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We're back with another edition of The
Federalist Radio Hour. I'm Emil Jasnski,

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culture editor here at the Federalist.
As always, you can email the show

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at radio at the Federalist dot com, follow us on Twitter at fdr LST.

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Make sure to subscribe wherever you download
your podcasts into the premium version of

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our website as well. Not today's
guest once again is Christopher Ruffo. He

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is the author of America's Cultural Revolution, How the Radical Left Conquered Everything.

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It's a really really interesting rene.
Highly recommend it before we get to that,

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and just want to say thank you
to everyone for your comments. Last

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week. We had some great guests, some big guests, Kim Strassel,

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Liz Wheeler. It was just a
great lineup, and we have a really

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good lineup heading into the fall,
so over the next month or so,

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and then as we get into the
post Labor day time, it's now the

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election cycle. It's the twenty twenty
four cycle, where like a month out

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from the first debate, which is
crazy and hard to believe because it feels

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like we just did this, and
of course we did, but it's only

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been a couple of years. So
we're going to get back into the election

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cycle, groove back into the swing
of things. So I just appreciate everyone

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listening. And you know, whenever
we have an audio glitch, I always

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like to jump on and warn you
first. This one is kind of funny

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and kind of an embarrassing audio glitch. A lot of people know. So

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Federalist Radio Hour used to be taped
every single day in a studio before the

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pandemic. Since the pandemic, you
know, especially during the pandemic, there

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was no way to get into a
studio, and Federalist Radio Hours one of

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the longest. I assume it's one
of the longest running conservative podcasts. I've

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never actually crunched the numbers, but
that's thanks in no small part at all.

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It's a Ben dominicic being a visionarian
and understanding where this medium was going

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and putting so much time and energy
and so many resources into it. So

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we take audio quality very seriously,
always have. But you probably know that

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I run a journalism training program during
the summer months. It's called National Journalism

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Center. We work with twenty interns
party Young America's Foundation and place them all

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over and so in the summer sometimes
I have to record on the go.

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So I've been recording on the goal
with this great little microphone that I got,

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but it's we're just having some technical
issues with that. So I got

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another microphone, and long story short, actually this is just long story long.

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I realised I've been like rambling for
a couple of minutes now. But

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you know, it's I think it's
a sign of respectory of listeners. You

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know, as a somebody who listens
to podcasts, I know how important,

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especially when you're listening with headphones.
But in this case, I got a

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new like travel microphone, and part
of the system that I have where I

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was recording wasn't working, and so
in this microphone, then another actually then

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another glitch happened as we were recording. So we had like a perfect storm

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of errors. And this is after
like actually prepping a lot for Chris to

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come on, because he's such a
great guest and the book is so good.

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But you will hear me breathing over
Chris talking, because well, it's

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just for a lot of different reasons. If you know what audio is,

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you know the importance of having multiple
tracks going, you know the importance of

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monitoring the audio and working on the
different tracks as you're recording. So I

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won't get into the details of it, but basically there was an issue with

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recording two separate tracks and you could
just really here be breathing. That's why

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I say it's embarrassing because it picking
up like every breath and just like amplifying

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it that I take. So on
that note, we this was just a

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really good conversation with Chris. His
book is excellent, and so we wanted

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to get it out to you all. But I do I promise you this

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is the last time you can hold
me to account for this, So the

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last time you'll have an audio glitch. Usually when that happens, I'm able

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to rerecord or do something to that
effect, unless there's like a real time

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crunch. But I promise you this
is the last time you'll have an audio

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glitch on Federalist Radio Hour, because
we're putting a lot into making sure that

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doesn't happen, a lot of resources, a lot of effort. And one

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of the cool things about Federalist Radio
Hour also is that we have never had

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like a professional podcasting staff. The
Federalist is tiny. You'd be surprised to

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know how small our staff is,
and so we all just sort of pitch

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in on the audio side, on
the podcasting side, it's just it's it's

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so cool and I love that about
us. And you know, that's where

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I think our podcast is like closer
to a lot of folks, you know,

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closer to a lot of folks in
that it's you know, it's not

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this like big corporate operation in Manhattan, you know, where you have bosses,

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you overseeing what said or whatever else. It's it's pretty raw and organic.

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So on that note, I just
want to thank everyone for listening and

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give you a little update. But
please enjoy this conversation with the one and

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only Chris Ruffo. Chris, thank
you for joining the show. It's great

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to be with you. Yeah,
it's it's a really really, really really

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interesting book on so many different levels. We got into it a little bit

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with my coast rank Graham over on
counterpoints to the sorting, and I loved

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hearing kind of the back and forth. I want to start with something I

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thought that I had because our listeners
are definitely familiar with critical race theory.

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They're familiar with your protriques of critical
race theory, broader sort of critical theory

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world. I want to start in
a sort of historical question. As I

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was reading the book, I realized
so much of the development of the New

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Left, it sort of was forged
in the cauldron of the Cold War.

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And I want to ask how the
end of the Cold War, as we

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get to the eighties and the nineties
and you have, you know, Judith

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Butler, the evolution of the new
Left into something a little bit different,

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a little bit Marcusian. Maybe,
how does the end of the Cold War

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effect the direction the left takes into
something that feels a lot more elite than

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Marxist. I think that the failure
of global communism that was really kind of

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conclusively revealed by the end of the
Cold War changed left wing politics. In

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some ways, they've retreated to issues
of race, gender, and identity that

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required less of those structural, economic, and revolutionary changes. But in other

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ways they accelerated into those issues.
I mean, they used them and wielded

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them as tools for achieving power in
a way that's had a profound influence on

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our country, and in most cases, a profoundly negative influence. But it

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also had a critical impact on the
right. The end of the Cold War

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put the right to sleep, you
know, conservatives frankly felt that they had

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defeated communism, it had been vanquished
forever, and they stopped being vigilant,

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they stopped paying attention, and they
let the left, and the radical left

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in particular, complete its long march
through the institutions without any resistance. And

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so the end of the Cold War, although it was a triumph for the

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politics of the political right, also
created an opening for the political left that

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they exploited quite brilliantly, and I
think exposed some of the tendencies to either

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abdicate or retreat on behalf on our
side that have left us in a weak

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position institutionally today. Yeah. So
William F. Buckley's writing got him in

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at Yale in the fifties, and
you rite, you have this great section

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in the book about how, you
know, the new left kind of looking

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around at a certain point they end
up taking to the academy and becoming,

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you know, the establishment of the
university system essentially. And I want to

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ask you just sort of about the
conditions you kind of just answered this question

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interestingly enough, But answer this incredible
question of Now we take for granted that

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there are you know, former Weather
underground guys all over the university system.

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But what conditions allowed for them to
enter the academy even as you have pretty

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high profile, high profile critics like
William of Buckley. Although this isn't the

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context of communism, Um, how
do you end up, you know,

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with these this total takeover of one
of the institutions at a time when the

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public really had no interest in that
takeover happening. I think the answer is

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that in the nineteen sixties and seventies, the left wing radicals learned politics in

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the streets. They were prepared to
riots, to attack the police, to

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plant bombs, to to take other
extreme measures to advance their political cause.

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And although that failed, they took
those lessons that they learned with them as

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they entered and really infiltrated academic institutions. And so when you have these battle

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hardened revolutionaries going into faculty meetings with
these timid, bespectacled you know, a

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small l liberal academics, there's no
contest there. The radicals are gonna win.

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They're gonna certain their will, their
authority, They're gonna decisively take over

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in time. That's exactly what they
did. And at the same time,

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as these radicals are moving through the
university systems. Conservatives are in a sense

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retreating. They're they're they're taking solace
in the nineteen eighties and nineties and in

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economic positions, positions, in business
positions, and let's say, the hard

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sciences, feeling that they could essentially
let go of the culture, the humanities,

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the liberal arts. And then by
the time you get into the two

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thousands, even the twenty ten,
the conservative position is, look at all

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these morons with blue hair graduating with
gender studies degrees. Hahaha, They're never

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gonna be able to get a job. But that was always a naive and

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self satisfied view that was not true
at all. And in fact, those

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you know, blue haired gender studies, you know, the lunatics, are

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now like teaching your kids, you
know, the pronouns in kindergarten. They're

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staffing the HR bureaucracy and corporations.
They're you know, leading the di initiatives

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at public universities. They weren't unemployable
in the traditional business sense. They were

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useless economically, but they were highly
employable in these new ideological positions. And

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that's exactly what they did, and
that's exactly how they took their ideas into

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positions of power. I wonder,
as somebody who's studied Marxism really closely,

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if there's a I'm genuinely curious about
this. I don't know the answer because

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I haven't liked closely at it,
I'm not familiar with the literature. If

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there's an potential argument that we're at
a point in the sort of Marxist process

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that societies go through from capitalism to
the ultimate sort of ends where a Marxist

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might sort of step back and say, actually, you know, the contradictions

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are heightening, or a Leninist,
the contradictions are heightening, and we are

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we are actually just in the middle
of this uncomfortable period. But this is

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in a sense sort of what Marx
predicted or what he was describing. Is

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there an argument for that as at
all, especially in the context of the

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class argument that you make in this
book that's so important, you know,

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I don't think so. Actually,
I think that the opposite is more true,

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because you know, class has more
or less disappeared from the debate,

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and in a sense, the neoliberal
economics have become supreme everywhere, including the

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last remaining large communist country, the
People's Republic of China. They don't even

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believe in the materialist dialectic anymore.
They don't believe in the labor theory of

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value. They don't believe that societies
are based on class conflict that will eventually

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culminate in a classless society. They
too have become comfortable, which with what

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I believe is inevitable. There will
be a social hierarchy. There will be

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social classes. There always have been
in the past, there always will be

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in the future. You know,
groups will never be fully equal in every

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measurable way. There's going to be
distinctions and differences. And so I think

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that even even mark you know,
you ever, once in a while,

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I'll come across an orthodox Marxist economic
mark system. It's like you're talking to

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a museum exhibit. I mean,
it's really fascinating. It's like these people

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rattle off about all these all the
kind of orthodox Marxist theories, and you

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say your theories have no harmony or
no relationship to reality. I mean,

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it's like it's kind of actually fascinating
in a way. But I think besides

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some people who have really insulated their
minds, you know, pretty much everyone

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on the left, certainly the mainstream
left, even the radical left, the

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EI left, whatever you want to
talk about, historical materialism just doesn't hold

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water anymore. Yeah, no,
that's that's a really good perspective. When

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we were talking about the book with
Ryan Graham of The Intercept and my coaster

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over at Counterpoints I mentioned earlier,
we were talking to you about this today

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and he sort of took issue with
the role that MARCUSA plays in your book,

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and I thought that was kind of
interesting. It was an interesting critique

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because you actually outline pretty well how
MARCUSA influences Angela Davis and sort of ushers

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in this tradition you know, in
the sort of mid century period that was

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really effective. But for the benefit
of this audience, could you talk to

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us a little bit about I know, you obviously already were very famili You're

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with Mark Crisman as you were writing
the book and sort of putting together this

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narrative, which it really is.
It's so compelling because it goes through it

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as a narrative. What do you
think stands out about his influence over the

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left at that really critical time period. Yeah? Absolutely, I mean the

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I approached the book with a storytelling
frame because I wanted it to be interesting

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and entertaining as well as, you
know, educational. But I think your

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colleagues critique was quite interesting. And
I've actually had the same critique from someone

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on the right, an author named
Richard Hanania, and both Hannania and Grim

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offered the same critique, And the
essence of the critique is, well,

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you're looking at these personalities. You're
looking at specifically at intellectuals like Herbert Marcusa.

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You're attributing all this power to them. But isn't it more true to

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say that there were structural and economic
forces at play that were more determinative of

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the arc of the historical process,
And aren't you overweighting the power of intellectuals?

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And I think that the answer is
no to both of those critiques,

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for slightly different reasons for each one. But but but the ultimate thing is,

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you know, the ideas shape policy, the shape law, they shape

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politics, They shape these movements,
and and of course the deeper let's say,

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societal or economic or political trends are
extremely important, but they always express

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themselves ultimately through individuals. And Marcusa
served to rationalize the politics of the nineteen

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sixties, to turn it into a
coherent story to give it a language,

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and so I reject a kind of
materialist reduction or it says, oh no,

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no, it's all these structural things
and the ideas don't matter, the

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intellectuals don't matter. And I think
both in grim and Hanania's case, you

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know, their own work betrays that
even they do not believe it, because

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why would they be writers, why
would they be intellectuals. Why would they

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be talking to me if they didn't
believe that the ideas actually mattered and determine

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the course of events. And so
I think the truth is some sort of

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mixed. But what I did in
the book, and I think it's the

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correct way of doing it in this
case, is I told the stories of

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the individuals as symbols of these larger
processes and then try to relate their ideas

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and their personal stories to these larger
trends. And ultimately, I think that's

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more entertaining too, for the readers
to say, oh wow, I get

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to grasp these human stories and have
that reveal maybe a more profound truth than

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some dry statistical analysis with a bunch
of charts and tables at the back.

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Yeah, that's fair. Can you
talk to about Freers such an interesting moment

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in the history of the left that
I think it's glossed over a lot.

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I didn't know a lot of the
history you include in the book, but

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just sort of like for the audience, you guys should go buy the book,

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but maybe what their appetites a little
bit crisis to what they can expect

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from that chapter. Yeah, there's
a whole section on education. And the

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figure that I profile most in depth
is a Brazilian Neo Marxist pedagogist named Paolo

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Frera, and he's kind of an
interesting figure because, of course he comes

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from the Third World, but he
served a term as a visiting scholar at

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Harvard and then over the course of
the last fifty years has actually become the

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most influential educational theorists in the United
States and actually the third most cited academic

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in all of the social sciences.
I mean, he is truly like the

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god of the education schools in the
United States. And I go through his

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actual record and that's the thing that
to me was the most instructive. It's

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like, well, you know,
he preached kind of a Marxist style of

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education, but does it work?
That seems to be a fair question to

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ask, and the historical record in
his own life, he actually became the

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leading kind of education propagandist or education
consultant to the Marxist Leninist governments of in

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Africa and in Latin America. And
he actually ran the education program for a

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small country called Guinea Bissau after it
was liberated from Portuguese rule in the in

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the nineteen sixties and then you know, into the seventies where he worked there,

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and and some scholars went in afterwards
and they said, oh, wow,

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pala Fare was in charge of education, you know, and he wanted

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to bring literacy to the to the
to the impoverished masses. How did he

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do? And they found that he
actually is likely to have taught exactly zero

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people how to read. I mean
like he had an illiterate society when he

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arrived. They did all this work, and then he left in the society

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was still more or less illiterate.
And so it's like, wait a minute,

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if you can't teach people how to
read in these places, why should

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we change our very successful educational system
in the United States to model it on

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your theories? And so over and
over that's what you'll find in the book

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is idealism that turns into disillusionment,
that turns into despair, that turns into

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nihilism. That's the process that I
see over and over. I'm curious for

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your thoughts on why, because,
especially since you've worked so closely on,

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for instance, stop Woke or with
Governors santisis various policy proposals, many of

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which were creative and targeted, but
should have, from my perspective and probably

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your perspective, happened years ago.
These are things that probably could have been

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on the table. I get that
the threat wasn't as sort of open and

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bold as it is now, especially
post twenty twenty, but why was the

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conservative movement not targeting legislation like this? Wasn't you know why we're policy solutions

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like these not on the table at
the conservative movement for so long, despite

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the fact that there are so many
organizations in the conservative movement and there has

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been so much conversation the conservative movements
since William of Buckley largely founded it about

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the academy, about the corruption of
the university system. I think because conservative

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politicians felt a sense of fear.
I think because conservative politicians, you know,

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were persuaded incorrectly in my view,
that the culture War was not something

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that was substantive or important. And
then I think also because conservatives who had

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fought on these issues for many,
many decades, had consistently lost on these

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issues. And so if you're a
politician, or you're ambitious, or you

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want to make a name for yourself, you know, why would you pick

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up a set of losing issues that
you weren't sure was worth fighting that could

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you had had high risk and low
return. And the reason that I think

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that everything changed was first and foremost, um, the country changed dramatically after

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twenty twenty, the George Floyd riots, critical race theory, gender ideology,

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the real clear understanding that our institutions
had been captured by these ideas. And

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I think it also created an opening
for some some political creativity, some activisms,

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a lot of the projects that I've
been working on to actually turn these

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ideas into winning ideas for conservatives.
And then when we had these great leaders

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like Governor to Santus in Florida and
others demonstrate that, uh, that that

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not only were these important issues to
work on, but they actually made you

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more popular. They got you in
the headlines, They rallied the base,

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they galvanized voters, they won over
swing voters. UM. Certainly Glen Youngcan

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in Virginia won his campaign on critical
race theory in twenty twenty one. UM.

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You know, politicians are our creatures
of opportunity, and so we created

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the conditions through the narrative work,
through the activist work, through the journalistic

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work, for politicians to win.
And what I've learned, like the biggest

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lesson I've learned about politics, is
create the conditions for politicians to win,

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and they're going to do what you
desire and and and it's in a sense,

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channeling self interest into a productive and
mutually beneficial arrangement or system of incentives.

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And that's kind of it. I
don't I don't know, maybe it's

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maybe it's more complex than that,
but that's how I think of it,

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and I think, you know,
in my experience, it's worked. I

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just read the great Mary Harrington's review
of the book right before we started taping.

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I gave it a glance, and
it's largely positive. She has one

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point where she says, you know, the book basically could have had more

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on what conditions speaking of conditions created
an opening. Its actually used the same

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language for the new Left and the
contemporary left to have people rioting in the

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streets in nineteen sixty eight and in
twenty twenty. And I'm paraphrasing Mary,

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that's son exactly how she said it. I'm sort of taking extending the argument.

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And that's an interesting question because it
gets to what conservatives can be doing

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in the future. You know,
is there something This is probably a fair

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question because the book does touch so
much on class appropriately, so is there

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something the conservative movement that the Republican
Party needs to do on the economic question

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to make critical race theory less palatable
to people from coast to coast on economics,

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I don't think so. I don't
think that people feel one way or

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another about critical race theory because of
economic conditions or their own economic fortunes.

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I'm not sure that you'd find a
lot of argument there. I think actually,

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one thing that I really hope conservatives
can do, and it's a great

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question to head off some of these
dynamics, to kind of take the legs

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out from underneath them is more of
a demographic and political coalition question. And

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um, what I think conservatives have
a huge opportunity to do right now is

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to split what we could. You
know, what has traditionally been called the

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minority vote. So people say,
oh, it's the minority vote, it's

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a it's a voting block. It
goes left, you know, kind of

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non whites. You know, originally
in our kind of demographic history mostly you

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know, predominantly white and black population. Now you have a white and multiracial

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population. But we think of minority
voters as a block. That that's not

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true. There's a lot of evidence
to suggest that Asian Americans and Hispanics and

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Latinos are are very much open to
the message from conservatives on a number of

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issues. And we've had elections even
in places like Boston, New York,

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San Francisco where Asians have broken hard
towards conservative play is like Florida and Texas

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where Latinos have broken hard towards conservatives. And so I think that if conservatives

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can make a concerted push to win
over the most gettable votes, that's kind

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of how you where you have to
line up, but specifically with Asians and

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Latinos, if you can, if
you can have a broad, you know,

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multiracial political coalition, you can sap
the entire narrative energy and advantage that

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the left has, which is to
say, you know, essentially the critical

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race theory whiteness is evil, and
you know bipoc are are are great and

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virtuous. They've created that division that
has been successfully for them, successful for

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them rhetorically. But if you can
say that no, no, no,

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this is not a pure kind of
white non white question or a pure kind

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of racially tribal question, you depolarize
that that conflict, which I think is

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good for the country, and you
also deprive your opponents of a rhetorical tool,

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and in fact, you can build
a broader base of support that is

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less vulnerable to that line of critique, both substantively and also rhetorically. And

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so I think conservatives need to do
that. And Asians of Latinos are of

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course also a fast growing demographic and
I think going to be one that is

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determining elections. So that, to
me is the most important thing that political

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leaders need to be working on.
I think there's a huge opportunity there.

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One area that just fills me with
despair is thinking about litigating so much of

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this over social media, and yet
you've been really successful social media seems to

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me like it's been a net benefit
to the cause of eradicating critical race theory

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from in so many institutions that have
embedded itself in without the public necessarily realizing

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it. So I wonder just on
that super almost it's almost a silly question,

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but do you think social media has
been overall helpful or full in the

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fight against CRT and basically the broader
cultural left that you describe in the book.

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I think social social media is essential
and it's the most powerful tool that

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we have as conservatives. And while
of course I share everyone's concern about censorship,

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about deep platforming, about you know, whatever kind of machinations you know,

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people are trying to do to suppress
conservative voices, the real truth,

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the kind of bedrock reality of the
situation, is that conservatives have more ability

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to reach the public today than they've
ever had before. And even though we

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don't have the mainstream media institutions on
our side, we can bypass them and

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in a way that is just unprecedented
and offers us huge advantage and conservatives too.

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We thrive on low cost communications methods. Talk radio is the one in

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the eighties and nineties. The Internet
is the one for the you know,

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twenty twenty, twenty twenties, and
so I know in my own experience,

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but also my observation that this is
an essential tool that we have to master

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and offers us really unlimited opportunities.
You know, that's interesting because from my

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perspective, one of the reasons Marxism
starts to catch I mean, obviously this

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is an industrial era, industrial revolution
era philosophy, but then a lot of

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the reasons some of the starts catching
tractions because the effects of industrialization that are

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negative. I'm obviously not saying they're
all negative, but the ones that are

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create conditions that make it really easy
for miserable people to flock to a moral

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relativism. You know, if you
are starting, because of technology to a

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question objective reality and objective truth,
that lays the groundwork for people who are

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saying or have really bad philosophies to
come in, and because you see your

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truth versus another person's truth, it's
just easier to gravitate towards bad ideas.

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And I feel like social media really
creates those conditions just psychologically, especially for

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young people who grow up you know, without landlines even and in the age

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where by fens just sort of in
the air. And you're a dad,

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so you probably have a little bit
more insight into this than I do.

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But it seems like just on a
psychological level, social media is sort of

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dangerous in that terrain. Yeah,
for sure, Yeah, certainly. And

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my comments before, you know,
we we have political opportunities. I think

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there's huge potential. It's an essential
tool, but of course, you know,

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like everything else, that comes also
with some costs, and we're seeing

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those costs, and I think that
politicians are becoming more comfortable with figuring out

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how to you know, restrict or
regulate social media. I know that as

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a father, I restrict and regulate
social media in the sense that my kids

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don't have any devices. They don't
have to sell the phones, they don't

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have you know, you know,
they have a little TV time, everyone's

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little while movies like nineties movies that
I let them a I. Um,

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you know, we're like getting really
into Arnold Schwarzenegger and the Ninja Turtles and

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all that. But but you know, it's a question, you know,

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of how you use it. It's
a question for what ends, um,

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But it is a reality that we
have to grapple with and and and I

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kind of, you know, in
my personal life maybe maybe have a bit

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different policy than in my political life, where I'm very very online. UM.

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But for the questions we're talking about
today, UM, I just think

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that we need to have strength messaging. The movement needs to get more sophisticated.

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UM. And in the way we
communicate. UM. I think that

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there's so much room for improvement.
UM. And I hope that as many

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people have told me, and I
don't think I'm you know, being boastful,

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but they said, hey, you
know, I've learned a lot watching

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you work and watching your activism go
from social media to the actual real political

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world. And so I'm hoping that
I can, you know, even teach

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00:31:03,359 --> 00:31:07,799
others in our sphere some of the
lessons that I've learned, you know.

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And you're a part of catching Gunald
Trump's attention on embedded CRT in the federal

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bureaucracy. And if you combine Trump
and de Santis in polling right now,

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that's like seventy percent of the Republican
Party, about fifty percent of it to

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00:31:22,279 --> 00:31:26,240
Donald Trump, about twenty percent of
it to run to Santis. So I

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feel like the sentiment when it comes
to this sort of cultural leftism embedded in

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00:31:30,200 --> 00:31:34,559
our bureaucracy, embedded in our institutions
is now mainstream, and the Republican Party

397
00:31:34,880 --> 00:31:37,799
so on that. No, Chris, I want to ask you what you

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00:31:37,839 --> 00:31:45,000
think Republicans are still doing wrong when
it comes to sort of defeating the cultural

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00:31:45,319 --> 00:31:48,920
left. There is the party?
Is the Republican Party? Is the conservative

400
00:31:48,960 --> 00:31:53,319
movement still getting some key things?
Any key things wrong? Yeah? No,

401
00:31:53,559 --> 00:31:56,400
I mean I think your your point
is is great, and I think

402
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you know Trump and de Santis are
both ready willing and able to fight the

403
00:32:00,759 --> 00:32:05,279
culture war. I think if either
of them gets into office, they'll be

404
00:32:05,880 --> 00:32:10,200
working hard on these issues. I'm, of course I'm supporting Governor to Santis.

405
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I've worked closely with him. I
also worked with President Trump and his

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00:32:14,680 --> 00:32:16,920
team, and I still know many
of his advisors and have good relationships there.

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00:32:19,039 --> 00:32:22,640
But they know what the fight is
and that's why voters are responding to

408
00:32:22,680 --> 00:32:28,720
them. But yet we still have
some of these kind of old school Republicans

409
00:32:28,799 --> 00:32:32,000
and in the Nicky Haley vein of
things that just don't get it. And

410
00:32:32,000 --> 00:32:37,720
it's like I remember watching Nicky Haley's
campaign launch and the whole thing was you

411
00:32:37,720 --> 00:32:42,039
know, I'm a minority woman.
Hear me, roar. The left is

412
00:32:42,079 --> 00:32:45,440
so terrified of me because they've never
seen a minority woman, you know,

413
00:32:45,480 --> 00:32:49,519
with her high heels on, you
know, stomping out, you know thet

414
00:32:49,599 --> 00:32:53,440
It's like, what are you doing? You aren't giving an identity politics frame

415
00:32:53,559 --> 00:32:59,960
to your campaign which seems, you
know, sassy and bold on the surface,

416
00:33:00,599 --> 00:33:06,079
but actually concedes the entire premise of
your argument to your opponents. And

417
00:33:06,200 --> 00:33:09,920
guess what if that's your frame is
you know, who is more identity?

418
00:33:10,400 --> 00:33:15,000
You know they're going to win every
time. Ultimately, they don't give a

419
00:33:15,160 --> 00:33:19,920
they don't give two. You know, they don't care at all about your

420
00:33:19,960 --> 00:33:22,720
actual identity. You know, they'll
they'll say that you're the black face of

421
00:33:22,720 --> 00:33:27,000
white supremacy if they have to.
Right, do you think you're going to

422
00:33:27,079 --> 00:33:30,680
out identity politics that left Nikki Haley? No? And then you say,

423
00:33:30,680 --> 00:33:35,319
well, what are your actual policies? And it's like unlimited warfare all over

424
00:33:35,359 --> 00:33:38,240
the planet, um and and then
and then you know, but don't intervene

425
00:33:39,240 --> 00:33:45,000
when when they're they're giving pornography to
kids in public schools. It's like these

426
00:33:45,079 --> 00:33:49,079
folks are insane. They want to
intervene militarily in other countries, but they

427
00:33:49,079 --> 00:33:52,640
don't want to intervene uh politically in
our own institutions at home. It's just

428
00:33:54,119 --> 00:34:00,519
that whole faction of the of the
Republican Party deserves to be buried in salted

429
00:34:00,599 --> 00:34:04,960
over for good. That just is
not going to cut it anymore. Well,

430
00:34:05,000 --> 00:34:07,960
and as recently as ten years ago, that was really the mainstream,

431
00:34:07,960 --> 00:34:10,440
and we look at the Republican Party's
autopsy in twenty twelve, this is very

432
00:34:10,480 --> 00:34:15,679
much mainstream here in Washington, DC. It was absolutely the winning the day

433
00:34:15,679 --> 00:34:22,039
in the Republican Party, and actually
to suggest otherwise would have been incredibly contrarian.

434
00:34:22,719 --> 00:34:25,119
And so I guess on that,
like, that's where I want to

435
00:34:25,159 --> 00:34:29,599
ask, why do you think it
is that you stepped in with fresh perspective

436
00:34:29,760 --> 00:34:36,440
and and part helped rebrand some of
these conversations, like very staid attacks on

437
00:34:36,440 --> 00:34:38,679
the left and the cultural left in
particularly the conservative movement has sort of been

438
00:34:38,679 --> 00:34:43,559
attached to, but wasn't winning with
Well, why do you think just on

439
00:34:43,599 --> 00:34:46,760
a personal level, you had fresh
perspective that sort of moved the ball forward.

440
00:34:47,800 --> 00:34:52,679
Yeah, I mean, certainly up
for others to decide, but I

441
00:34:52,719 --> 00:34:54,679
would say venture a personal guest.
I think a lot of it has to

442
00:34:54,679 --> 00:34:59,400
do with the fact that, you
know, I am as a younger person,

443
00:34:59,440 --> 00:35:01,360
I was on the left, so
I know how how they think.

444
00:35:01,480 --> 00:35:06,840
I know the ideas, I know
the weaknesses. I've lived in those kind

445
00:35:06,880 --> 00:35:09,559
of environments for a long time.
And then also, my background is not

446
00:35:09,639 --> 00:35:15,760
the traditional you know, um you
know, you know Washington intern background,

447
00:35:15,880 --> 00:35:19,880
you know road tie, you know, you know, country club background.

448
00:35:20,360 --> 00:35:24,719
I actually worked as a documentary filmmaker
for many years and developed some storytelling skills,

449
00:35:24,960 --> 00:35:30,760
narrative skills, language skills that were
kind of wildly different than what you'd

450
00:35:30,760 --> 00:35:35,000
get in a you know, Republican
staffer, you know, break room.

451
00:35:35,039 --> 00:35:37,599
And I think that those those those
messages and stories and narratives that I was

452
00:35:37,639 --> 00:35:44,320
able to build the last few years, were able to scramble the left defenses,

453
00:35:44,800 --> 00:35:51,760
really get behind enemy lines and then
land some really vicious blows against their

454
00:35:51,800 --> 00:35:55,119
their ideology, against their institutions in
a way that they were not prepared to

455
00:35:55,239 --> 00:36:00,280
counter because no one had come at
them in that manner. Yeah, and

456
00:36:00,679 --> 00:36:05,239
I think Ryan, after reading the
book, was surprised at how fluently you

457
00:36:05,280 --> 00:36:09,639
speak the language of the Left.
And that's incredibly important because they have I

458
00:36:09,679 --> 00:36:13,400
mean, it is a different language. And on that note, I actually

459
00:36:13,440 --> 00:36:17,760
wanted to ask you about queer theory
because there's sort of a the left of

460
00:36:17,800 --> 00:36:22,519
somewhat baffled or the center somewhat baffled
right now, and how the tea being

461
00:36:22,559 --> 00:36:28,800
attached to the LGB suddenly seems to
have initiated backlash to just Pride as talk

462
00:36:28,840 --> 00:36:32,440
about a brand. The brand of
Pride, which was pretty popular with Americans

463
00:36:32,440 --> 00:36:37,480
has suddenly become controversial again, and
that seems to be thanks in large part

464
00:36:37,519 --> 00:36:42,440
to the tea. A lot of
people might wonder how CRT and queer theory

465
00:36:42,599 --> 00:36:45,519
are connected. You were just talking
about pornography. People might wonder how CRT

466
00:36:45,840 --> 00:36:50,920
and Marx and Marcus are are related, but actually they really are you right

467
00:36:50,920 --> 00:36:54,760
about it? CRT as the sort
of uber discipline. What is what is

468
00:36:54,800 --> 00:36:59,960
the influence of queer theory and how
is it attached to this kind of broader

469
00:37:00,079 --> 00:37:06,079
issue of CRT. Yeah, it's
it's it's actually a really interesting intellectual history,

470
00:37:06,119 --> 00:37:10,920
and queer theory and critical race theory
emerge on parallel tracks. Their origins

471
00:37:10,920 --> 00:37:15,639
are not they don't share the same
origins. They're they're the kind of intellectual

472
00:37:15,679 --> 00:37:20,719
children of different lineages, but they've
managed to come into this coalition. Of

473
00:37:20,760 --> 00:37:24,159
course, and the coalition for the
left is race and sex. Both are

474
00:37:24,159 --> 00:37:28,960
the two big issues. So critical
race theory and queer theory have become the

475
00:37:29,039 --> 00:37:35,039
dominant ideologies on those two axes.
And sometimes it works together, sometimes it's

476
00:37:35,119 --> 00:37:39,719
at odds or in contradiction. And
I think that queer theory comes more from

477
00:37:39,719 --> 00:37:45,840
the postmodern vein. That's very clear
in their literature, um and and queer

478
00:37:45,880 --> 00:37:54,000
theory is more interested in transgression,
is interested in in violating sexual norms.

479
00:37:54,760 --> 00:37:59,679
Yeah, oh yeah, I mean
it's all fuco and and so that's when

480
00:37:59,679 --> 00:38:02,360
you get things like quite different.
You know, Andrew Sullivan when he was

481
00:38:02,400 --> 00:38:07,599
fighting for gay marriage, a lot
of different opinions about it, but his

482
00:38:07,719 --> 00:38:13,960
argument was, well, you know, gay couples want to assimilate to middle

483
00:38:14,000 --> 00:38:19,239
class bourgeois norms and have the same
civil protections as everyone else. I think

484
00:38:19,239 --> 00:38:22,280
that is, you know, turn
out to be with some kind of legal

485
00:38:22,320 --> 00:38:27,119
maneuvering and Supreme Court decisions or interventions, depending on how you look at it,

486
00:38:27,480 --> 00:38:31,840
fairly persuasive to people. But then
you have the kind of queer theory

487
00:38:31,880 --> 00:38:35,320
camp that comes in and they says, yeah, but what we really want

488
00:38:35,320 --> 00:38:40,159
to do is kind of create schools, turn schools into you know, quote

489
00:38:40,199 --> 00:38:46,639
unquote queer spaces, and to explore
queer sexualities and to provide students with new

490
00:38:47,039 --> 00:38:53,000
gender pronouns and and boutique sexualities,
and then to share books like this book

491
00:38:53,079 --> 00:38:58,039
is Gay that teaches them how to
use gay sex apps, or gender Queer

492
00:38:58,039 --> 00:39:02,400
which depicts, you know, of
pedophilia and explicit sex. And and then

493
00:39:02,400 --> 00:39:05,880
some parents are saying, hey,
wait a minute. You know, I

494
00:39:05,960 --> 00:39:09,000
know that you know, Tim and
Bob are the you know, the married

495
00:39:09,039 --> 00:39:12,719
couple that live next door. They
seem to be, you know, doing

496
00:39:12,760 --> 00:39:15,559
fine, not not hurting anyone.
But why is you know, my my

497
00:39:15,719 --> 00:39:21,280
child elementary school teacher now suddenly,
you know, bringing pornography into the classroom.

498
00:39:21,079 --> 00:39:23,400
Um. And that's that raises a
lot of questions that I think activists,

499
00:39:23,599 --> 00:39:29,239
even on the left, UM,
have tried to avoid answering. But

500
00:39:29,320 --> 00:39:31,519
I think eventually they're going to have
to start answering, um, what is

501
00:39:31,519 --> 00:39:36,239
the relationship between all those two things? And that'll be a very interesting conversation

502
00:39:36,559 --> 00:39:39,159
once it gets started. My last
question for you Chris Is, if you

503
00:39:39,239 --> 00:39:44,800
were sitting with Nicky Haley and explaining
to her, Um, you know,

504
00:39:44,840 --> 00:39:50,119
you're trying to take this academic argument
and take it to somebody who frankly wants

505
00:39:50,119 --> 00:39:52,920
to win elections. Nicki Haley,
Tim Scott, they want to win elections.

506
00:39:52,920 --> 00:39:55,639
Goverbd Asa Hutchinson wants to win elections, and they're, you know,

507
00:39:55,840 --> 00:40:00,400
actually using a really outdated way of
talking about this that's both morally wrong but

508
00:40:00,480 --> 00:40:06,599
also politically disadvantageous. So if you
had to explain to them, this is

509
00:40:06,599 --> 00:40:08,119
what I think Ron des Stantis really
gets. He understands the stakes, he

510
00:40:08,199 --> 00:40:12,920
understands exactly what you just explained,
that these are connected. But if you

511
00:40:13,000 --> 00:40:17,360
had to explain to Nicki Haley why
you can't out identity the left based on

512
00:40:17,480 --> 00:40:21,920
this, let's just say, the
argument of the book itself and the work

513
00:40:21,960 --> 00:40:25,280
that you've done, what would you
tell her to convince her that she's wrong

514
00:40:27,639 --> 00:40:30,440
both. I mean, I think
that would be a very difficult job,

515
00:40:31,400 --> 00:40:36,079
given how committed she is to that
that way of framing things. And I

516
00:40:36,079 --> 00:40:42,440
think what I would explain to her
is that rhetorically, I mean substantively,

517
00:40:42,599 --> 00:40:45,159
I could explain to her all day
why it's a mistake in position. But

518
00:40:45,239 --> 00:40:50,840
even just rhetorically calculating in partisan political
benefit or immediate political benefit, I could

519
00:40:50,840 --> 00:40:54,559
say, you know what, there's
maybe an immediate gratification to deploying that kind

520
00:40:54,599 --> 00:41:00,280
of rhetoric, but you're never going
to actually win with that kind of hic

521
00:41:00,760 --> 00:41:05,000
And so you have to actually go
higher than your opponents. You have to

522
00:41:05,000 --> 00:41:09,199
take the moral ground that is above
the framing that they offer. And and

523
00:41:09,400 --> 00:41:14,239
do you want to be the kind
of person that is given a set of

524
00:41:14,719 --> 00:41:17,440
ideas by your enemies and then tries
to defeat them with those ideas, or

525
00:41:17,480 --> 00:41:21,760
do you want to have a set
of ideas that is so far above how

526
00:41:21,760 --> 00:41:25,760
they're thinking that that if you reframe
the debate on that higher ground, you

527
00:41:25,800 --> 00:41:30,400
will inevitably destroy them. Um,
you know, I think, you know.

528
00:41:30,519 --> 00:41:36,199
I mean maybe then you'd also have
to maybe hypnotizer and keep program the

529
00:41:36,239 --> 00:41:38,119
Reagan brain or I don't know what
it is, but I got to be

530
00:41:38,159 --> 00:41:43,400
hard. I would maybe bring in
some kind of you know, some expert

531
00:41:43,480 --> 00:41:45,639
psychologists to help, But but that's
kind of the basic for ust of what

532
00:41:45,679 --> 00:41:49,599
I would try to explain. I
was gonna say, you would probably have

533
00:41:49,639 --> 00:41:52,400
to promise that if she gives up
the identity politics, we can invade a

534
00:41:52,440 --> 00:42:00,800
country. We will give you one
invasion Canada. Yeah, exactly. Actually

535
00:42:00,840 --> 00:42:02,320
I was I had to do one
more quick question for you, and I

536
00:42:02,360 --> 00:42:07,119
suspect this one will be really quick. I'm sure. I know you've worked

537
00:42:07,480 --> 00:42:10,440
with a lot of Republican lawmakers.
I am just have this morbid curiosity right

538
00:42:10,480 --> 00:42:15,280
now to know if any Democrats,
as you've become more and more high profile,

539
00:42:15,679 --> 00:42:21,039
have reached out any elected Democrats,
democratic candidates, democratic organizations have reached

540
00:42:21,039 --> 00:42:23,360
out to sort of talk through some
of this and get your advice on any

541
00:42:23,400 --> 00:42:28,800
of it at all. No,
unfortunately, No, I've had many individual

542
00:42:28,880 --> 00:42:31,039
Democrats, right I reach out,
of course, say hey, I'm a

543
00:42:31,079 --> 00:42:35,280
Democrat, but this stuff is just
out of you know, out of out

544
00:42:35,280 --> 00:42:38,599
of control, um. But institutionally
I have not you know, my my

545
00:42:38,599 --> 00:42:43,159
my door is open. I would
love to talk to Democrats, but we're

546
00:42:43,199 --> 00:42:49,760
just in a very um polarized political, uh and institutional setup right now.

547
00:42:49,920 --> 00:42:52,079
So UM, I don't worry about
it. It's like, you know,

548
00:42:52,480 --> 00:42:57,360
we need to win where we can
win using the methods and and coalitions we

549
00:42:57,400 --> 00:43:00,280
have available. But I'm certainly open
to that and if you have any any

550
00:43:00,320 --> 00:43:07,079
recommendations. Absolutely. Chris Rubo is
the author of the new book America's Cultural

551
00:43:07,119 --> 00:43:09,519
Revolution, How the Radical Left Conquered
Everything. It's out now. You should

552
00:43:09,559 --> 00:43:13,960
absolutely buy it. It's a great
read. He's also with the Manhattan Institute.

553
00:43:14,000 --> 00:43:15,679
You can follow his work there.
Chris, thank you so much for

554
00:43:15,760 --> 00:43:20,639
joining the show. Thank you so
much. You've been listening to another edition

555
00:43:20,679 --> 00:43:22,559
of The Federalist Radio Hour. I'm
Emil Jasinski, culture editor here at the

556
00:43:22,559 --> 00:43:25,360
Federalist. We'll be back soon with
more. Until then, the lovers of

557
00:43:25,440 --> 00:43:28,320
freedom and anxious for the Fray
