WEBVTT

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New Eastern Europe podcasts. What about
Russia? This question is often asked in

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connection with the social protests in Belarus
that started on August ninth, twenty twenty.

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After all, Moscow and Minsk are
linked by economic, military, and

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social ties. They even form a
union of Russia and Belarus. Dysfunctional but

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still. The journalist Hanna Lubakova drew
attention to the changing way of presenting the

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events in Belarus by the Russian media, but also to the ambiguous perception of

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these events by the Russians Uska.
Immediately after the elections, the Russian media,

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also outlets controlled by the Kremlin,
reported on the protests in such a

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neutral way. I'd say they at
least talked about rape by the police,

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So, of course, at least
for the first week, this was such

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a strong sign that the coverage was
pretty okay. However, when Lukashenka turned

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to Putin and asked him for help, the story changed and the Russian media

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became less subjective. I think it's
quite tough for the Russian media to show

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that the people protesting are brutal,
because after all, they're not. People

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are attacking, attacking policemen because they
don't do it, and so for me,

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the materials I saw retain little objectivity. However, let's remember that RT

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Russia today works almost completely without any
obstacles, such as the journalists were detained,

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because both Belarusian and foreign journalists were
detained all the time. Russia today,

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on the other hand, simply weren't
interfered with and they were able to

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work completely out in the open.
So they showed protesters attacking that something was

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happening there, that there weren't any
peaceful demonstrations. They showed that when someone

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just walked out on the road,
obviously this is a sign of radicalization.

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From the other side, there's a
different take on things, and Russian society

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has different views on these protests,
but there are a lot of positive ones,

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at least regarding opinion about the protests
in Belarus. I heard that many

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Russians support the protesters, not Lukashenka
and not this narrative, not the narrative

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of Russia today Russia. As the
protests continue, the question of Russia's role

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in shaping Belarusian politics becomes increasingly important, as underlined by Alexandra, a journalist

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from Bielsat's television Rosa. Russia,
which was feared to be the decisive factor

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in Belarus and continued to be a
very important factor, turned out to be

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limited. One could expect Vladimir Putin
to support Alexander Lukashenka in this situation.

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He is sending a team of his
journalists to fix the propaganda apparatus after dozens

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of journalists were fired from Belarusian state
television. He talks about granting alone,

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although only a third of these funds
have been paid so far, and all

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these funds are to be used to
pay off debts to Russia. When it

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comes to military aid for Lukashenka,
thank god, we haven't seen it.

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Vladimir Putin only said that in the
events of protests he would send policemen from

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Russia to Belarus. We do not
see firm declarations of support for Lukashenka.

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But Putin did not speak out and
did not say that there was a Western

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conspiracy in Belarus and we will do
anything to help our greatest friend. It

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is the case that other people of
secondary importance have spoken about helping Lukashenka.

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The second thing is that Putin did
not pay out much money to stabilize the

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Belarussian economy. Thirdly, that Prutin
did not send the army and military aid

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or help with his policemen for now. It can be seen that Russia is

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also tired of Alexander Lukashenka, but
would like him to be replaced by a

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person who would be led by Russia. Russia wants to keep control of a

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Belarus and Lukashenka is not the right
person for it. The main thing is

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control of a Belarus. Whether it
will take place through Lukashenka or without him

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is not so important. As I
said, Russia is tired of Lukashenka.

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He is very problematic, is not
much under control and toxic. He is

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not liked SoC On the other hand, the Russians are not able, thank

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God, to create a pro Russian
force in Belarus. Russia's plan is more

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or less defined as can be from
the statements of Russian politicians. Even from

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the statements, they want Lukashenka to
quick so that it does not look like

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a revolution in the bust, which
is one They require to reform the constitution,

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which would change the political system in
Belarus towards a greater role of the

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parliament and party and the Russians probably
want to create several pro Russian parties that

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govern Belarus and carry out the credits
interest. On the other hi, you

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can see Kashenka does not want to
yield and is trying to turn this constitution

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the form required question should his advantage
is. The second thing is that Belarussian

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society the former does not like,
also does not want to create pro Russian

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party and we are not seeing Russian
just yet. What chest what? Russian

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scientist Darya's Faina emphasizes that there is
a big discrepancy between the impression of Kremlin's

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support for Alexander Lukashenko and real help. At first glance, Russia's position and

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relation to the situation in Belarus is
simple and categorical opposition to the protesters support

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for Lukashenka. This is true,
but not everything is so clear cut.

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The first thing that influenced the formulation
of the Kremlin's attitude towards the protesters in

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Belarus was the Russian internal situation.
Let us recall the protests have been taking

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place in Kabarovsk, Russia since July
eleventh this year. The outbreak of protests

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resulted in the arrest of the governor
of the Kabarovsk Region Serge Fertigol. However,

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it quickly became clear that the protests
were anti government in nature. People

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are tired of corruption and uneven allocation
of state budget funds between regions. Against

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this background, the protests in Belarus
were seen as a threat to power in

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Russia, and the Kremlin's afraid of
the solidarity of Russian and Belarusian protesters and

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afraid that the idea of changing the
political elite will be supported in Russia too.

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Let us remind ourselves that Putin has
been in power for twenty years.

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He plans to carry it on after
the recent constitutional reform. Secondly, Russia

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is very uninterested in the implementation of
the Ukrainian scenario in Belarus. For the

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past twenty years, the total value
of Russian investments is four point two six

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million dollars. Let's not forget about
the Russian military facilities and cooperation in the

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military industrial complex. The Kremlin,
on the other hand, sees the advantages

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of the situation. In recent years, Lukashenka has no longer acted as a

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trusted ally of the Kremlin. He
constantly tried to intensify the dialogue with the

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West, and he gave a vase
of answers during negotiations on strengthening integration within

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the Federal State of Russian and Belarus, which the Kremlin thinks, although it's

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not a Soviet Union two point out, is similar to it. Thus,

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the Kremlin saw the possibility of replacing
Lukashenka with a loyal and compliant persona.

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That is why Putin has such calm
rhetoric and such a tragic situation. During

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the meeting with Lukashenka in Sochi on
September fourteenth this year, the Russian President

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said, we are in favor of
the Belarusians to calmly and through dialogue resolved

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the situation in their country and make
a joint decision on how to continue working

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Later. He also added that Moscow
will fulfill all the obligations toward Belarus,

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because obligations must be fulfilled regardless of
who's in charge of the country. The

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one point five billion dollars loan that
Russia has granted the Belarus is not just

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an act of support for Lukashenka.
There are almost two thousand, five hundred

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companies with Russian capital in Belarus,
and in a sense, Russia supports its

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own capital and be aware of the
level of corruption in Russia and the patterns

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by which money returns to the source. Despite the fact the Putin has the

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image of a man who does not
leave his own people in politics, everyone

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thinks only about themselves. Gretzky from
Saint peter's Burg State University says, it's

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all about business, not about sympathy
nor sentiment. First, I would like

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to point out that relations between the
Kremlin and Lukashenka have always been difficult and

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proceeded in an atmosphere of mutual distrust. The Belarussian dictator often officially supported Putin,

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but he never made any concessions on
matters that were delicate for Moscow,

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such as participation in integration projects,
the creation of a Russian military based on

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the territory of Belarus, and the
question of Crimea and other such matters.

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When the Russian authorities tried to put
pressure on Lukashenka, he either managed to

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find alternative sources of financial support or
to reach a compromise that was favorable to

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him. After the presidential elections in
August, the protests spread to most strata

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of Belarussian society, even employees of
enterprises that are wholly state owned, such

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as Grodna Azot, the municipal tractor
factory and many others, took part in

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the weekly strikes. It is obvious
that tension in society will not go away

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until the political system is changed.
Lukashenka's rule is coming to an end,

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and it can even be said that
in August the countdown to the end of

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his term in office began. A
nightmare scenario for the Kremlin in this situation

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is the further development of the protest
when even more people take to the streets

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than Lukashenka leaves the presidential palace under
pressure from the community. Russia, however,

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has always been interested in weakening Lukashenka, but to such an extent that

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it retains full control over what is
happening in Belarus. The protests after the

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August elections weakened him greatly. Currently, Lukashenka is slowly losing control of the

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situation in the country. Under these
conditions, the main priority is to carry

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out a soft and controlled transformation of
the Belarussian regime closed to influence from the

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West. An ideal situation for Moscow
would be such constitutional reforms that would slightly

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strengthen the opposition's influence on the decision
making process in Minsk, but would leave

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Lukashenka in power. In this situation, the position will simply become an additional

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tool of putting pressure on Lukashenka in
conflict situations. This is also confirmed by

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the fact that despite mister Putin's political
support for Lukashenka, because he recognized the

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elections in Belarus and promised to send
Russian policeman there if necessary, the Russian

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President supported the idea of constitutional reform, which ultimately does not benefit Lukashenka.

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According to Pyotr Rutkowski, the director
of the Belarussian Institute of Strategic Studies,

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a key factor for the Kremlin is
to maintain control over the situation, with

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or without Luko. The Kremlin wants
this to be under control. It is

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fed up with Lukashenka. While the
worst option for them is the uncontrolled a

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sentence to power by anyone else,
They would prefer Lukashenka to leave, but

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that would be under control, so
they can either push their candidate through or

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at least have time to prepare to
develop a new strategy. How they are

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to deal with this new power whatever
it may be, there is almost no

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chance that pro Western power will come
to power in Belarus. So here it

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is not a serious risk for the
Kremlin. On the other hand, the

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Kremlin would like to prepare for various
other eventualities in the eventual Diplomat and one

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of the leaders of the Opposition Coordination
Council emphasizes that the protests are not directed

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against Russia, but the mold and
attitude devots must be in jo If we

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look at it from a pragmatic point
of view, Russia takes fifty percent of

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Belarus's trade. It is the main
supplier of energy in Belarus. We are

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bound very tightly. On the other
hand, the European Union, which is

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the second most important economic partner,
is a particularly important partner from the point

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of view of investments in technologies and
further development in Belarus. Belarus is in

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the middle and you have to understand
that these protests and demonstrations are not anti

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Russian, they are not anti Western, they are pro Belarussian. Belarussians are

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fighting for their rights to be implemented
on the territory of their own country.

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As of today, Russia takes a
position that is incomprehensible to us that it

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supports a leader who has not been
elected, who breaks the laws drastically.

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There were so many examples that it
makes no sense to even talk about them,

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because every day something happens that evokes
a critical reaction in Belarussian society.

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But Russia continued to support him.
Although we have recently heard voices in the

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Russian state press and from various officials
that the violence that has been going on

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against people did not correspond to the
real situation. This is also maybe a

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little voice. It is important to
us to have good relations with the EU

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and Russia. We come out of
pragmatism in these relations. Certainly Belarussians want

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it all. Sociological research shows it. On the other hand, it should

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be noted that the number of Belarussians
who opt for a closer relationship with Russia

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has recently significantly decreased. At the
beginning of the year, it was sixty

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percent of Belarussians who stood for close
ties with Russia while maintaining the country's independence.

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As of today, even yesterday they
released a data of minus twenty five

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percent. Also, from the strategic
point of view, Russia is making a

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mistake. I think that Kremlin analysts
who give such information that is worth betting

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on Lukashenka and now making a mistake. A division is taking place. We

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are in the middle when Belarussians start
criticizing the Russian authorities very sharply that they

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do not really see that something is
black, but say, no, it

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is white. Maybe a little tiny
parts are black, but it's actually white.

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Every normal person sees that there are
no intermediate colors anymore. It's black,

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It's definitely black. Such violence against
people. Also from Russia's point of

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view, In my opinion, the
mistake is being made and it is important

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that the Russians understand it now so
as not to repeat the scenarios that unfortunately

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have recently occurred in Russia's relations with
other countries. But this is Russia's decision,

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It is the choice of the Russian
authorities. We are simply signaling what

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processes are starting in Belorussian society.
Also, these two curves were a closer

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relationship with the EU for a closer
relationship with Russia. They have crossed each

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other. It will also depend on
further steps from the EU and Russia.

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But I am sure it is in
the Belarian interest. There is no division,

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There is no backward facing or returning
facing someone else. It is about

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being a Belarussian state and having pipulations
with ward look as a former British media

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correspondent in Eastern Europe perceives the situation
in a similar way, the Union state

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exists more on paper than in reality, and it's not really comfortable with sort

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of Beneluck's arrangement or anything like that. The main interest the Kremlin has in

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not having a disorderly transfer of power
in Beelrous. They don't want a national

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uprising in Lukashenka escaping the country in
a helicopter, because that would set a

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very bad example to Russians from the
Kremlin's point of view of how to get

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rid of a regime that's run out
of steam and run out of ideas.

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But nor do they want to see
the opposition in Belarus crystallize into an anti

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Russian movement. At the moment,
this is a pre democracy movement, not

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a particularly pro European or pro Western
or anti Russian movement, but that could

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change, and if the Kremlin is
seen as propping up Lukashenka too much,

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then they will begin to be the
subject of the opposition's ayre, and so

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there's a dilemma there. And what
Putin is trying to do at the moment

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is to buy time. He wants, i think, to bog the opposition

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down in constitutional discussions and at some
point, not now, but perhaps early

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next year, move Lukashenka side and
replace him with someone less toxic, but

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who will basically preserve the security political
economic arrangements that see Russiamy. The ongoing

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political crisis is increasingly affecting the economy
of Belarus est Otsovistia's who designative Belsberge.

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Of course, these events had an
impact on the Belarusian economy. The most

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immediate effect of the repression by the
authorities was the cutoff from foreign financing.

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Belarus needs to spend around three billion
dollars annually on foreign debt repayments, and

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Russia promises to pay out borrow one
and a half billion, according to media

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reports, but so far Russia has
granted a loan of five hundred million.

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This is very little for the economy
of Belarus. All this results in a

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reduction in the reserves of foreign exchange, which in the medium and even short

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term may threaten the stability of the
Belarusian ruble. This is the first effect.

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The government has no legitimacy. The
government has a very bad international opinion,

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so it was deprived of foreign loans, and Russia is also not very

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keen on giving these loans. The
second thing war postponed is silent sabotage.

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Due to public dissatisfaction plus government repression, the authorities fire as citizens the most

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active workers who are hard to replace. This significantly lowers the quality of enterprise

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management and secondly increases the risk of
failure, that is, loss making.

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Stato and enterprises will not be even
more loss making and make various failures such

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as those we see Gorodna Azot,
but not only that, this will all

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become more frequent. Thirdly, silent
sabotaged by the private sector will deprive the

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economy of tax revenue. The most
important effect will be the reduction of payments

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social payments so called schools, hospitals, infrastructure, and also the payment of

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foreign debt. For now, I
do not see that the authorities, for

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example, limit the payment of salaries
and datained enterprises. While the usual practice

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for the last twenty years there has
been to fire up the printing press,

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so issuing money. This is most
likely to happen in the coming months.

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Nabilations economic dies between Belarus and Russia
are particularly important. As Alexandra Pabo states

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Larosi politician and egos production. It
is very important for Russia that Larus always

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follows the political and economic directions set
by Russia, that it would be dependent

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on Russia politically and economically. And
the second thing which is important, so

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that Belarus is never pro Western,
does not join pro Western structures. And

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the third thing which is important for
Russia is that it is never richer than

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Russia, that it does not constitute
an alternative competition for the economic and political

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model of Vladimir Putin, and in
more useful and in utilitarian way, so

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that the workforce from Belarus travels and
replenishes the labor force shortages on the Russian

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market. If these three interest groups
are guaranteed by Alexander Lukashenka, well,

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if there is a political structure or
another politician who will ensure these Russian interests

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in Belarus, all the better.
Lukashenka is not yet a priority. The

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game that has been presented by Russian
politicians for the time being as to force

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Lukashenka to depart gradually through constitutional reform
and reformatting of the political system in Belarus,

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opening up more opportunities for Russian influence. When it comes to some more

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elaborate strategies, we always think Putin
has a plan, But from the last

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few months we can see that Putin
is also sitting by the river and waiting

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for the enemy's corps to flow down
that river. As the Chinese proverb goes,

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how long can Russia calmly observe the
events in Belarus? After all,

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ordinary people, especially young Russians,
follow events that may foreshadow future changes in

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their country to President put Missions attack. Can President Putin be concerned about Russia

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being infected with the Belarussian Revolution?
I think so, because after the success

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of the Ukraine Orange Revolution, the
Russian elita terrified that something like this could

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happen in Russia. Immediately after the
revolution in Ukraine, Russia introduced restrictions on

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the activities of foreign and geos and
the organization of mass assemblies. The Russian

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authorities believe that it is not much
The Russian authorities believe that it is not

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so much color revolutions which dangerous as
the way the media informs the public about.

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This is why, in my opinion, Putin has repeatedly strengthened state control

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over the media. Meanwhile, they
advised television and the number of programs that

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portrayed the Color Revolution in a negative
light only grew rapidly, and the protesters

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were often referred to as puppets.
Here, in my opinion, Putin is

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repeating the mistake of his Belarussian colleague
and calling the protesting workers and doctors terrorists,

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which has dramatically increased the irritation and
dissatisfaction in the public. As for

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Russian society, it is strongly divided. In the assessment of the political crisis

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in Belarust, thirty nine percent of
Russians consider the oppositions protests to be Western

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provocations, and almost as many believe
that they were caused by fatigue from the

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prolonged rule of Lukashenka. As a
rule, the former include representatives of the

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older generation of Russians whose worldview was
shaped during the Soviet era. They regularly

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vote for Bhutin or the Communists,
so it's no wonder that their sympathies turned

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out to beyond Lukashenka's side, because
throughout the entire period after the collapse of

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the Soviet Union, Belarus was the
embodiment of their dreams of an ideal socialist

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state, low prices, state guaranteed
employment, clean streets and so on.

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But in August this year, for
the first time they saw the wrong side

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of the Lukashenka regime, the brutality
of the police, the beatings of people,

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of censorship in the media. Russian
fans of Lukashenka were deeply confused by

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this. The younger generation of Russians
has a different view of these events.

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They treat Belarussians and representatives of the
opposition who suffer from state violence with great

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affection. Interestingly, young people get
information from the Internet, and the older

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generation of Russians from television. While
the number of users of social networks in

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Russia is actively growing and the number
of people watching TV is gradually and decline.

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In addition, it catches an audience
of people over fifty five years old.

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There is no doubt that what we
are dealing with here is an intergenerational

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conflict. On one side, there
are people who are shaped by the Soviet

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Union, who sympathize with the Belarussian
dictator value stability in all its manifestations and

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treats changes only as a source of
problems. On the other side, there

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are young people with smartphones in their
hands who have no idea about life in

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the Soviet Union. For them,
changes are primarily new opportunities. But I

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have left out the older generation,
which is gradually leaving Putin in his regime

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one on one with a new generation
that has different values and which will enter

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the political scene at some point,
as is happening now in Belarusitic podcasts are

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produced by Free Range Productions.

