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President Anderson, members of the Faculague
Board of Trustees. Distinguished Guests by old

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colleague, Senator Bob Byrd, who
has earned his degree for many years of

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attending night Law School while I am
earning mine in the next thirty minutes.

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Distinguished guests, Ladies and gentlemen.
It is with great pride that I participate

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in this ceremony of the American University, sponsored by the Methodist Church, founded

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by Bishop John Fletcher Hurst, and
first opened by President Woodwell Wilson in nineteen

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fourteen. This is a young and
growing university, but it has already fulfilled.

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Bishop Hearst enlightened hope for the study
of history and public affairs being devoted

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to the making of history and to
the conduct of the public's business. By

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consering this institution of higher learning for
all who wish to learn, whatever their

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color or their creed. The Methodists
of this area in the nation deserve the

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nation's thanks, and I commend all
those who are today graduating. Professor Woodrow

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Wilson once said that every man set
out from a university should be a man

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of his nation as well as a
man of his time. And I'm confident

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that the men and women who carry
the honor of graduating from this institution will

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continue to give from their lives,
from their talents, a high measure of

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public service and public support. There
are few earthly things more beautiful than a

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university, wrote John Maysfield and his
tribute English universities, and his words are

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equally true today. He did not
refer to towers or the campuses. He

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admired the splendid duty of a university
because it was, he said, a

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place where those who hate ignorance may
strive to know, where those who perceive

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truth they strive to make others see. I have therefore chosen this time and

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place to discuss a topic on which
ignorance too often abounds and the truth too

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rarely perceived, And that is the
most important topic on Earth. Peace.

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What kind of a peace do I
mean? And what kind of a peace

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do we seek? Not to Pax
Americana enforced on the world by American weapons

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of war, not the peace of
the grave or the security of the slave.

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I am talking about genuine peace,
kind of peace that makes life on

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earth worth living. They've the kind
that enables men and nations to grow and

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the hope and build a better life
for their children. Not merely peace for

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Americans, but peace for all men
and women. Not merely peace in our

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time, but peace in all time. I speak of peace because of the

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new face of war. Total war
makes no sense in an age where great

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powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable
nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort

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to those forces. It makes no
sense in an age where a single nuclear

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weapon contains almost ten times the explosive
force delivered by all the Allied air forces

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in the Second World War. It
makes no sense in an age when the

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deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange
would be carried by wind and water and

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soil and seed to the far corners
of the globe and the generations yet unborn

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today. The expenditure of billions of
dollars every year on weapons acquired for the

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purpose of making sure we never need
them is essential to the keeping of peace.

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But surely the acquisition of such idle
stockpiles, which can only destroy and

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never create, is not the only, much less the most efficient means of

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assuring peace. I speak of peace. Therefore, as the necessary rational end

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of rational men. I realize the
pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as

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the pursuit of war, and frequently
the words of pursuers fall on deaf ears.

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But we have no more urgent task. Some say that it is useless

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to speak of peace, or world
law or world disharmonment, and that it

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will be useless until the leaders of
the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened attitude.

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I hope they do. I believe
we can help them do it.

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But I also believe that we must
re examine our own attitudes as individuals and

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as a nation. For our attitude
is as essential as theirs, and every

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graduate of this school, every thoughtful
citizen who despairs of war and wishes to

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bring peace, should begin by looking
inward, by examining his own attitude towards

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the possibilities of peace, towards the
Soviet Union, towards the course of the

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Cold War, and towards freedom and
peace here at home. First, examine

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our attitude towards peace itself. Too
many of us think it is impossible.

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Too many think it is unreal.
But that is a dangerous, defetous belief.

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It leads to the conclusion that war
is inevitable, that mankind is doomed

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that we are gripped by forces we
cannot control. We need not accept that

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view. Our problems of man made. Therefore they can be solved by man,

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and man can be as big as
he wants. No problem of human

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destiny is beyond human beings. Man's
reason and stir it have often solved the

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seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they
can do it again. I am not

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referring to the absolute, infinite concept
of universal peace and goodwill of which some

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fantasies and fanatics dream. I do
not deny the value of hopes and dreams,

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but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity
by making that are only an immediate

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goal. Let us focus instead on
a more practical, more attainable peace,

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based not on a sudden revolution in
human nature, but on a gradual evolution

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in human institutions, on a series
of concrete actions and effective agreements which are

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in the interests of all concerned.
There is no single simple key to this

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piece, no grand or magic formula
to be adopted by one or two powers.

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Genuine peace must be the product of
many nations, the sum of many

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acts. It must be dynamic,
not static, changing to meet the challenge

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of each new generation. For peace
is a process, a way of solving

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problems. With such a peace,
there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests,

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as there are within families and nations. World peace like community, peace

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does not require that each man love
his neighbor. It requires only that they

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live together in mutual tolerance, submitting
their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement.

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And history teaches us that enmity between
nations, as between individuals, do

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not last forever. However fixed our
likes and dislikes may seem, the tide

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of time and events will often bring
surprising changes and the relations between nations and

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neighbors. So let us persevere.
Peace need not be impractical and war needs

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not be inevitable. By defining our
goal more clearly, by making it seem

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more manageable and less remote, we
can help all people to see it,

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to draw hope from it, and
to move irresistibly towards him. And Second

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that us re examine our attitude towards
the Soviet Union. It is discouraging to

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think that their leaders may actually believe
but their propagandist's right. It is discouraging

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to read a recent a foreignatant Soviet
text on misary strategy and find on page

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after page wholly dateless and incredible claims, such is the allegation that American imperialist

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circles are preparing to unleash different types
of war, that there is a very

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real strand of a preventive war being
unleashed by American imperialists against the Soviet Union,

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and that the political aims that I
quote are the American imperialists not to

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enslave economically and politically the European and
other capitalist countries, and to achieve world

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domination by means of aggressive war.
Truly, as it was written long ago,

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the wicked flee when no man pursueth
Here. It is sad to read

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these Soviet statements to realize the extent
of the gulf between us, but it

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is also a warning, a warning
to the American people not to fall into

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the same trap as the Soviets,
not to see only a distorted and desperate

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view of the other side, not
to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as

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impossible, and communication has nothing more
than an exchange of threats. No government

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or social system is so evil that
its people must be considered as lacking in

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virtue. As Americans, we find
communism profoundly repugnant as the negation of personal

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freedom and dignity. But we can
still hail the Russian people for their many

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achievements in science and stays, and
economic and industrial growth, in culture,

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and acts of courage. Among the
many traits the peoples of our two countries

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have in common, none is stronger
than our mutual abhorrence of war, our

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most unique among the major world powers. We have never been at war with

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each other, and no nation in
the history of battle ever suffered more than

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the Soviet Union. In the Second
World War. At least twenty million lost

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their lives, Countless millions of homes
and families were burned or sacked. A

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third of the nation's territory, including
two thirds of its industrial base, was

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turned into a wasteland, and loss
equivalent to the destruction of this country of

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Chicago today. Should total war ever
break out again, no matter how r

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two countries will be the primary target, it is an ironic but accurate fact

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that the two strongest powers are the
two in the most danger of devastation.

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All we have built all we have
worked for would be destroyed in the first

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twenty four hours. And even in
the Cold War, which brings burdens and

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dangers to so many countries, including
this nation's closest allies, r two countries

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bear the heaviest burdens all We are
both devoting massive sums of money to weapons

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that could be better devoted to combat
ignorance, comedy, and disease. We

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are both caught up in a vicious
and dangerous cycle, with suspicion on one

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side breeding suspicion on the other,
and new weapons be getting counter weapons.

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In short, both the United States
and its allies and the Soviet Union and

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it's allies have a mutually deep interest
in a just and genuine peace and in

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holding the arms race. Agreements to
this end are in the interests of the

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Soviet Union as well as ours,
and even the most hostile nations can be

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relied upon to accept and keep those
treaty obligations, and only those treaty obligations

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which are in their own interest.
So let us not be blind to our

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differences, but let us also direct
attention to our common interests and the means

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by which those differences can be resolved, and if we cannot end now our

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differences, at least we can help
make the world safe for diversity. For

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in the final analysis, our most
basic common length is that we all inhabit

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this small planet, We all breathe
the same area, we all cherish our

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children's futures, and we are all
mortal. Third, let us re examine

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our attitude towards the Cold War,
remembering we're not engaged in a debate seeking

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to pile up debating points. We
are not here distributing blame or pointing the

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finger of judgment. We must here
with the world as it is, and

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not as it might have been had
the history of the last eighteen years been

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different. We must therefore persevere in
the search for peace, in the hope

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that constructive changes within the Communist block
might bring within reach solutions which now seem

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beyond us. We must conduct our
affairs in such a way that it becomes

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in the communist's interests to agree on
a genuine peace, and above all,

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for defending our own vital interests.
Lucy of powers must avert those confrontrations which

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bring an adversary to a choice of
either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war

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to adopt that kind of course in
the nuclear age with the evidence only of

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the bankruptcy of our policy or of
a collective death wish for the world.

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To secure these ends, America's weapons
are non provocative, carefully controlled, designed

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to deter, and capable of selective
use. Our military forces are committed to

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peace and disciplined in self restraint.
Our diplomats are instructured to avoid unnecessary irridance

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and purely rhetorical hostility. For we
can seek a relaxing of tensions without relaxing

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our God. And for our part, we do not need to use threats

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to prove we are resolute. We
do not need to jam forar and broadcasts

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out of fear our faith will be
eroded. We are unwilling to impose our

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system on any unwilling people, but
we are willing and able to engage in

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peaceful competition with any people on earth. Meanwhile, we seek to strengthen the

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United Nations, to help solve its
financial problems, to make it a more

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effective instrument for peace, to develop
it into a genuine world security system,

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a system capable of resolving disputes on
the basis of law, of ensuring the

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security of the lodge and the small
and of creating conditions under which arms can

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finally be abolished. At the same
time, we seek to keep peace inside

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the non communist world, where many
nations, all of them are friends,

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are divided over His queues which we
can rest in humity, which invite Communist

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intervention, always threaten to erupt in
the war. Our efforts in West New

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Guinea, in the Congo, in
the Middle East, and the Indian subcontinent

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have been persistent and patient, despite
criticism from both sides. We have also

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tried to set an example for others
by seeking to adjust small but significant differences

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with our own closest nighbors in Mexico
and Canada. Speaking of other nations,

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I wish to make one point clear. We are bound to many nations by

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alliances. These alliances exist because our
concern and theirs substantially overlap. Our commitment

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to defend Western Europe and West Berlin, for example, stands undiminished because of

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the identity of our vital interests.
The United States will make no deal with

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the Soviet Union at the expense of
our nations and other peoples, not merely

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because they are our partners, but
also because their interest and ours converge.

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Our in trast converge, however,
not only in defending the frontiers of freedom,

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but in pursuing the past of peace. It is our hope and the

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purpose of Allied policies to convince the
Soviet Union that she too should let each

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nation choose its own future, so
long as that choice does not interfere for

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the choices of others. The Communists
drive to impose their political and economic system

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on others is the primary cause of
world tension today. For there can be

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no doubt that if all nations could
refrain from interfering in the self determination of

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others, the peace would be much
more assured. This will require a new

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effort to achieve world law, a
new context for world discussions. It will

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require increased understanding between the Soviets and
ourselves. An increased understanding will require increased

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contact and communication. One step from
this direction is the proposed arrangement for a

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direct line between Moscow and Washington,
to avoid on each side the dangerous delays,

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misunderstandings, and misreadings of others actions
which might occur at a time of

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crisis. We have also been talking
in Geneva about our first step measures of

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armed controls, design to limit the
intensity of the armed race and reduce the

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risk of accidental war. Our primary
long range interest in Geneva, however,

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is general and complete disarmament design to
take place by stages, permitting parallel political

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developments to build the new institutions peace
which would take the place of arms.

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The pursuit of disarmament has been an
effort of this government since the nineteen twenties.

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It has been urgently sought by the
past three administrations, and, however

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dim the prospects are today, we
intend to continue this effort, to continue

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it in order at all countries,
including our own, can better grasp what

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the problems and the possibilities of disarmament
are. The only major area of these

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negotiations where the end is in sight, yet where a fresh start is badly

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needed, is in a treaty to
outlaw nuclear tests. The conclusion of such

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a treaty, so near and yet
so far, would check the spiraling arms

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race in one of its most dangerous
areas. It would place the nuclear powers

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in a position to deal more effectively
with one of the greatest hazards which man

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fases. In nineteen sixty three the
further spread of nuclear arms. It would

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increase our security, it would decrease
the prospects of war. Surely this goal

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is sufficiently important to require our steady
pursuit, yielding neither to the temptation to

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give up the whole effort, nor
the temptation to give up our insistence on

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vital and responsible safeguards. I'm taking
this opportunity therefore to announce two important decisions

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in this regard. First, Chairman
Khrushars, Prime Minister Macmillan and I have

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agreed that high level discussions will shortly
begin in Moscow, looking towards early agreement

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on a comprehensive test ban treaty.
Our hope must be tempered, Our hopes

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must be tempt with the caution of
history, but with our hopes for the

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hopes of all mankind. Second,
to make clear our good faith and solemn

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convictions on this matter, I now
declare that the United States does not propose

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to conduct nuclear tasks in the atmosphere. So long as other states do not

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do so, we will not.
We will not be the first to resume.

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Such a declaration is no substitute for
a formal binding treaty, but I

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hope it will help us achieve one. Nor would such a treaty be a

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substitute for disarmament, but I hope
it will help us achieve it. Finally,

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my fellow Americans, let us examine
our attitude towards peace and freedom here

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at home. The quality and spirit
of our own society must justify and support

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our efforts abroad. We must show
it in the dedication of our own lives,

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as many of you who are graduating
today will have an opportunity to do

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by serving without pay in the Peace
Corps abroad or in the proposed National Service

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Corps here at home. But wherever
we are, we must all, in

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our daily lives live up to the
age old faith that peace and freedom walk

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together. In too many of our
cities today, the peace is not secure

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because freedom is incomplete. It is
the responsibility of the executive branch at all

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levels of government, local, state, and nationals to provide and protect that

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freedom for all of our citizens by
all means within our authority. It is

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the responsibility of the legislative branch at
all levels wherever the authority is not now

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adequate, to make it adequate.
And it is the responsibility of all citizens

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in all sections of this country to
respect the rights of others and respect the

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law of the land. All this, all this is not unrelated to the

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world peace. When a man's way
please the Lord, the scriptures tell us,

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he maketh even his enemies to be
at peace with him. And is

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not peace in the lost analysis basically
a matter of human rights. The right

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to live out our lives without fear
of devastation, the right to breathe there

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as nature provided it, the right
of future generations to a healthy existence.

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While we proceed to safe God our
national interests, let us also safe God

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human interests, and the elimination of
war in arms is clearly in the interests

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of both. No treaty, however
much it may be, to the advantage

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of all, however tightly it may
be worded, can provide absolute security against

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the risks of deception and of asion. But it can, if it is

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sufficiently effective in its enforcement, and
it is sufficiently in the interest of its

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signers, offer far more security and
far fewer risks than an unabated, uncontrolled,

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unpredictable arms race. The United States, as the world knows, will

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never start a war. We do
not want a war. We do not

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now expect a war. This generation
of Americans has already had enough, more

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than enough of war and hate and
oppression. We shall be prepared if others

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wish it, we shall be alert
to try to stop it. But we

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shall also do our part to build
a world of peace, where the weak

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are safe and the strong adjuste.
We are not helpless before that task,

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or hopeless of its success. Confident
and unafraid. We must labor on not

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towards a strategy of annihilation, but
towards the strategy of peace.

