

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king's power. So pricking their conscience
and reminding them of eternal life or damnation

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was a method that many of people
Agustin and Aquinas used. So on that

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note, you include Theodore Roosevelt and
not Franklin. Roosevelt actually got interesting.

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I know this is a specific person
from a list of many people that you

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include in the book, But talk
to us about why Theodore Roosevelt. You

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selected him to sort of take lessons
from fund statesmanship. Yeah. So this

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tradition of mirrors for princess ends at
the modern era, and so what I'm

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trying to do is revive that for
our own day. So I've included some

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of these thinkers and statesmen like Teddy
Roosevelt to expand this tradition. There's a

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few reasons why I included Teddy Roosevelt. The first one, this text is

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called Citizenship in a Republic, and
this is where you see two things.

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One, he gives this admonition saying, in a republican context, you're only

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going to have great leaders if the
mass of the body politic are educated and

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actually receive sort of the intellectual and
the moral foundations needed for self government.

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And so he says the quality of
your leaders will ebb and flow with the

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quality of the body public and their
education level. So I thought that was

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interesting and relates closely to our work
of educating college students at II. And

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then the second thing is he concludes
with his famous quotation on the man in

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the arena right, And this is
basically, it's better to strive after great

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and valiant deeds and if you fail, you know, you come short.

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You know, at least you'll never
be with the cowards who neither know victory

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or defeat. And so this whole
book is really saying, hey, in

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our particular context in America, it's
easier tempting to be to be blackpilled,

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to want to withdraw from public life
because things have gotten so bad. And

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so this is book, the whole
book is really a call to action,

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and I think Teddy Roosevelt really embodies
that, you know, the turn of

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the twentieth century, that American spirit
of being, the active life, and

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the virtues of that. So when
do you think that tradition finally aided so

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the mirrors for Prince's tradition in the
context of American politics, in the context

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of American politics. So the founders
Washington, Jefferson, Adams, Hamilton would

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have been familiar with Cicero and Xenophon
and Aristotle, so they would would have

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understood this tradition. Now, I
do believe that, you know, a

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lot of this was at the beginning
of the progressive era, when some of

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these classic texts kind of dropped out
of the curriculum, but you also do

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with the general broader shift away from
monarchy towards republican government, the tradition vanishes

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because it was a little bit easier
when you knew who the king or queen

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was to write them a letter or
to say, hey, I want to

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be a tutor to your young prince. And this is the curriculum that I'd

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put together. But my whole point
is, you know, previous generations in

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every civilization gave very careful thought to
the qualities that they wanted to see in

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their political leaders, and then they
articulated them, and they created the educational

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institutions needed to pass that on.
And so I think there's no reason we

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couldn't have a mirrors for presidents or
mirrors for senators tradition in our own day.

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What would that look like sort of
practically, well, the most so,

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you know, first and foremost,
it's it could be putting together a

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collection of these classic texts. And
I actually dedicated my book to the forty

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seventh President of the United States,
so maybe one day, you know,

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he'll hold that in his hands as
a source of inspiration. You know,

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in some respects it's you know,
many of the famous kind of statesmen from

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throughout history. So Julius Caesar is
said, and never have left for a

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battle without carrying scrolls of Xenophon's education
with him. Thomas Moore didn't leave the

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house without copies of sisters on duties
in his breast pocket. So you're saying

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they're absolute losers. Yeah, exactly. I mean, so I think one

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it would just be you know,
we can revive these classic texts. But

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I think, just like we have
business books for entrepreneurs zero to one by

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Peter Deal, Jim Collins, good
to great, how about we have some

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books for how to become a great
statesman or articulating the qualities that we want

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to see. So I think writing
our own. But then also if you

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if you move to Okay, how
do you establish the educational institutions? You

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could certainly do that through an ISI, through a Hillsdale College. Those are

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things that take a lot of money
and a lot of time and a lot

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of manpower to be able to implement
or build or scale. But the classic

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way in this tradition that the knowledge
has passed is through one on one relationships

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with a tutor and with a pupil, and that is really cost effective,

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and so I think there's a way
in which we could actually bring that back

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today. You know, wouldn't it
be amazing if you had a great philosopher

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like a Harvey Mansfield, like a
Larry arn actually kind of mentoring, you

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know, some of our senators.
So I think there's ways that we could

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bring it back today. Inflation's not
going anywhere. The Watchdown on Wall Street

383
00:28:57,680 --> 00:29:03,119
podcast with Chris Marcas. Every day, Chris helps unpack the connection between politics

384
00:29:03,119 --> 00:29:06,880
and the economy and how it affects
your wallet. Major companies are continuing to

385
00:29:06,960 --> 00:29:11,000
lay off thousands of workers. Wholesale
and retail prices went up in January.

386
00:29:11,079 --> 00:29:15,119
You can't believe the government's job numbers. The spin will be out there,

387
00:29:15,200 --> 00:29:18,480
whether it's happening in DC or down
on Wall Street, it's affecting you financially.

388
00:29:18,519 --> 00:29:22,799
Be informed. Check out the Watchdot
on Wall Street podcast with Chris Markowski

389
00:29:22,880 --> 00:29:30,960
on Apple, Spotify, or wherever
you get your podcasts. I don't want

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00:29:30,000 --> 00:29:33,799
to make a joke about how they'd
mentored young men in ancient Rome. I

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don't want to make that joke at
all, Johnny. But I will also

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00:29:37,480 --> 00:29:45,000
ask man that was so inappropriate.
Maybe I'll cut that, maybe I won't.

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But the question of education is tricky
because it also feels like there's so

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little control or there's so little interest
in imbuing young people with anything other than

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moral relativism. Now, and I
guess it's just you know, young people

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or senators alike. I can understand
how a Republican senator might find his way

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into a conversation with Larry arn But
statesmanship is almost a it's a lost concept,

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it seems to me on people like
Chuck Schumer, like, what does

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he think about it? Actually,
the one person who told me they read

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00:30:26,920 --> 00:30:32,440
good to great Kevin McCarthy interested in
McCarthy, But I mean, it just

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00:30:32,440 --> 00:30:37,079
seems like he was trying to do
something. But it seems like Hakim Jefferies

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doesn't have any ambition to be a
statesman. How do you explain the concept

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of statesmanship in and of itself when
people seem to have lost that from its

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most basic level. So part of
it was lost by design. So at

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the beginning of the progressive era,
there was a shift away from statesmanship classically

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00:30:55,680 --> 00:31:02,400
understood in favor of management expertise and
beureauocracy food to judge exactly right. So,

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and that was also mirroring a lot
of the changes that were happening in

408
00:31:07,599 --> 00:31:11,839
the economy with sort of you know, much larger scale kind of conglomerates and

409
00:31:11,920 --> 00:31:18,079
corporations that weren't as entrepreneurial, but
that almost you know, mirrored to some

410
00:31:18,200 --> 00:31:22,480
extent kind of the bureaucratic layers that
you would see in government today. You

411
00:31:22,519 --> 00:31:26,720
know, we celebrate, at least
in certain corners of the country, kind

412
00:31:26,759 --> 00:31:30,359
of the great entrepreneur Peter T.
L Elon Musk, et cetera. But

413
00:31:30,440 --> 00:31:34,400
we don't really hold in high esteem
the CEOs of Fortune five hundred companies.

414
00:31:34,440 --> 00:31:38,319
You know there really are seen as
managers more than great leaders or visionaries.

415
00:31:38,599 --> 00:31:41,319
So part of this is kind of
just built into the structure. And then

416
00:31:41,359 --> 00:31:45,640
all of the schools, you know, if you look at the Harvard Kennedy

417
00:31:45,720 --> 00:31:49,400
School or all these kind of public
policy schools, they're really interested in creating

418
00:31:49,480 --> 00:31:56,839
credentialized managers for the bureaucracies, not
kind of great sold leaders. So that's

419
00:31:56,039 --> 00:32:00,079
that's a bigger structural issue that we
have to address. But I do think

420
00:32:00,119 --> 00:32:02,000
if you were to sit you know, because some of this, though,

421
00:32:02,039 --> 00:32:06,480
is really just getting back to the
most human level of what does it mean

422
00:32:06,519 --> 00:32:08,519
to be a great leader? And
so part of me wonders if you were

423
00:32:08,519 --> 00:32:14,000
to sit Hakeem Jeffreys or Chuck Schumer
down and you were to say, all

424
00:32:14,079 --> 00:32:17,839
right, what are the if you're
just thinking abstractly, like what's your vision?

425
00:32:17,880 --> 00:32:21,279
What's your end game? You know? And I think they would probably

426
00:32:21,359 --> 00:32:24,440
say justice, or they would probably
have a list in saying no, it's

427
00:32:24,440 --> 00:32:28,680
actually good to be courageous, it's
good to whatever. They would have their

428
00:32:28,680 --> 00:32:30,920
own vision, and I think we
would disagree on what they're either what the

429
00:32:31,000 --> 00:32:35,440
terms mean or the ends that they're
pursuing, but they probably would still say

430
00:32:35,440 --> 00:32:37,839
you should be prudent, you should
be just, you should be courageous.

431
00:32:37,000 --> 00:32:40,759
And so to some extent, the
art of this tradition is, okay,

432
00:32:40,839 --> 00:32:45,000
maybe you are a smart, wise
philosopher, academic or professor or theologian.

433
00:32:45,440 --> 00:32:49,400
How do you make this advice?
How do you sit someone like that down,

434
00:32:50,079 --> 00:32:52,480
get them talking and actually kind of
take things back to first principles and

435
00:32:52,519 --> 00:32:58,640
help them to make better decisions.
I have a really dumb question and really

436
00:32:58,640 --> 00:33:00,759
specific, but what does states mean
trip look like on social media? And

437
00:33:00,799 --> 00:33:02,880
I don't know if you've ever thought
of that before. But I still find

438
00:33:02,920 --> 00:33:07,000
it almost and this is going to
be a matter of personal preference maybe,

439
00:33:07,000 --> 00:33:10,880
but I still find it almost beneath
the dignity of the office for a president,

440
00:33:10,960 --> 00:33:14,359
whether it's Joe Biden or Donald Trump. But let's even talk about Joe

441
00:33:14,400 --> 00:33:17,000
Biden tweeting a picture of himself eating
ice cream or saying, you just something

442
00:33:17,119 --> 00:33:22,160
silly that we know he didn't write. We know that Trump does write his

443
00:33:22,240 --> 00:33:25,480
tweets, but you know, obviously
we could talk about him tweeting about Mika

444
00:33:25,480 --> 00:33:30,319
Brazinski or whatever. You know,
Let's say there's a blank slate and you

445
00:33:30,359 --> 00:33:37,039
can write the template for a statesman
in the era of TikTok YouTube, instagram,

446
00:33:37,079 --> 00:33:43,880
Facebook, Twitter, What would that
look like ideally? Well, maybe

447
00:33:43,960 --> 00:33:49,079
it's important just to back up for
a moment, so you do see you

448
00:33:49,119 --> 00:33:52,359
see a shift in the twentieth century
really away from so kind of in the

449
00:33:52,400 --> 00:33:57,400
old classic conception, right, a
king, it was an individual who was

450
00:33:57,440 --> 00:34:00,920
in charge of the state, but
it was very much an institutional individual.

451
00:34:00,960 --> 00:34:04,480
You see this if you watch The
Crown and you see the ways in which

452
00:34:04,559 --> 00:34:08,679
Queen Elizabeth her own personality, her
own interests have to be suppressed, and

453
00:34:08,719 --> 00:34:15,719
she's a public institutional figure. Then
you see kind of in a republican era,

454
00:34:15,679 --> 00:34:19,960
kind of an era of you know, our founders. Washington himself,

455
00:34:20,079 --> 00:34:22,639
right, he resisted the idea of
being a king or a dictator, and

456
00:34:22,719 --> 00:34:28,519
he put all of his capital into
building institutions that would endure. And he

457
00:34:28,559 --> 00:34:30,920
was even a reluctant statesman, someone
who has pulled away from his farm to

458
00:34:30,960 --> 00:34:35,360
get into the service of government.
For a long time in American history,

459
00:34:35,800 --> 00:34:39,159
probably one hundred years, it was
that trope of the reluctant statesman who has

460
00:34:39,440 --> 00:34:45,719
yanked into the public arena by popular
demand. But in the twentieth century that

461
00:34:45,800 --> 00:34:50,000
really does begin to shift, and
instead of having the institutional individual or these

462
00:34:50,079 --> 00:34:54,079
institutions kind of running things, you
do get I think, this sense of

463
00:34:54,159 --> 00:35:00,719
individuality that is really dominant, and
that you see in Teddy Roosevelt, in

464
00:35:00,840 --> 00:35:04,960
Winston Churchill, even in Ronald Reagan. And so even though these are you

465
00:35:04,960 --> 00:35:10,400
know, conservatives or lowercase C conservatives
of a stripe, their individuality is in

466
00:35:10,480 --> 00:35:15,559
their charisma is really a defining aspect
of their leadership. And so as you

467
00:35:15,599 --> 00:35:22,039
transition to this social media era,
you know, we have, really the

468
00:35:22,440 --> 00:35:27,440
institutions of our republic are degraded to
such an extent that we really do just

469
00:35:27,599 --> 00:35:31,840
have you know, essentially mass mass
democracy. And so really the only way

470
00:35:32,320 --> 00:35:38,840
to achieve political power is to some
extent by playing the part of a demagogue

471
00:35:38,920 --> 00:35:45,440
and kind of groveling before to two
different constituencies. You're you're groveling before the

472
00:35:45,440 --> 00:35:49,320
oligarchs right to get your hundred million
dollars to run your campaign, and then

473
00:35:49,320 --> 00:35:53,159
you're groveling before you know, the
masses on social media for two and a

474
00:35:53,199 --> 00:35:57,199
half years, you know, and
maybe you could even say that the whole

475
00:35:57,360 --> 00:36:00,320
kind of historically, going back to
Cyrus, you know, he had to

476
00:36:00,400 --> 00:36:04,639
lead his military campaign. You know, there was the conquest and then eventually

477
00:36:04,639 --> 00:36:07,159
the ruling that came after the conquest. Now, I guess you could say

478
00:36:07,159 --> 00:36:10,280
that the conquest is making it through
the two and a half your campaign,

479
00:36:10,639 --> 00:36:14,320
and then the ruling is the part
that comes after. And most people aren't

480
00:36:14,360 --> 00:36:17,639
even really interested in governing. It's
sort of the thrill of the campaign is

481
00:36:17,679 --> 00:36:23,519
the whole thing. And so I
think it's very difficult in today's day and

482
00:36:23,599 --> 00:36:30,639
age not to you know, to
Thomas Aquinas warns about kind of men in

483
00:36:30,679 --> 00:36:34,519
pursuit of public life in a context
like this, you know, often become

484
00:36:34,719 --> 00:36:37,480
false because they're trying simply to just
please the ears of the people that they're

485
00:36:37,679 --> 00:36:42,320
they're hoping to win them into their
camp. So I think there has to

486
00:36:42,360 --> 00:36:47,519
be some way where you are still
courting kind of mass appeal the way that

487
00:36:49,559 --> 00:36:53,559
someone who's not a conservative, someone
like FDR did, But you're actually calling

488
00:36:53,599 --> 00:37:00,119
people towards, you know, more
transcendent ends than politics. You're pursuing them

489
00:37:00,280 --> 00:37:05,079
and good You're leading with a beautiful
vision. You're painting a portrait of the

490
00:37:05,119 --> 00:37:07,360
world that you want to create,
and you're giving people confidence that you can

491
00:37:07,400 --> 00:37:10,840
bring that about and make that a
reality. And I would hope that there's

492
00:37:12,000 --> 00:37:16,920
enough goodness left in the American people
that in mass they could rally behind a

493
00:37:16,960 --> 00:37:21,039
beautiful vision like that. And now
you're just sort of trying to be the

494
00:37:21,039 --> 00:37:24,840
president of Babel. Yeah, exactly, the president of Babel. So some

495
00:37:25,039 --> 00:37:30,039
time ago, maybe it wasn't that
long, with maybe five years something like

496
00:37:30,039 --> 00:37:34,559
that. It just kind of shook
me when someone in the conservative movement said,

497
00:37:34,599 --> 00:37:37,639
you know, I think it was
in the middle of a border debate

498
00:37:37,800 --> 00:37:40,559
something like that they said, we
don't have statesmen anymore, and I had

499
00:37:40,719 --> 00:37:44,000
never thought about that. It was
part of the reason I was excited to

500
00:37:44,039 --> 00:37:45,679
talk to you. And let me
pose the question that you're going to get

501
00:37:46,119 --> 00:37:51,679
a million times during this book tour, which is, is there an example

502
00:37:52,199 --> 00:37:55,360
of a statesman today, a great
statesman today? Are there people who shall

503
00:37:55,400 --> 00:37:59,840
promise? Are there people who are
examples of what not to do? But

504
00:38:00,039 --> 00:38:01,920
as we look at the kind of
political landscape, the cultural landscape today,

505
00:38:02,360 --> 00:38:07,519
are there examples that are helpful to
the point you're making. Yeah, So

506
00:38:07,599 --> 00:38:12,159
I think someone a couple of people
come to mind. But I think,

507
00:38:13,039 --> 00:38:15,840
let's say, someone like DeSantis is
kind of a cautionary tale, which in

508
00:38:16,679 --> 00:38:20,440
a sense, you know, I
think, within the context of his own

509
00:38:20,519 --> 00:38:24,599
state in Florida, he he you
know, really it's a state that he

510
00:38:24,639 --> 00:38:30,280
won by a small margin. Initially, he took some courageous positions, especially

511
00:38:30,280 --> 00:38:34,920
on COVID, He kind of built
a new coalition, and then he executed

512
00:38:35,000 --> 00:38:37,880
on a laundry list of conservative priorities
and has you know, probably flipped the

513
00:38:37,880 --> 00:38:42,599
state a purple state pretty red for
a long period of time. So I

514
00:38:42,639 --> 00:38:45,360
think if you're just looking at the
local level. Yeah, he is a

515
00:38:45,400 --> 00:38:51,280
promising statesman, but I think his
campaign really fell flat on its face from

516
00:38:51,320 --> 00:38:54,880
the start because I think he didn't
really understand that in order to win at

517
00:38:54,880 --> 00:39:00,119
the national level, a great statesman
does have to have a vision not just

518
00:39:00,199 --> 00:39:04,679
for their camp or for their tribe
to win, but a vision for the

519
00:39:04,719 --> 00:39:07,400
flourishing of the whole society. And
you do have to paint on that big

520
00:39:07,440 --> 00:39:12,119
canvas, you know, beautiful,
captivating colors that are really going to capture

521
00:39:12,159 --> 00:39:15,400
people's hearts in their imagination. And
I think he thought you can lead on

522
00:39:15,480 --> 00:39:20,199
policy, he can lead on rattling
off the list of his accomplishments, which

523
00:39:20,239 --> 00:39:22,599
are all, you know, great
things, But I don't think he really

524
00:39:22,679 --> 00:39:27,159
understood the heart of a voter and
how that works. So I think he's

525
00:39:27,199 --> 00:39:31,800
a cautionary tale that policy alone and
previous victories aren't enough. I think if

526
00:39:31,800 --> 00:39:36,159
someone else, Robert Leitthheiser, who
I admire, right, who's not an

527
00:39:36,199 --> 00:39:40,119
elected statesman, but who is operating, you know, as the US trade

528
00:39:40,159 --> 00:39:45,880
representative in the Trump administration. And
this is someone who going back to the

529
00:39:45,000 --> 00:39:49,960
late nineties, wrote an op ed
for The New York Times warning against China

530
00:39:50,400 --> 00:39:53,559
entering the World Trade Organization. Everyone
kind of thought he was crazy, but

531
00:39:53,599 --> 00:39:57,960
he had a prophetic voice, and
then the way, you know, his

532
00:39:58,039 --> 00:40:01,000
own the waves of his own sorry, the waves of fortune eventually ended up

533
00:40:01,000 --> 00:40:06,079
aligning with his own position, and
he found himself advising Donald Trump. And

534
00:40:06,079 --> 00:40:08,639
then I think had to be very
artful in a cabinet that was actually quite

535
00:40:08,679 --> 00:40:15,519
divided over the appropriate response to China
and trade and tariffs, and he very

536
00:40:15,559 --> 00:40:20,800
deftly kind of navigated that and I
think helped to bring about a paradigm shift

537
00:40:20,840 --> 00:40:22,840
and how our country approaches China.
And so I think someone like him would

538
00:40:22,880 --> 00:40:27,960
be a certainly a model as an
advisor to a statesman. Oh that's a

539
00:40:28,000 --> 00:40:30,559
great point. We've been very lucky
to have this chat, Johnny, about

540
00:40:30,559 --> 00:40:36,039
your new book called Gateway to Statesmanship
Selections from Xenophon to Churchill. The forward

541
00:40:36,039 --> 00:40:39,440
again is by Larry arn the prophaces
by Larry On. Johnny. Lastly,

542
00:40:39,519 --> 00:40:42,760
just tell us a little bit about
what you guys are up to at II.

543
00:40:43,239 --> 00:40:47,320
Yeah. Absolutely, So ISI exists
really to implement everything that we've been

544
00:40:47,360 --> 00:40:52,719
talking about in terms of, you
know, we look at the country and

545
00:40:52,760 --> 00:40:55,960
we see the failures of our elite
leaders in nearly every sector, but especially

546
00:40:57,039 --> 00:41:00,360
an education and so then the question
becomes, how do you get new and

547
00:41:00,400 --> 00:41:04,199
better leaders? And so what we're
doing at ISI is we're traveling the country

548
00:41:04,559 --> 00:41:08,559
and we're actually doing talent id and
we have very specific i would say,

549
00:41:08,599 --> 00:41:15,320
both both moral, intellectual and leadership
skills. We have a checklist of traits

550
00:41:15,320 --> 00:41:19,800
that we're looking for in students and
so we identify those and we help through

551
00:41:20,280 --> 00:41:24,159
a network of mentors, friends and
educators to give them the knowledge that they're

552
00:41:24,159 --> 00:41:29,559
not getting in the classroom and then
to help to place them in positions of

553
00:41:29,559 --> 00:41:34,159
influence after they graduate. So we
have nearly one hundred and fifty chapters on

554
00:41:34,239 --> 00:41:37,480
college campuses and also a network of
eighty five newspapers. So we're really doing

555
00:41:37,519 --> 00:41:43,159
that work of educating the minds and
the hearts of hopefully future great leaders for

556
00:41:43,239 --> 00:41:46,840
America desperately needed. And Johnny Burka
once again is the author of Statesmanship Selections

557
00:41:46,840 --> 00:41:52,639
from Xenophone to Churchilli dot org i
side dot org. There you go.

558
00:41:52,800 --> 00:41:54,920
All right, Well, you've been
listening to another edition of the Federalist Radio

559
00:41:54,920 --> 00:41:58,840
Hour. Emmily Dashinsky, culture editor
here at the Federalist, will be back

560
00:41:58,840 --> 00:42:01,360
soon with more be lovers of freedom
and anxious for the frame
