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Third round of the podcast with Alejandro
Gaviria and Ricardo Silva Romero, a podcast

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from the locutorio arroba the speakerio of
that The President seems to be on another

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topic. He goes through it every
once in a while, but I dare

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say he hasn' t read his
development plan and he talks about grassland sometimes

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agrarian reform and the end of the
world. They' re like his three

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main themes. With that ideology that
revolves around this kind of identity, capitalism

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equal death, yes, and the
legislative agenda is in social security and there

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is no unity. And sometimes he
said a while ago reform is change.

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But no longer Hello Ricardo, hello
Alejandro, we meet again live and live

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back after a week or several days, almost two weeks agitated. Yeah,

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we had this way and that way. I was thinking that when we do

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third lap with message exchange they tend
to be a little more literary or spiritual.

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If it is one in another way, not in that plane mode,

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and now we can practice the presentism
speak of that perf our country. There

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was over there a narrative essay genre
with several compilations in Colombia noventero, with

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the title at which time Colombia was
screwed. Yes, yes, yes,

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repeated, they have repeated it in
several countries. Out of conversation in the

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house it was Barbalos' you think
Colombia is screwed or not. So much.

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I don' t like failure very
much. Yes, and even a

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lot to go to Catastrophism. Neither
do I, but I do have like

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this idea that the country is spinning
about the same thing as it is not

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moving forward and the promise of change
is staying at that. Yes, I,

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too, have that sense of betrayal
of a cause, of fraud,

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of a cause and I have been, in these weeks writing variations of that

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idea, which is the feeling of
having grown up even in a family that

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expected the arrival of those causes.
I don' t know, my grandfather

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uncle, everyone was progressive and I
was waiting for the moment when social justice

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would come. The family and my
family full of friends from the left who

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counted tortures in the northern canton and
good people from the 19th century, who

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were very close to the house.
Or it' s very close to the

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house. And all the time I
am thinking of such a struggle, for

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more than forty years to swindle that
cause. And I' m impressed by

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the people of that cause who let
so many betrayals and so many scrappings and

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so much improvisation go by, so
ineptitude for fear of falling off the shelf,

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for fear that you have to criticize
and say this is not done or

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there they are stealing or these people
they named is terrible for fear that saying

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that would mean a problem for the
left or for progressive causes. So that

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silence in the face of disaster is
understandable, let us say humanely, but

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it seems to me that this is
precisely the time to denounce it. The

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mess. The word you say is
very hard. Scam, yeah, I

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do, I' m sorry,
and you used a word in your last

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column, also very hard, with
which it starts. The column reconstitutes between

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the t of the column, but
the column begins with the word fraud.

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Yes, and I understand the psychology
Ricardo writes once I called her the difficult

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task of apologizing illusions. Yes,
exactly and I' ve seen even one

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interview here aya asking a person who
also grew up with the illusion of these

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causes and says I' m disappointed
by this, these hours, this and

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they ask him, I' ll
vote for petro and you say yes.

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Yeah. I mean, it'
s the idea of not giving up that

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illusion of change, but it'
s hard to keep it. I filmed

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a video over there. In November
of the year two thousand twenty- one

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was pre- presidential candidate who kept
it to me several times a week and

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had this idea of himself what was
going to happen in the government and did

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have like this idea of what could
happen. I can describe what Petro'

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s government is going to be like. He wants me to explain. In

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the first year, he appoints a
good cabinet of national unity. He doesn

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' t make it together. Six
or eight months go by. If it

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doesn' t happen much, the
government is broken up and Petro starts tugging

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like crazy. And basically it'
s that conflict that creates permanently and the

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country' s agenda revolves around Peto' s twitter and nothing is done.

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It' s a bit. I
recently said that I was more afraid of

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inaction than action in a Petro government. Yeah, and it was similar to

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what I had seen with trumpo when
I said Petro starts tweeting like crazy,

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though, tweeting like crazy. What
had happened to Trump during the pandemic does

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nothing and the country revolves around the
petro trills and I think that has been

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happening. Here is an issue that
has changed, a debate, that puts

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an agenda jumping from one side to
the other. Meanwhile, the noun almost

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abandoned. And that' s what
you call fraud or staffa, which is

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difficult. There is no discipline of
public policies, there is no method that

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was I will say clearly already without
fear what I found in the government also

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yes. There is no performance.
No, and there is a divorce between

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a chasm, I could put it
that way, between what is said and

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what happens, that it is five
for any government. It' s hard.

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Without a doubt, there is a
benefit that brings those causes to the

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power that is a benefit. I
do not know symbolically, that there is

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political recognition of certain groups that did
not, that the discourse of peace is

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repeated. It is important that there
be marches without people, that they lose

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their eyes, that there be one
more public force on the side of the

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population. There are benefits that remain
for the Government and that would justify re

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- voting for the cause rather than
for the candidate. And yet that impossibility

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of carrying out is exasperating. That' s what that tendency to let go

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and let go of ideas that never
land and will never land. Besides,

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that' s just one of those. They' re already feeling like they

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' re ripping me off. This
is a fraud you don' t have,

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which is a meaning of words is
you' re cheating on me.

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I was fooled, I was told
that this was going to be serious and

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that a political agreement would work,
for example, to bring forward what is

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called social justice. But there are
no agreements and no one to execute them.

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And it is absolutely dramatic to see
mediocrity and ineptitude. It' s

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almost in those terms as serious as
there' s no talent for this.

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These people don' t know how
to do this. I would say Ricardo

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that there is an issue that is
not only the inability to carry out,

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to execute or to execute public policies
that program after program, project after project,

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achieve some goals of government. There
is something more serious, in my

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opinion, and it is not a
vision either. The Government has no clear

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idea. What you want to do
with your time, and the time you

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have left is two years, no
more. If you look at the development

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plan, the development plan revolves around
an idea and it' s like territorial

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planning, the multipurpose disaster, the
sanitation plans, it' s very much

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there. Sometimes it says it in
a grandi way The President tells us to

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order the territory around the water.
That is the idea of the development plan.

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The President seems to be on another
subject, he revisits it from time

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to time, but I would dare
say that he has not read his development

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plan and he talks about the total
past, sometimes agrarian reform and the end

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of the world. They' re
like their three main themes. With that

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ideology that revolves around this kind of
identity capitalism equal death, yes and the

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legislative agenda is in social security and
there is no unity. And sometimes he

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said a while ago the reform is
the change, but it no longer appears.

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Even willing to abandon some reforms,
for example, health reform was left

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out there, you fell under the
very weight of its contradictions and the inability

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to show society a viable alternative.
Yes, but what is the vision,

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what does the President want? It
seems to have a vision for the world

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more than for Colombia, if aviation
for the world is based on its messy

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readings. I think because he connects
the second. I take Marx' s

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capital with a marginal work of an
author I think it' s Swedish about

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fossil capitalism. So he wants to
decarbonize the world and he' s kind

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of a prophet and superimposed messiah and
that' s complicated. I was at

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the bank convention last week. The
economy is stalled, private investment is stalled.

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He has a collapse that he had
not lived in Colombia for about twenty

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- five years. Banks had their
worst year in decades. It has been

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the fourth worst year of the financial
system in a hundred years and President Petro

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made a final speech, a speech
that lasted more than an hour, I

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think an hour and a half,
and he spoke about this, about his

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view of the world, of capitalism, of the fossil of the economy.

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There was no vision of our country
and there was no good issue. How

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we are going to deal with a
critical juncture to our planet, which makes

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one think that he has one more
temperament to be, for example, a

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university professor who wanders and who is
linking as that his readings, his ideas,

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his suspicions, or, for example, to be a reckless columnist as

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he says. He ascended the right
in Europe is the end of the century

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of lights, which in itself is
funny, because that is over a long

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time ago. Let' s say
the century of lights and I think all

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that was a bonato. I say
it was at the end of the century,

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when he won the right in the
European Parliament. He said the century

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of light. Or the end of
the century of lights, a little late.

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But this is a prophet, a
little bit. This is that he

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has an announcement at the end of
the century of lights. Humanity had already

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closed that chapter two hundred years ago. Well, which would be interesting those

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impossible connections to make and which show
as a particular way to spin the speech.

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Well, whatever it is, it
would be interesting in a class like

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elective. Not even the inpensum This
lord is going to present the twentieth century

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or the story according to him,
and it would be interesting to hear it

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and wander if he were in a
school. I repeat, if you'

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re not bensuming because you' re
not telling the truth, you' re

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not explaining anything, you' re
going to feel so well conned. This

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teacher didn' t teach me anything, but that class would be for him

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to teach. I believe that as
an exact seventh, as an effort and

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tells me well this guy said something
Jesus Antonio Berano already talked about the crisis.

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I remember an economist who rested peacefully
murdered by the year of the seventh

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- century crisis. I think it
would look good there. There would not

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be perfect, because then there are
some students who are fascinated, others who

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say that good wagon has the same
place as columnists. As a columnist,

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he talks about the rise of the
right in his next column, as it

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is questionable, but he is a
columnist and fine. But the President determined

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on behalf of an entire country that
passed in Parliament' s elections half an

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hour before the results were known.
Well, that' s not what you

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do. And with his resounding opinions. When the constituent sank in Chile,

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he said he returned an opino chet
Pinochet said when Millay won, the Nazism

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said the guasmo. Those resounding opinions, which are perfect for a twitter or

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a columnist and are even debatable.
You tell this columnist what you want to

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slow down, what you want to
do, I think you' re overreacting,

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but he' s a columnist.
It' s not right, yeah,

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yeah, so gives an audience.
That' s provocative and furious and

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it' s funny. I am
a tempest, as now that he has

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done to Ricardo, it seems funny, because it is how I have a

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non- extrapolatory word, not as
the case goes and extrapolates it to the

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end of the world, not to
the ground of the world. There is

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an event in the present and the
world is always checked. Yeah, and

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I think he' s having a
little shepherding effect. Liar, which is

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that some things that says very serious, as Nazism is rising in the United

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States, that would be, therefore, to risk the relations of two countries,

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like that nothing happens anymore, because
they already know that speaks a lot

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and that anything can get out of
there. He' s still Presidents.

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Especially I think it has lost effectiveness
in international scenarios and people begin to say

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if the extrapolation trend. Here again
is a more delicate subject. Ricardo sometimes

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when he examined this complex psychology of
President Petro and who have this last decision

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that one could understand, in the
latest decision on banning coal exports to Israel.

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If that is a risk that in
substance, I find it interesting,

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because issues of international trade and the
economy always have to decide. They are

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such matters have always had pragmatic elements, but he gets into that subject and

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gets into it with an absolute moral
judgment and basically makes that decision that one

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could say ethically and morally, would
have some justification. But here comes the

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point that seems complex to me,
which is that he is his moral status

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in the world, which seems to
be above the economy of the country.

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Today, people' s well-
being. If one wants to, then

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of course I see a certain moral
narcissism, that is, what mattered is

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not Colombia' s position, it
is the taking of a breast with that

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kind of moral superiority respenses of the
economy. Now someone might say yes,

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pragmatism one applies when there are questions
of humanity it seems complex, because he

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could say the same, do the
other. And there is contradiction because it

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is more the same with Russia,
for example. Of course, with a

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number of countries you could do the
same and you start to think already in

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diplomatic terms, because that is an
international treaty. There' s a FTA

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with Israel, now, there'
s company contracts, they' re tricks

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that you have to compute. The
President may make that decision. I don

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' t think so, but I
don' t know now I wouldn'

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t give it anymore, because it' s a FTA. Then we have

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to rewind it. And one immediately
imagines Israel saying well, because I buy

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carbon from other people. Nor is
it going to shake that country, but

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it is going to be a gesture
that will be applauded as by the same

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old auditorium. It has no impact
on Israel, but they do have a

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pact on Colombia. You can'
t have a lot of people get into

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trouble that well, okay, there' s a moral impulse that you might

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understand, but again, there'
s a lot of ignorance of the realities

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of international relations, which is,
then, the same unknown of, for

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example, the health system. The
same ignorance of everything is to throw ideas,

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to make decisions that begin to affect
their own people, in the case

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of the export of carbona the people
who will live of it, in the

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case of the cards of the patients
who are in vilo. Anyway, there

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' s a lot of ignorance of
the consequences, which is that it'

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s worrying, because I would think
that governing is just taking into account all

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that. I believe that a ruler
to practice a way of calling it with

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a word that is sometimes piorative,
but utilitarianism, to worry about the well

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- being of its people, because
of course, there are moral considerations,

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but that are carried away in other
areas and called mostly in a rhetorical way.

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He can go to the United Nations
and express the speech. It seems

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illegitimate to me and presents his ethical
and moral vision of the world, but

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how about he presides with a pen
ranking the countries from good to bad and

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say me, after a line here
and trade with these, yes, with

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these no. No. To begin
with, Venezuela is a case of discussion.

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It' s a humanitarian tragedy to
be the continent' s biggest in

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the last hours, the five quiet. One of the diplomatic relations with which,

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moreover, as I personally agree,
could be established there, we were

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doing for China, because there are
many human rights considerations in China. Yes,

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it was like when Duke was President
and lived indignant with mature, but

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he met with the Dogan, who
was another judge, authoritarian president, who

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one could fear or Iran or anything. So it' s hard and if

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we' re tying up our conversation, there' s worries about not carrying

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it out. Yes, concerns about
the lack of a vision to which the

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country wants to lead and these are
perhaps the most complete and authoritarian tendencies,

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lawlessness using a power that is capricious. Yes, you are afraid of a

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tumultuous democratic transition up to two thousand
twenty- six. I still tend to

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think that there are no dangers of
him wanting to stay or being violent.

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I don' t think so.
I don' t think I see it

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yet and I' m not afraid
of it, and I think we need

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to be less afraid of petru I
think we need to face it more and

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stop it more and that every time
you propose constituent power, remind it that

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it is making ambiguity, because it
always starts like this. It' s

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on one side and then it looks
like it wants to change the Constitution,

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but then it goes like reforming it
and it' s juggling until really what

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I was saying is that people have
to take care of their destiny, which

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is a common place. But,
of course, and besides, what people

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do before, they spend it taking
care of their destiny and leading in spite

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of governments. There is one thing
that I find delirious and worthy of psychiatric

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study, which is the ignorance of
the struggle of others, of the struggles

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of others, the ignorance, for
example, that the Mayor of Bogotá is

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the son of Galán, that if
you want symbols, because there you have,

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you have a symbol and has its
symbol is that there are millions of

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people in Colombia. I think that
is the most verifiable thing that still has

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a broken heart, because that man
was not President, because Galán was not

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President. And that' s a
very important struggle that took place. There

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were a lot of people who got
killed to get to that ninety- one

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constitution, that two- tenth agreement. If you say that, it was,

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then, five years of discussion,
despite the right that bothers Petro so

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much and I am very impressed by
the ignorance of the struggle of others.

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For someone who has had such clear
struggles, it seems rich that he wants

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to choose himself as the one who
represents all struggles. Yeah, this,

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they' re all somehow enthroned.
There He is the embodiment of all the

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suffering, all the madness of the
history of this country. If he is

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not able to say, there are
other people in this present who also personify

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that struggle, that struggle that are
also paradigms beyond the simple sinucha example.

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That' s very fundamentalist. The
other day I read an article about the

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insults that are thrown from the extremes
and as good burguesito, Señorito, told

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them the most radical left, cal
la calao likes very much. Now it

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' s the lukewarm ones. That' s one thing you' re supposed

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to be. It' s a
great insult and I remember a friend who

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is a great artist who in a
conversation told me I can' t stand

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the middle class. This one,
of course, is a middle- class

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friend. But of course, the
artistic world, which sometimes crosses with the

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left, tends to despise the middle
class, because it sees it accommodated at

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the top, accommodate some medianía,
not a certain medianía. And it seems

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to me that the contempt of the
middle class is very unfair. It is

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very unfair from that extremism, because
there are struggles there and there are people

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parting their souls and trying to take
out houses that are projects to more concrete,

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to take forward a family And all
that and the contempt of that to

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me seems to have been the great
failure since liberalism on the left, that

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is, from a larger progressive bloc. Let' s call him in Colombia,

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the yes block. He does to
peace. Their great failure is the

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contempt of that, of the middle
classes of conservatism. Of course, several

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of your fears, you, the
fears that are legitimate. The last conversion

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I have, Petro, I don' t know if there would be this.

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I had already told it in a
previous episode. That comes from the

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case. It was about that,
Ricardo. I didn' t call it

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middle class. I told him at
the time the President is forgetting that portion

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of Colombians who think they have something
to lose. Yes, of course,

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and the middle classes want to move
forward, they want to socialize the middle

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sentence, because they are represented by
social mobility, but they think they have

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something to lose and they have fears. If they have that more or less

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instinctive conservatism. And there is that
conservatism for a person who has been left

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and that change, rapid change and
social replications have been his great struggle.

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He sees this as a kind of
obstacle, but these without the middle classes,

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it is a difficult society, prograted, that does nothing and without a

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pact that we have talked about before
with a liberalism one the causes of the

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left hardly prosper, they become a
pulse among fundamentalisms, it becomes a trigger,

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00:25:38.759 --> 00:25:45.799
a trigger of fears. It is
the agreement with liberalism that makes that

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transformation possible and it seems to me
and I think that it is the fiasco

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00:25:53.160 --> 00:26:00.680
of the government that begins in the
reluctance to agree with the liberalism that has

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to be said, it has achieved
transformations. The Constitution of the nineties has

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a lot to do with liberalism in
it the Agreement of two thousand sixteen And

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maybe that doesn' t much like
someone radical, because the liberalim doesn'

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00:26:14.519 --> 00:26:18.400
t like the accumulation of power.
Liberalism believes that knowledge and forces of change

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and society are fully centralized. They
can' t be just one person.

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That kind of caudillisms are not welcome
between someone who calls himself liberal and liberalism

304
00:26:32.000 --> 00:26:36.799
brings that scepticism too and brings and
a hundred those people are already doing a

305
00:26:36.839 --> 00:26:41.400
lot and that force that you will
never be able to channel everything for your

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00:26:41.440 --> 00:26:45.759
political purpose leave it and that is
also a force for change, he has

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00:26:45.839 --> 00:26:49.119
to work tun is liberalism. He
believes in this that not everything is reduced

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00:26:49.200 --> 00:26:55.640
to the government is even skeptical about
the ability of politics to transform society,

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because in other ways, as societies
are transformed also Ricardo, we had a

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00:27:04.759 --> 00:27:11.200
little reluctance to talk about this issue. Yes, yes, it gave us

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laziness, but it' s because
I think it' s not very clear

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00:27:15.160 --> 00:27:18.279
in our mind that our debate was
so much involved. I' m a

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00:27:18.319 --> 00:27:26.160
little more involved than you are,
but also how you try to keep that

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aceptical distance. But at the same
time, he will not be indifferent.

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I don' t care about anything
that people don' t agree with me.

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That is, I find it very
feasible to be friends with someone who

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00:27:41.200 --> 00:27:48.720
disagrees with me. That' s
a peace of mind. I try to

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say what I think and that'
s it and that' s where it

319
00:27:56.400 --> 00:28:03.759
comes to propose what I think and
portray it as I see it and I

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00:28:03.799 --> 00:28:06.680
think that' s already it,
that' s my participation. But going

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00:28:06.759 --> 00:28:14.920
further seems to me to be useless
and absurd, because I think there'

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00:28:15.079 --> 00:28:21.119
s no way to convince, there' s no way if someone answers my

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column. I think that, that' s a spiral into nothingness. In

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other words, it doesn' t
carry anything. No. Instead, I

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00:28:27.079 --> 00:28:33.079
think that already with the proposal of
writing, everyone who reads and uses what

326
00:28:33.640 --> 00:28:36.960
he read in his own way agrees
with something, with something else, no,

327
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but I think the most useful thing
is that of the rest of the

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00:28:41.119 --> 00:28:45.839
pulse. It seems to me that
it never carries any of the fighting of

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those, of some interesting social networks
because I was already saying it in the

330
00:28:49.960 --> 00:28:53.799
Macar Commission on Friday I read your
column. I was looking at my cell

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phone as I started a lecture and
I saw President Petro commenting on it,

332
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and then I started thinking to Ricardo
whether or not I would answer it.

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Yes, I had been tempted to
answer him when he mentioned me and I

334
00:29:06.240 --> 00:29:08.599
said hopefully, I will not make
the mistake that I made because to hook

335
00:29:08.599 --> 00:29:11.440
up there I was left with an
evil envelope in my mouth. I don

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00:29:11.160 --> 00:29:12.880
' t think he' s carrying
anything for what he' s not.

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00:29:14.119 --> 00:29:18.039
I think she' s not wearing
anything because I think she' s not

338
00:29:18.039 --> 00:29:26.039
talking about the same language, that
is, she' s just a column

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00:29:26.039 --> 00:29:29.440
about recognizing them for the progress that
others make. Or that pact between liberalism

340
00:29:29.480 --> 00:29:36.359
and the left, because it succeeds
and he commented on it. As,

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on the other hand, it is
a whole discussion in the mind whether one

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00:29:41.359 --> 00:29:47.519
responds or not, whether one is
being arrogant, not responding or doing well.

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And finally, it seems to me
that this network scenario never leads to

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00:29:51.480 --> 00:30:00.440
debate. It is always an effort
to prevail as already the message he has,

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00:30:00.759 --> 00:30:06.160
because he has already won because he
is the President. He has seven

346
00:30:06.160 --> 00:30:08.279
million followers. Or whatever, and
that' s already na everything that I

347
00:30:10.079 --> 00:30:12.799
put a t a train or a
message on the social network x what it

348
00:30:12.880 --> 00:30:18.039
' s called now I look at
and at twenty seconds there are two spares.

349
00:30:18.279 --> 00:30:22.519
One says naked on my profile and
the other is a petro cellar.

350
00:30:22.960 --> 00:30:27.240
Insulting me with that street guy or
anything. I don' t know how

351
00:30:27.319 --> 00:30:30.960
to put naked on my profile faster
or play petro. I think you'

352
00:30:30.000 --> 00:30:36.279
re talking about the two- spectrum
hold all of a sudden in one of

353
00:30:37.119 --> 00:30:40.519
those, but and I' m
more tempted to answer the nudes on my

354
00:30:40.599 --> 00:30:45.480
profile and than the other, because
thank you so much, oh new,

355
00:30:47.680 --> 00:30:48.839
yeah, that, that' s
not it. I don' t think

356
00:30:48.920 --> 00:30:51.039
there' s a debate there.
And, on the other hand, I

357
00:30:51.079 --> 00:30:53.799
think that in reading what you write, if there is any debate, people

358
00:30:53.880 --> 00:30:57.160
will think. This guy has no
idea or I agree with this and not

359
00:30:57.160 --> 00:31:02.799
with this, and something goes away
and somewhere I think he does. I

360
00:31:02.920 --> 00:31:07.880
think fighting and getting stuck in that
isn' t worth it. It also

361
00:31:07.920 --> 00:31:11.640
gives me a sense of restlessness.
I don' t think so for one

362
00:31:11.720 --> 00:31:17.759
' s own mental health, and
so does one like a corner of a

363
00:31:17.880 --> 00:31:22.519
ring And it' s me that
you don' t have a problem recognizing

364
00:31:22.559 --> 00:31:27.279
how good the government is or if
they do something good or if they pass

365
00:31:27.319 --> 00:31:30.279
a law that' s worth it, that is, for example, bullfighting.

366
00:31:30.400 --> 00:31:37.519
I think it' s good that
that discussion comes out and that that

367
00:31:37.559 --> 00:31:41.960
' s already absurd for this time. There are progressive things that continue to

368
00:31:42.000 --> 00:31:48.839
work and remind me of what you
were saying about liberalism and how liberalism does

369
00:31:48.920 --> 00:31:53.599
is release leadership. I believe that
in these thirty years there have been some

370
00:31:53.640 --> 00:32:00.000
leaderships that exceed the governments, that
is, for example, someone like Elizabeth

371
00:32:00.400 --> 00:32:05.279
Castillo in the world of the axis, or Monica Roja in the world of

372
00:32:05.759 --> 00:32:13.400
women or current and reproductive rights,
Cristiana Cristina in the world of just cause

373
00:32:14.720 --> 00:32:20.240
or González yes Gana, Cristina González
or Carlos González Pucci in football, who

374
00:32:20.319 --> 00:32:24.559
is the man who responds for the
rights of the workers in that world,

375
00:32:24.839 --> 00:32:30.640
And so one can see the lady
of the EOM, who is fantastic in

376
00:32:30.680 --> 00:32:36.599
the electoral system. One can see
in all Colombian issues leaderships that transcend administrations,

377
00:32:37.359 --> 00:32:44.240
presidencies and that are always there and
have transformed what they do into an

378
00:32:44.359 --> 00:32:49.559
organization that is called childhood, because
they seek them all over the world because

379
00:32:49.640 --> 00:32:53.359
they defend the rights of children,
the presidents change, but those people do

380
00:32:53.359 --> 00:33:00.279
continue to make transformations. Change does
not depend only on the soro policy of

381
00:33:00.319 --> 00:33:04.680
leadership, and these examples of civil
society, of real leaders, end up

382
00:33:04.680 --> 00:33:10.400
being even more effective. Sure,
on the other hand, other ways,

383
00:33:10.599 --> 00:33:15.160
you said something now, Ricardo,
and the speech still makes sense. I

384
00:33:15.319 --> 00:33:17.279
like to call him sometimes. I
don' t know if it sounds pejorative

385
00:33:17.279 --> 00:33:22.240
or insulting. Rhetorical consolations from the
leader in that position of being President that

386
00:33:22.359 --> 00:33:28.640
symbolically is so important. Some rhetorical
consolations are important, but the concerns that

387
00:33:28.680 --> 00:33:34.160
we have enumerated authoritarianism, the ignorance
of other leaderships, the ability to implement

388
00:33:34.240 --> 00:33:39.359
projects are worrying. And the lack
of vision of a country that, if

389
00:33:39.440 --> 00:33:47.319
it seems to me a way to
waste some causes and one and such irresponsibility

390
00:33:47.519 --> 00:33:54.680
to have come to propose a fiasco, to do nothing of what so many

391
00:33:54.799 --> 00:34:01.759
people fought. There were so many
left- wing voices and so many important

392
00:34:01.799 --> 00:34:09.000
leaderships that they could have made a
magnificent democratic presidency that convinced people that the

393
00:34:09.039 --> 00:34:15.840
left was not a disaster, but
a way of directing democracy towards social justice.

394
00:34:16.119 --> 00:34:21.599
There were so many people who could
have done well and come to that,

395
00:34:21.800 --> 00:34:24.800
to waste it, to put people
wrong to make the problem of people

396
00:34:24.880 --> 00:34:31.400
' s lives the government. That' s infamy. Unfortunately, Ricardo,

397
00:34:31.440 --> 00:34:36.760
we' re in the moment of
tweeting like crazy. Yeah, I think

398
00:34:36.840 --> 00:34:38.920
this conversation doesn' t add to
that spiral. Yes, I mean,

399
00:34:39.119 --> 00:34:44.599
if the President is doing that,
maybe we' ll have some broad retis.

400
00:34:45.239 --> 00:34:49.360
Yes, someone has to give themselves
as an adult in the situation and

401
00:34:49.480 --> 00:34:51.719
is to restrain themselves. That'
s what needs to be done. Hold

402
00:34:51.760 --> 00:34:57.760
on and hold on and not fear
so well. I believe that I am

403
00:34:57.840 --> 00:35:04.119
surrounded by many friends who fear a
lot and who feel that this can end,

404
00:35:04.559 --> 00:35:09.360
because in the dumbest example that is
given that it is Venezuela, as

405
00:35:09.360 --> 00:35:14.679
well, ignoring all the historical processes
of the countries, I do not think

406
00:35:14.760 --> 00:35:17.039
that goes there. Neither do I, but I do think he' s

407
00:35:17.039 --> 00:35:22.280
making a con. I have only
one rich concern and it is democracy.

408
00:35:22.400 --> 00:35:25.519
I also need that we had already
said, a certain willingness to lose respect

409
00:35:25.559 --> 00:35:29.760
for electoral rules. Yeah, I
mean, I lose and I agree.

410
00:35:30.400 --> 00:35:37.840
Yes, and the populist leaderships trump
baganaro have not been able to recognize the

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00:35:37.880 --> 00:35:40.920
results of adverse elections. No,
and I am afraid that in the year

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00:35:42.000 --> 00:35:49.239
two thousand and twenty- six President
Petro will begin to undermine confidence in the

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00:35:50.000 --> 00:35:53.039
electoral institutions and question the outcome of
an adverse election. Now we have to

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00:35:53.239 --> 00:35:59.119
recognize the fears that do not come
from nothing and Petro Yes has sometimes talked

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00:35:59.199 --> 00:36:00.599
about this place being the subject of
elections. It' s worse than Venezuela

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00:36:00.599 --> 00:36:02.239
' s. He said that phrase. I don' t like that.

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00:36:02.360 --> 00:36:06.599
That, that' s a phrase
that, besides, doesn' t make

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00:36:06.679 --> 00:36:08.920
any sense to a man chosen for
that. Yeah, that' s what

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00:36:08.960 --> 00:36:14.360
the election system is all about.
The electoral system, at least at the

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00:36:14.559 --> 00:36:19.039
time one compares it with other countries. In Colombia at two and a half

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00:36:19.039 --> 00:36:22.320
hours we already know who the present
is. We know it has never been

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00:36:22.559 --> 00:36:25.559
questioned, either here or there.
But it was a mess but I don

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00:36:25.639 --> 00:36:29.320
' t think it' s good. The last was a thousand nine hundred

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00:36:29.519 --> 00:36:32.760
and seventy, but you' re
a real moment, that' s true,

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00:36:34.119 --> 00:36:37.480
but since then I believe Colombia has
had a credible electoral system. We

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00:36:37.519 --> 00:36:43.440
will continue in the struggle Ricardo,
we will follow strong embrace gram. It

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00:36:43.559 --> 00:36:46.920
' s clear we can all write. It is clear that we can all,

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00:36:47.480 --> 00:36:52.440
with luck and vocation, devote ourselves
to the craft of writing. But

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00:36:52.519 --> 00:36:58.920
lately I think that not only can
we, but we must write. Writing

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00:36:58.960 --> 00:37:04.719
is the best therapy we have at
hand. Welcome to fictionary an audio course

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00:37:04.760 --> 00:37:13.159
on how and why I wrote Take
the audiocourse of fictional writing in the locutorio

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00:37:13.239 --> 00:37:22.000
com slash fictionario with Ricardo Silva Romero. Always pick a good time. Always

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00:37:22.039 --> 00:37:28.760
choose a good conversation. Third lap
podcast. Subscribe now and listen to it

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00:37:29.119 --> 00:37:32.360
every week on your favorite platform,
a podcast produced by the speaker. The

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00:37:32.440 --> 00:37:39.800
newsroom follows us like a ruff.
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