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We're back with another edition of the
Federalist Radio Hour. I'm Emil Jasnski,

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culture editor here at the Federalist.
As always, you can email the show

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at radio at the Federalist dot com, follow us on Twitter at fdr LST.

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Make sure to subscribe wherever you download
your podcasts, and to the premium

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version of our website as well.
Today we are joined by the once in

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future Federalist Radio Hour guest or In
Gass is back. He's, of course,

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the executive director over at American Compass, which is out with a remarkable

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new handbook, what's called Rebuilding American
Capitalism, a handbook for conservative policymakers.

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It's in the weeds but also very
helpfully, very good on first principles and

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principle in general. So, or
In, thanks for stopping by to talk

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about the Oh, thank you for
having me. Yeah, of course,

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in full disclosure, I'm an American
Compass member. But that side, you

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know, there's there's a lot in
this to agree with. So I guess

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my first question, or In is
why socialism and why Now I'm kidding,

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I'm kidding, but that that is
like the the retort that you get constantly,

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um from you know, folks that
maybe don't even consider themselves libertarian,

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maybe they consider themselves conventional conservatives.
But look at the project that you've undertaken

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over at American Compass and that is
fleshed out comprehensively in this handbook, and

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say, this is not limited government. This does not fit neatly within you

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know, the scope of limited government
as it's was conceived by the fusionist project

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of the last half century. So
I know we've covered all of that on

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previous in previous conversations on this podcast, but or in just that basic question

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as you review all of the work
that you put together in this handbook,

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Um, why is it, you
know, fundamental part of a conservative vision?

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Well, I agree, I think
it's exactly the right question, and

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it's been something that's really been interesting
for us to grapple with as we put

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this together because you know, it's
sort of the culmination of the first three

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years of our work at American Compass. And what was really fun from sort

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of the inside working on it was
seeing how much our own thinking has really

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developed as we've actually done the research, as we've done the policy development,

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to the point where now we really
have answers to a lot of questions that

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that you know, we couldn't have
had initially. We couldn't have had any

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of this when when we started,
because I don't think anyone's thinking on the

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right of center had had developed in
this way. And this the sort of

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is it socialism question that you raised
is it's it's exactly the right one,

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and it's why we ended up,
you know, choosing to title this Rebuilding

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American Capitalism because the more work we've
done, the more we've realized that what

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what so much of this comes down
to, and from our perspective, where

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a lot on the right have gone
so wrong is in how they understand what

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capitalism is. And you see,
you know, they're they're very direct quotes

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from people like you know, former
Center pat to me from from Ambassador Nikki

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Haley that sort of put forward this
idea that capitalism is literally just another word

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for freedom, and this idea of
the free market is just just what is

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out there before any before public policy
or government or anything gets in the way,

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and that as soon as you do
anything beyond that, you know,

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as Haley famously said, you're sort
of you're on the path to socialism.

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And what we've come to understand as
we, you know, research the history

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of America's economic development, as people
looked at what is and isn't working in

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our economy today, that that sort
of kind of absolute ludhist libertarian concept of

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freedom isn't capitalism at all. It's
it's it is not what Adam Smith was

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talking about. It's not a model
that has ever worked anywhere, and it's

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clearly not working here today. And
so for us, the project is really

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to go back and figure out,
you know, what, what did the

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classical economists mean by capitalism, what
did it mean when it was working well

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in America? And why isn't it
working today and so And in that respect,

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then it is the ultimate conservative project
to recognize that there is this incredibly

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valuable thing that we maybe took for
granted but shouldn't have, and we have

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to figure out how to strengthen those
institutions and guard rails that that provide the

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basis for human flourishing. Yeah,
I have to say the one policy area

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that I feel like is way too
unfamiliar to myself and probably to the right

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in general, partially because there just
aren't a lot of people on the right

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who thought differently about this not you
know, there are a million different factors

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to the blame for that. But
you have a section here with essays from

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Julius Crime and the great Caleb or
on financialization, and I really really think

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what they write about. So much
of this is tied up in it the

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kind of culture war red meat conversation
about ESG. There's so much that seems

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to go right back to this question
of financialization. And wanted to start there

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by, seeing Warren if you could
tell people, if they've never heard the

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term, a little bit about what
financialization refers to, and then a little

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bit about what Julius and Caleb are
sort of prescribing going forward. Yeah,

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financialization is. It's funny. People
will people will do entire seminars on on

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what does financialization mean? But you
know, the way we think about it,

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and as a starting point, it's
just the idea that an increasing share

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of our economic activity starts to happen
in financial markets, and that whereas in

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the you know what I would say
a proper sense of capitalism, we think

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financial markets are important, but we
recognize there a means to an end.

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You like financial markets because they help
bring capital to productive uses, not because

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we all benefit when you know,
high frequency traders on Wall Street are coming

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up with super cool algorithms to earn
extra money. And what we've seen in

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the American economy in recent decades is
a real shift to basically financed for its

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own sake. I mean, we've
seen a larger share of economic economic activity

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happening in financial markets. We see
a much larger share of the economy's profits

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going to financial markets. We see
financial markets taking a lot more capital out

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of the real economy instead of investing
it into the real economy. We see

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more and more of the top business
talent going to work and venture capital and

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private equity and hedge funds instead of
building the businesses that would actually use capital.

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And so so all of that together
is sort of the picture of financialization.

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And you know what folks like Caleb
and Caleb Or and Julius Crime who

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wrote for this handbook really emphasize,
and I think it's so important to recognize,

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is that you really can distinguish the
productive from the unproductive. Right,

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I mean, I think one of
the sort of knee jerk reactions on the

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right of center as soon as somebody
starts talking about bad things happening in a

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market is to say we, well, like, who are you to decide

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or you know, how how should
we judge what is good and what isn't

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and and those turn out to be
just really sort of shallow objections. We

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really have a very rich vocabulary and
ability to understand what we want to see

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financial markets doing. What it looks
like when capital from savers is actually brought

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to a product of use invested in
ways that create things in the real world.

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And it's pretty easy to conversely see
when that's now what's happening at all?

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When you just have piles of paper
assets going around in circles, creating

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a lot of paper wealth for people, but not actually creating any prosperity in

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the country. And so I think
it's a key piece of what has gone

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wrong with capitalism, where if the
easiest way to make money is to do

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that stuff, then then that's what
people will do. The invisible hand can

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just as quickly push everybody off into
trading bitcoin as it can push people toward

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doing something useful, and so for
policymakers it's it's a real challenge what do

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you do and the best ways to
make a profit in the economy, aren't

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the kind of things that are actually
going to produce social value. And one

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of the wildest things is hearing people
like Nikki Haley, who was on the

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board of Bowing talk about markets in
the way that she talks about them and

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to pivot in a very maybe unexpected
way, but when it makes sense to

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me at least be thinking about just
having a conversation with someone about how they

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they're gonna, you know, their
friends are gonna keep shopping at, for

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instance, Target, you know,
social conservatives going to keep shopping at Target,

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because what is the alternative is it
Coals where they have the same problems

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as Walmart, where they probably have
the same problems. None of these corporations

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are responsive to market forces in the
way that you would expect them to be.

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And you know, you might have
someone like ruevek Roma Roma Swami out

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there talking about how it's about ESG, but I think ESG is symptomatic of

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something in and of itself that goes
to the question of financialization. So to

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maybe put that question in a discernible
way, if you were talking to a

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presidential candidate or about how they should
you be thinking about policies, you know,

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not just whining about out bud light
or target, but thinking about policies.

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Would financialization be a part of that? Oh? Absolutely, And I

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think you know a lot of the
things that you just highlighted are they're sort

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of the second order consequences of financialization
because one of the things that we get

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with financialization is this incredible sort of
disaggregation of ownership. And what I mean

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by that is it's not actually clear
who owns a company at this point,

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right, we have we have the
sort of Milton Friedman sense that you know,

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shareholders own companies, and shareholders want
to earn, you know, make

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money, and therefore managers are responsible
to make money for shareholders. And and

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that's maybe fine as far as it
goes. I mean, we could talk

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about whether that was useful or not
in nineteen seventy when he wrote it,

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but if you look at the economy
today, you know, let's take I

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like using Apple as an example,
right, Okay, So Tim Cook is

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the CEO of Apple. Who is
he accountable to, Well, he's accountable

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to his board of directors, who
are supposed to be elected by the shareholders.

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But the shareholders if you look at
who actually holds the most Apple stock.

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It's these large institutional investors. It's
black Rock and Fidelity, it's mutual

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funds. If you look behind that
and say, okay, but who gave

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their money to those people? A
lot of times, almost half of US

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stocks are now owned by foreigners.
Not that there's anything inherently wrong with a

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foreigner, but people in other countries
don't necessarily have the same interests as as

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Americans do. And in fact,
in a lot of cases that foreign money

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is in sovereign wealth funds. So
it's actually, you know, the Chinese

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government or the Saudi government that technically
holds holds the shares. So are they

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the people who Tim Cook is accountable
to? And what you start to realize

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is two things. First of all, well, that's not really who we

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want an American CEO to be accountable
for capitalism to work. And this is

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where we sort of started the conversation, what do you need for capitalism to

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work? Well, you actually need
the owners of businesses, the people with

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the capital to want to be doing
things that are also going to be good

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for the country. And if those
aren't aligned, then the system's not going

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to work. So that's one huge
problem. And the flip side is there's

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a sense in which Tim Cook isn't
really accountable to anybody at all. He

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really cares a lot about what his
friends think of him. He cares a

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lot about which conferences he gets invited
to, and he cares a lot about

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making sure that the board, which
is mostly his friends and the people at

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the conferences, think he's doing a
good job. And so when you see

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these ESG initiatives, when you see
the extent to which socially progressive causes are

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now front and center, even at
the expensive profit, what you're seeing I

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think is it is in part a
consequence of financialization. It's a consequence of

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the way capitalism is supposed to work, with actual people being accountable for the

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decisions and companies being replaced by this
vague set of abstractions that pretty much leaves

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managers kind of free to do whatever
they want. The watched Auto Wall Street

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podcast with Chris Markowski Every Day.
Chris helps unpack the connection between politics and

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the economy and how it affects your
wallet. If you're using one credit card

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to pay off another credit card,
are you really getting read of your debt?

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Add that to spending even more of
your tax dollars that they don't have.

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That's what the federal government got from
this debt deal. Any reason why

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another deal needs to be made in
the presidential election cycle, whether it's happening

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in DC or down on Wall Street, it's affecting you financially. Be informed.

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Check out the watched Auto on Wall
Street podcast with Chris Markowski on Apple,

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00:13:58,039 --> 00:14:05,159
Spotify, wherever you get your podcast. And this seems like a vast,

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almost impossible task, the task of
reigning all of this in. Where

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would a let's say, a Republican
president, actually a democratic president too,

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will just open it up to everyone
since it should, you know, theoretically

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be appealing to everyone. But what
would a democratic president, Republican president,

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or a congress frankly that was interested
in dealing with some of the stuff start.

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Yeah, So I think there's there's
a few different ways to get at

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the problem. You know, one
is to go straight at the financial legislation

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itself and say, you know,
we are going to separate productive from unproductive

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activity on Wall Street, and we're
going to discourage the unproductive activity. So,

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for instance, many countries have what's
called a financial transaction tax, Basically,

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if you have to pay an extremely
small tax every time you do a

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trade, then trading for its own
sake that doesn't create real value becomes unattractive

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pretty quickly. London has a financial
transaction tax, Hong Kong has a financial

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transaction tax. These are perfectly compatible
with deep, well functioning financial markets.

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They just put a finger on the
scale for doing useful things instead of useless

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things. So you can do that. You can have a lot of rules

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that specifically target private equity funds and
hedge funds and require them to, for

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instance, disclose what they're actually doing, what their performance actually is, so

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that they're not just taking a lot
of public pension money and not accomplishing a

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lot with it. You can change
tax laws so that right now we actually

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give a preference to borrowing. So
if you raise money by selling stock and

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sort of the traditional capitalist model,
you have to pay taxes on all your

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profits before you can give any profit
back to your sharehol holders. But if

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you borrow money, you can actually
pay your interest back to the back to

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your creditors before you have to pay
taxes on it. So there's there's a

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tremendous amount of activity that's just going
around borrowing money that's going to be at

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a tax advantage basis, and then
turning around and using the borrowed money to

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buy back shares and return more money
to shareholders. That way, these this

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kind of financial engineering if you want
to be nice, or manipulation, if

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you want to be less nice.
Again, it's just it's not good,

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and there's no reason we can't say
it's not good and have laws and a

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tax code that that reflect that.
So there's stuff we can do directly on

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financialization, and then just quickly on
kind of the you know, the ownership

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side or the the issues with ESG
and so forth. I think it's really

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important that we can think about how
we want capitalism to work. Who do

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we think should be making the decisions
about how a business operates. And that's

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something that for conservatives in particular,
that question at first sounds really strange,

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like well, wait, wait a
minute, that's like, that's not a

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question we're supposed to be allowed to
ask. There's supposed to just be some

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clear, true market answer, But
the reality is that there isn't. In

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fact, when you think about all
of the people who have a stake in

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a company, you know, if
if you are one of those people who

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have lended money to the company,
you're expecting to get back interest payments,

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but you don't have any say on
how the company operates. On the other

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hand, if you're somebody who bought
stock in the company, we see you

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as the owner, and we say
you do decide how the company operates.

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But those two questions of who's entitled
to the profits of the company and who

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gets to make the decisions for the
company, those are two different questions,

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and any legal regime has to decide
how you want to you to be that

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up. So I think one thing
that's really important to think about is who

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are the groups who should get to
have a say in making decisions about how

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a business operates. Obviously shareholders are
one hugely important one, but I think

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it would be a good idea to
say only some shareholders really count. And

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you see this in some companies that
have different classes of shares. I think

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it would make a lot of sense
to say, you know, if you're

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an actual, identifiable American person who
owns stock in a company, you should

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have a say in how the company
operates. But if you're an ambiguous investment

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vehicle, that is invested through a
different investment vehicle that has put its money

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in black Rock, that has then
put its money into the company. Yeah,

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you can still have a share of
the dividends, but actually you don't

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get a vote. Sorry. And
on the other hand, you know who

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maybe should have a vote? Workers? Maybe workers should have a vote.

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And so starting to think about that
and actually realizing we get to decide as

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a nation and through our policymakers,
how we want capitalism to work, and

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recognize we need it to work better, I think is exactly where conservatives should

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focus. There's a somewhat famous chart
that is actually goes back to AEI.

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It's on eight Ideas. I'm sure
you've seen it. We're in where you

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see the price of goods over the
last like thirty years, and the very

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heavily subsidized but essential industry is a
housing, healthcare have shot up while the

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price of consumer goods TVs, electronics, etc. Have plummeted. And this

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is I mean, obviously very very
sad visual. But it depresses me because

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I wonder whether you know the libertarian
skeptic who would say, what we really

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need is a consumer base that you
know, sorry, you know if consumers

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aren't interested in buying American If consumers
aren't interested did in paying a little extra

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more for their their you know,
cheap Amazon goods, Um, then you

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know it doesn't matter. You can
take all of these financialization steps and the

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market is still going to produce the
same result. And you know, there

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are a million different rebuttals to that. But one thing that does worry me

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is, you know, do we
have a culture? Um? You know,

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what did John Adams say? Our
constitution was for moral people? And

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there are other quotes from the founding
that have expressed a center a similar sentiment.

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Do we even have a culture or
that would support you know, desirable

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market ends or is that also what
you're trying to do with the family policy

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in the handbook? It has to
be both at the same time. I

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think we have a culture that that
would support it, and I think it's

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important to recognize the sort of ways
in which the cultural and economic issues are

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are intertwined. Um. You know, I think one bad habit that a

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lot of us on the right center
have gotten into is to look at problems

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out there in the world and not
want to have government involved in them,

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and therefore declare it's a culture problem. And implicit in that phrase it's a

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culture problem, which anyone who's spent
time in right of center circles has heard

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frequently is that it may be a
culture problem, but it's almost never only

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a culture problem. There are always
dimensions both in terms of what is influencing

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the culture that that public policy plays
an important role in, and and then

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there are elements of it that really
are a direct result of public policy.

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And so, you know, I
think that point about kind of well Americans

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just want cheap stuff is a perfect
example where, yes, other things equal,

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people like to choose the cheaper thing. And obviously we have a very

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consumerist culture in America. But let's
recognize the role that public policy plays here

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in a couple of respects. One
one piece of it is just that there's

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a collective action problem. I can
believe as as strongly as I want that

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America would be better off if we
produced more things domestically and there was more

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domestic demand for manufacturing and we had
more of that investment here. But which

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thing I personally buy at Walmart has
no effect on that. So I can

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sort of personally in a like you
know, virtuous signaling sort of way,

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go and spend more money if I
want. But we have a collective action

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problem, and you know, it's
really good at solving collective action problems government.

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That's in some respect the premise of
government is to identify collective action problems

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that we actually want to solve,
and so for conservative it's to sort of

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predisqualify public policy from solving these problems. It's basically circular, and you can

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just break that circle and say,
well, no, actually, given the

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things that we care about and the
outcomes we want, we should want government

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to play a role here. And
it's absolutely valid to recognize that we should

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have a preference for, for instance, making things here and creating jobs here,

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even if that does mean that some
things are more expensive. So there's

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that piece of it, and then
I think there's there's the broader way in

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which we have to recognize that that
public policy has created this this market system

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that says essentially the only goal in
all cases is to consume more stuff as

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cheaply as possible. I mean,
that is fun. That is the core

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of the economic philosophy that we've been
operating under. And an economists will tell

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you that bluntly, they'll say,
well that easy, in fact the purpose

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of economics, and so that is
an enormous opportunity for conservatives, and I

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think one that most Americans would prefer
to what they have been hearing to say,

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Well, that's actually a really lousy
way to do things, and most

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of what actually matters in life is
not cheap stuff, and there's a real

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opportunity here to do a lot better. Right. There's the sort of oft

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misconstrued truism from Andrew Bribert. The
politics is downstream of culture, which of

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course never precluded the idea that culture
is as is also a downstream of politics,

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as are not mutually exclusive things.
I want to ask. We've talked

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about labor policy before on a sort
of thirty thousand foot level. There's a

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lot of good stuff in the labor
section here from Jonathan Barry and others.

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Is it I'm thinking of this in
the context of the last month's immigration debate,

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which you waited bravely into as well
and took all kinds of buck again

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from the libertarians. But is it
short of a total to overhaul just just

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thinking of the politics of the possible, Can labor be bolstered without also bolstering

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a giant, you know, anti
family political interest group, a giant open

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borders political interest group. When you
think about the fact that s the sciu

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UM, you know, believes in
amnesty and essentially you know, the consequential

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open borders at the that would be
downstream of that, is it possible to

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do that without overhauling the entire system
and also not benefiting you know, these

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these groups that also would would undercut
you know, the wages at the ends

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when it comes to you know,
what you and Michael Lynn talk about with

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wages and family policy as well.
Well, I think there are sort of

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two intersecting issues there that are really
interesting. One is to your point that

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labor, as we talk about it
in America today, meaning you know,

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big labor unions like the SEIU,
is actually doing a terrible job of representing

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American workers. And if you look
at the issues that these labor unions choose

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to focus their energy on, the
overlap with issues preferred by the Democratic Party

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is basically perfect, and the overlap
with issues that matter to American workers is

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basically random, and so on the
one hand, that's that's obviously a huge

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problem, but It also, on
the other hand, speaks to a huge

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opportunity. There's a tremendous amount that
could be done in the field of labor

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law in terms of how organizations representing
workers operate, that could be doing so

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much more for workers than these unions
are today. And so in the labor

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context, if you look at,
for instance, in the book, the

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set of policies we talk about,
they're all focused on exactly that idea.

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How do we get back to a
labor movement that is actually focused on advancing

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the interests of workers, because because
that's something I certainly think conservatives should support,

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and by the way, historically that
that's a lot more what the labor

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movement was. I mean, if
you go back to the origins of it,

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you know, folks like like Samuel
Gompers Um. He was militantly nonpartisan

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and insistent that that if labor unions
became partisan, affiliated with one party,

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it was going to be a disaster
for frankly, a lot of the reasons

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we now see it being a disaster. I mean, all the way through

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the fifties, Um, certainly you
had very kind of bipartisan or nonpartisan orientation

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of labor unions and their commit their
connection to political parties. Richard Dixon had

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00:27:41,039 --> 00:27:45,240
had a great relationship with UM with
with union leaders. It's it's really only

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in recent decades that we've ended up
with kind of labor as synonymous with the

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Democratic Party. And so actually fixing
that should be a piece of labor reform.

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And that's saying that we talk about
just saying labor unions can't be political,

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just like you know, nonprofits can't
be political. I mean, that

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doesn't mean you can't advocate for things. Obviously, American Compass is a great

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example. We are a nonprofit.
We spend all of our time advocating for

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things, but we're sure as heck
not to allowed to raise money for the

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Democratic Party or raise money for the
Republican Party. And so putting those kinds

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of constraints on worker organizations and saying, you know, again, as with

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nonprofits, if a worker organization wants
to set up a pack and raise money

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00:28:27,960 --> 00:28:32,599
for it, by all means,
but let's keep that separate from the core

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economic role that that workers need those
organizations to play for them. So so

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that's one piece that we really focus
on in the labor policy context, and

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then the other that's that's broader,
and I think you just said goes exactly

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to um. You know, Mike
Linda's tremendous work on this is do book

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Hell to Pay is fantastic on this
point. Is there's just a basic way

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in which, as part and parcel
of what we were just talking about with

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with our consumption culture and economics as
just a discipline of maximizing cheap stuff and

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consumption, a huge piece of that
is that we're a cheap labor culture that

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informal economics in the way our policymakers
approach things. You know, sure they'll

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say good jobs, you know,
fair wages, whatever else, but at

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the end of the day, they
actually treat labor like just as a commodity,

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the same way they treat oil or
would. And the idea is the

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more of it is that we have, the cheaper it is, the better

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off will be. And if you
just want to have lots of cheap stuff,

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that might be true. But a
huge piece of what we are arguing

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for a American compass, and again
what I think should be core to a

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conservative vision of capitalism is that labor
isn't like wood or oil. I hate

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that I have to say that,
but this would actually be a controversial point

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in especially right of center economics.
We actually want labor to be expensive in

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some respects. What could be better
for American working families than for labor to

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be expensive. And so that shift
in mindset and recognizing that high wages can

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be a good thing, especially you
know, speaking of those who have have

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lower wages today, getting those wages
up, that has to be a priority,

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even if it makes stuff more expensive
in some cases, and that is

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just not something that policymakers have taken
seriously for or really since the onset of

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globalization, you know, thirty or
forty years ago. I'm doing the Devil's

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00:30:37,240 --> 00:30:44,319
advocate thing here because I mostly think
it's fun, but it's also just it's

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helpful, I think because some of
our listeners who might still be on the

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00:30:48,279 --> 00:30:52,880
libertarian maybe conventional conservative mindset, who
see them, well, they they've already

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00:30:52,880 --> 00:30:56,880
they've already turned off the podcast there, John God, or they're hate listening,

383
00:30:57,279 --> 00:31:03,119
but they maybe see this stuff is
like being reflectively opposed to their version

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00:31:03,119 --> 00:31:07,319
of conservatism. But all that is
to say, how do you um make

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00:31:07,480 --> 00:31:15,000
goods more expensive and then also encourage
people to have more children? Bigger families,

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00:31:15,039 --> 00:31:18,079
like they're What they would say to
that is, well, you're making

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00:31:18,079 --> 00:31:21,039
it more expensive to have bigger families. Well you're also asking the government to

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00:31:21,039 --> 00:31:25,200
subsidize having bigger families. But why
does this sort of all actually really work

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00:31:25,240 --> 00:31:30,759
together, um for the sort of
ecosystem. Yeah, that it's a really

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00:31:30,839 --> 00:31:33,680
good question, and I think it
goes to, you know, a point

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00:31:33,720 --> 00:31:37,799
that's that's been lost also in a
lot of the recent debates around inflation.

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00:31:37,880 --> 00:31:41,720
I mean, obviously, you know
the country has had a major inflation problem

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00:31:41,720 --> 00:31:45,559
over the past couple of years.
Um. You know, the rate has

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00:31:45,599 --> 00:31:49,240
certainly come down from the you know, eight nine percent that we were facing,

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but it's it's still well above two
percent um. But but the striking

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00:31:55,119 --> 00:31:59,720
thing is that that although economists like
to sort of say, well, you

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00:31:59,720 --> 00:32:04,240
know, wage growth is too high
and a labor shortage and these wages are

398
00:32:04,319 --> 00:32:10,240
driving inflation, if you actually look, wages are growing slower and inflation is

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00:32:10,359 --> 00:32:15,160
rising. So so real wages,
the sort of value that people are earning

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00:32:15,240 --> 00:32:20,559
that they can they can buy in
the market, Um, those real wages

401
00:32:20,559 --> 00:32:24,480
are declining, um. And and
it's it's other things. You know,

402
00:32:25,160 --> 00:32:30,920
Hey, what about corporate profits m
that appear more to be sort of driving

403
00:32:31,160 --> 00:32:35,920
the inflation. And so it's it's
certainly true that over the last couple of

404
00:32:36,000 --> 00:32:39,519
years we've seen a situation that's that's
very difficult for working families in a lot

405
00:32:39,559 --> 00:32:45,000
of cases. But if you think
about a hypothetical situation, you know,

406
00:32:45,039 --> 00:32:50,480
let's say we actually got serious about
enforcing our immigration laws and created a tighter

407
00:32:50,559 --> 00:32:55,039
labor market for lower wage workers in
particular, and they started seeing their wages

408
00:32:55,119 --> 00:33:00,079
rise as a result, and that
some of that was being passed on to

409
00:33:00,160 --> 00:33:07,319
consumers, Well, the wages would
rise a lot faster than prices rise because

410
00:33:07,920 --> 00:33:13,279
that low wage labor is only one
piece of all the costs that go into

411
00:33:13,279 --> 00:33:15,799
the stuff. Right, if you
think about the you know, even something

412
00:33:15,799 --> 00:33:19,960
that we think is really labor intensive
product, like say, you know,

413
00:33:20,039 --> 00:33:23,079
let us in the supermarket, well
maybe ten percent of the cost of that

414
00:33:23,279 --> 00:33:29,079
let us is actually the low wage
labor on the farm. So if you

415
00:33:29,279 --> 00:33:37,240
dramatically increase the earnings of lower income
households because there's actually real, real demand

416
00:33:37,359 --> 00:33:43,480
for their work in the labor market, their wages will go up a lot

417
00:33:43,519 --> 00:33:46,640
faster than prices go up, and
they will be better off as a result.

418
00:33:47,640 --> 00:33:52,240
Now, who won't be better off
as a result is some of the

419
00:33:52,319 --> 00:33:57,359
higher income folks who have benefited from
very tight labor markets for a long time

420
00:33:57,480 --> 00:34:02,000
and have gotten lots of wage increases. Um. Their wages might rise less

421
00:34:02,079 --> 00:34:10,960
quickly than prices rise. But frankly, I'm okay with that. I find

422
00:34:12,000 --> 00:34:15,559
it very funny that for decades,
while we had a labor market where you

423
00:34:15,599 --> 00:34:19,760
know, high wage workers for seeing
a lot of demand for their labor,

424
00:34:19,840 --> 00:34:22,159
their wages were going up, they
were doing better, and low wage maker,

425
00:34:22,599 --> 00:34:25,559
low wage workers weren't. You know, Everybody said, well, that

426
00:34:25,559 --> 00:34:29,920
that's just the market working. That's
that's just that's the trends, and that's

427
00:34:29,960 --> 00:34:32,920
inevitable, and what can you do
about it? If you contemplate a world

428
00:34:34,480 --> 00:34:37,400
where lower wage workers are actually the
ones with significant power in the labor market

429
00:34:37,440 --> 00:34:42,800
and there are real, you know, real real lack of workers available there,

430
00:34:43,320 --> 00:34:46,360
and their wages are the ones that
start to go up, um,

431
00:34:46,440 --> 00:34:51,599
then everyone screams and says this is
an economic crisis. And I just don't

432
00:34:51,599 --> 00:34:59,039
see why. It seems to me
that that that that is a perfectly that

433
00:34:59,079 --> 00:35:02,440
outcome is perfectly consistent with how markets
are supposed to operate, and again it's

434
00:35:02,440 --> 00:35:07,559
the sort of outcome that we should
be expecting capitalism to deliver if capitalism is

435
00:35:07,559 --> 00:35:13,159
actually working well. It's one of
the interesting things about the Michael Lend book,

436
00:35:13,199 --> 00:35:16,960
and obviously he's not a conservative,
but to the extent that right makes

437
00:35:17,039 --> 00:35:22,159
arguments about inequality, even by other
names, it's typically cultural reasons, right,

438
00:35:22,199 --> 00:35:27,119
that there's this sort of elite cabal, which basically there is that's pulling

439
00:35:27,119 --> 00:35:31,199
the strings. But because of socioeconomic
stratification, there's also this cultural stratification.

440
00:35:31,239 --> 00:35:35,079
And I think all of that is
important. But something I like about the

441
00:35:35,079 --> 00:35:37,239
handbook. That I liked about the
new Lend book is that it makes this

442
00:35:37,360 --> 00:35:43,880
argument. You know, there's there's
something wrong about the stratification period, and

443
00:35:43,920 --> 00:35:49,840
it has to do with the market
not valuing labor fairly. And of course

444
00:35:49,880 --> 00:35:52,840
the libertarian would say, well,
it's fair if that's what the value is.

445
00:35:52,880 --> 00:35:57,119
But we know that we don't sort
of work in this perfect Randy and

446
00:35:57,239 --> 00:36:02,440
lab under perfect Randy and lab can
So why actually the handbook starts with this,

447
00:36:02,800 --> 00:36:09,679
um, why is it that this
inequality is worth addressing through policy?

448
00:36:09,719 --> 00:36:16,800
Means? Well, inequality is I
think a huge issue that everybody should take

449
00:36:16,840 --> 00:36:22,079
seriously, but again, frankly,
especially conservatives. I mean, this is

450
00:36:22,119 --> 00:36:25,280
this is one of these places where
it's really important to recognize that libertarians are

451
00:36:25,320 --> 00:36:30,639
just not conservative. Um, you
know, I think, for instance,

452
00:36:30,920 --> 00:36:34,119
there's also a lot of work done
by by the folks at AI trying to

453
00:36:34,199 --> 00:36:37,440
show that well, you know,
if if somebody's earning the same amount they

454
00:36:37,440 --> 00:36:42,880
were earning in nineteen seventy, well
then that means they're just as well off

455
00:36:42,920 --> 00:36:45,000
as they were in nineteen seventy.
They have the same amount of stuff,

456
00:36:45,039 --> 00:36:51,320
It doesn't matter what it shouldn't matter
what's happening to everybody else around them.

457
00:36:51,400 --> 00:36:55,880
And that's obviously ludicrous. I mean, partly it's it is a it reflects

458
00:36:55,880 --> 00:37:02,679
a total failure to understand human nature
and reality, which are things conservatives pride

459
00:37:02,719 --> 00:37:08,880
themselves on trying to do well.
But it's also a failure to recognize where

460
00:37:09,599 --> 00:37:15,880
value comes from and how we experience
things in life. That if if you're

461
00:37:16,119 --> 00:37:22,119
thinking about buying a present for your
kid, and in nineteen seventy you can

462
00:37:22,159 --> 00:37:25,320
afford the same bike that all the
other kids are going to be riding around,

463
00:37:25,880 --> 00:37:30,320
and in twenty twenty you can buy
that same bike for your kid,

464
00:37:30,920 --> 00:37:34,280
but everyone else has, you know, bikes that are I don't know what's

465
00:37:34,320 --> 00:37:37,440
different about bikes these days. I'm
sure there are much cooler things, that's

466
00:37:39,159 --> 00:37:45,360
sure. Whatever, And because now
it's the twenty twenties and we're supposed to

467
00:37:45,360 --> 00:37:49,079
tell that person like, well,
I don't understand what the problem is.

468
00:37:49,119 --> 00:37:52,719
That's just as good a bike as
in nineteen seventy. Like, obviously that

469
00:37:52,880 --> 00:38:00,679
is going to that has different value
for the consumer if we want to think

470
00:38:00,679 --> 00:38:06,079
about it in consumer terms, and
obviously it's it's going to be toxic to

471
00:38:06,199 --> 00:38:10,400
our to our social fabric. And
so so I think, you know,

472
00:38:10,440 --> 00:38:15,519
there's one question. There's there's the
empirical question of what has happened to inequality

473
00:38:15,519 --> 00:38:17,880
and how much worse has it gotten? And certainly, you know, all

474
00:38:17,880 --> 00:38:22,559
the data says it has gotten worse. There we have long debase about how

475
00:38:22,639 --> 00:38:28,280
much worse, but other things equal, it should be something that conservatives are

476
00:38:29,199 --> 00:38:35,039
focusing in intensive attention on and trying
to understand what is it about our market

477
00:38:36,039 --> 00:38:43,679
that is leading some people to to
accrue such sizable gains and other people to

478
00:38:43,880 --> 00:38:49,519
really be left behind. Because exactly
as you just said, there's not some

479
00:38:50,159 --> 00:38:55,519
law of nature that says, you
know, investment banking is like a way

480
00:38:55,559 --> 00:39:01,519
more valuable thing than like construction.
I mean by most standards, like well,

481
00:39:01,559 --> 00:39:07,840
gosh, the person building houses is
actually building houses, and you know

482
00:39:07,000 --> 00:39:10,320
they're in awful lot of ways.
That's a more pleasant thing to be doing

483
00:39:10,360 --> 00:39:15,320
all day than than than the work
and investment banker does all day. But

484
00:39:15,920 --> 00:39:22,119
given our current market conditions, the
market, the investment banker accrues a lot

485
00:39:22,199 --> 00:39:28,440
more income, and so it's worth
asking how do we feel about those market

486
00:39:28,440 --> 00:39:32,119
conditions, and are there places where
we've made public policy choices that have amplified

487
00:39:34,119 --> 00:39:39,320
that that set of disparities, and
where other other choices might might instead damp

488
00:39:39,360 --> 00:39:45,280
in such disparities. Because I would
rather live in a world that that recognize

489
00:39:45,360 --> 00:39:50,400
that those two workers, you know, certainly one is not working harder than

490
00:39:50,440 --> 00:39:55,119
the other, necessarily one is not
of hiring intrinsic worth than the other,

491
00:39:55,400 --> 00:39:59,719
And so I'd like to live in
a world where they can both support their

492
00:39:59,719 --> 00:40:05,039
family, leasing middle class security at
least, right it shouldn't be so controversial,

493
00:40:05,079 --> 00:40:07,079
but here we are. The last
question I have for or In is

494
00:40:07,280 --> 00:40:15,360
whether you think the primary field and
on the Republican side is shaping up as

495
00:40:15,519 --> 00:40:22,440
a responsive kind of group to some
of these new policy ideas which are organized

496
00:40:22,480 --> 00:40:27,800
really to reflect what is now glaringly
obvious about the Republican base. And I

497
00:40:27,840 --> 00:40:30,599
know you had some of these realizations
earlier than a lot of people working on

498
00:40:30,679 --> 00:40:36,280
the twenty twelve Romney campaign and looking
into domestic policy from that vantage point,

499
00:40:37,000 --> 00:40:40,960
it's early in twenty twenty four.
You're launching this in fact on Capitol Hill

500
00:40:42,039 --> 00:40:45,239
later this month, with you know, the handful of a really strong handful

501
00:40:45,320 --> 00:40:51,559
of members of Congress who have been
responsive to these ideas, to these new

502
00:40:51,639 --> 00:40:55,679
ways of thinking about things. Do
you sense that the Republican primary field is

503
00:40:57,119 --> 00:41:00,320
moving in that direction? Do you
sense, and let me just to ask

504
00:41:00,559 --> 00:41:05,679
about one particular candidate, that Donald
Trump is moving in that direction? Well,

505
00:41:05,679 --> 00:41:09,119
you know, Donald Trump is probably
the one who's been furthest in that

506
00:41:09,159 --> 00:41:14,559
direction already on a lot of these
economic questions. I mean, I think

507
00:41:14,639 --> 00:41:17,239
one thing that that was he's a
big Michael Lynd fan. Everybody knows that

508
00:41:19,639 --> 00:41:23,440
he's you know, if you think
about what he represented in the twenty sixteen

509
00:41:23,480 --> 00:41:29,480
primary compared to all those other candidates, Um you know he was. He

510
00:41:29,599 --> 00:41:32,760
was really the one who was at
least willing to challenge a lot of these

511
00:41:32,880 --> 00:41:37,880
orthodoxies that the old Right had had
sort of hammered home for so long.

512
00:41:38,159 --> 00:41:43,039
And um, you know, I
think you when we were talking about financialization,

513
00:41:43,039 --> 00:41:45,719
you sort of said, you know, one thing is just complaining about

514
00:41:45,760 --> 00:41:50,239
it, that it's another to actually
do something about it, which which is

515
00:41:50,280 --> 00:41:54,440
certainly true from a governing perspective,
but in politics, an awful lot of

516
00:41:54,440 --> 00:42:00,800
it is is talking about the problems
and what problems somebody chooses to emphas size

517
00:42:00,159 --> 00:42:05,480
and so, you know, having
a willingness to look at what's going on

518
00:42:05,559 --> 00:42:08,159
in America today, you know,
whether you're talking about twenty sixteen or now

519
00:42:08,199 --> 00:42:14,039
in twenty twenty three, and say, you know, the real problems here

520
00:42:14,039 --> 00:42:22,039
are things like inequality, like low
wage labor, like globalization, like um,

521
00:42:22,159 --> 00:42:27,400
you know, a totally broken immigration
system, like financialization. These talking

522
00:42:27,440 --> 00:42:34,199
about that set of things is a
totally different, uh message and steat of

523
00:42:34,239 --> 00:42:38,079
commitments to make to voters as opposed
to the old right model of like well,

524
00:42:38,079 --> 00:42:43,159
I'll tell you what the real problems
in America are is like too much

525
00:42:43,360 --> 00:42:49,920
you know, regulatory uncertainty, for
job creators, UM and and and so

526
00:42:50,559 --> 00:42:53,719
you know Trump, Trump was there
first, and I think in this field,

527
00:42:54,360 --> 00:42:59,000
you know, he's obviously not talking
about a lot of policy at this

528
00:42:59,159 --> 00:43:02,159
at the moment, but it's it's
safe to say that relatively speaking, he

529
00:43:02,280 --> 00:43:07,079
will be further to this side.
I think the really interesting question, as

530
00:43:07,320 --> 00:43:10,599
as as you pose it, is
what's what's going on with everybody else?

531
00:43:13,039 --> 00:43:17,480
And you know, one thing that
that's interesting to look at is there really

532
00:43:17,639 --> 00:43:23,519
is now this different way of of
approaching economic policy what we could at American

533
00:43:23,559 --> 00:43:30,679
Compass called conservative economics, that that
rejects the sort of libertarian dogmas of the

534
00:43:30,760 --> 00:43:34,480
old right and says there there is
a new way to talk about this stuff

535
00:43:34,599 --> 00:43:38,679
and think about it and and address
it. And you know, so a

536
00:43:38,719 --> 00:43:44,079
lot of the project of this whole
rebuilding American capitalism project, between all the

537
00:43:44,119 --> 00:43:47,679
policy proposals, you know, you've
been mentioning along the way, that we

538
00:43:47,719 --> 00:43:53,159
have a whole host of outside experts
who we asked to write commentaries for different

539
00:43:53,159 --> 00:43:57,599
pieces of it. I think we
have about two dozen different folks from from

540
00:43:57,639 --> 00:44:01,760
all over the right of center,
um, who are are sort of contributing

541
00:44:01,800 --> 00:44:07,079
their thoughts. And I think it
reflects just the breadth of of UM folks

542
00:44:07,119 --> 00:44:12,079
doing work on these kinds of issues
now. And then, like you said,

543
00:44:12,079 --> 00:44:15,480
well, we'll have a really great
set of UM of elected leaders coming

544
00:44:15,519 --> 00:44:20,239
to participate in the launch event.
And you know Senator Rubio, Senator Cotton,

545
00:44:20,360 --> 00:44:25,239
Senator Vance, Senator Young. UM
folks like this I think are at

546
00:44:25,280 --> 00:44:30,440
the leading edge on these issues.
The primary field. I think it's harder

547
00:44:30,480 --> 00:44:35,199
to say at this point where they'll
be there are there are clearly some who

548
00:44:35,199 --> 00:44:40,719
are are not there. Nikki Haley
is in the field and determined to show

549
00:44:40,760 --> 00:44:45,239
what would happen if you sort of
you know, had a time machine and

550
00:44:45,320 --> 00:44:49,519
could grab a you know, I
don't even know if we fair to call

551
00:44:49,599 --> 00:44:52,320
her from ten years ago, it
might be more like a nineteen eighty six

552
00:44:52,480 --> 00:44:59,440
Republican U but not even I mean, it's worse than that. Well that's

553
00:44:59,440 --> 00:45:01,039
fair. And as I like,
you know, Reagan actually had a far

554
00:45:01,119 --> 00:45:07,920
more sophisticated and nuanced understanding of this
stuff than she seems to UM. But

555
00:45:07,079 --> 00:45:12,920
so so you know, there you
have that lane UM and and then I

556
00:45:12,920 --> 00:45:15,440
think in between there there are going
to be a bunch of candidates who are

557
00:45:15,480 --> 00:45:22,119
really sort of trying to figure it
out as they go. Um And,

558
00:45:22,559 --> 00:45:25,199
like you said, you have a
you have a base of voters that that

559
00:45:25,519 --> 00:45:31,800
does not want to hear uh frankly
for what what Nicky Haley is saying.

560
00:45:31,840 --> 00:45:37,280
Where I feel bad now we're using
Nicky Haley as as the stand in for

561
00:45:37,280 --> 00:45:39,360
for a whole side of the right
of center. But she's a she's a

562
00:45:39,480 --> 00:45:45,679
very effective one. So um And. But but then there are also a

563
00:45:45,719 --> 00:45:51,280
lot of folks who I think obviously
look at at what Donald Trump represents for

564
00:45:51,320 --> 00:45:52,719
the party and says, well,
that's that's not quite what we want to

565
00:45:52,760 --> 00:45:59,599
run back again either. Uh and
and so I think it's gonna be really

566
00:45:59,639 --> 00:46:05,480
interesting to see who chooses to try
to fill the area in between those those

567
00:46:05,519 --> 00:46:08,519
two poles in a sense in different
ways. And the work we're doing is

568
00:46:08,920 --> 00:46:14,280
intended to sort of provide the off
the shelf material that says, you know,

569
00:46:14,840 --> 00:46:19,159
most of a primary isn't wonky economic
policy, but you do have to

570
00:46:19,199 --> 00:46:22,360
have a theory of the case and
a worldview. And we think this is

571
00:46:22,360 --> 00:46:29,719
the one that is it is going
to be where conservatism heads in the medium

572
00:46:29,800 --> 00:46:32,239
term. And we'd love to love
to see folks starting as soon as possible,

573
00:46:34,159 --> 00:46:37,159
I lied, and now I have
one more quick question. It could

574
00:46:37,159 --> 00:46:39,920
be like subject for an entire podcast
in them itself. But I think if

575
00:46:39,920 --> 00:46:43,960
I'm not mistaken, correct me,
if I am, would you were quoted

576
00:46:44,000 --> 00:46:45,400
in the New York Times, New
York or New York Magazine, one of

577
00:46:45,440 --> 00:46:51,480
the New York Things saying that conservatives
seem to perhaps be on the verge of

578
00:46:51,679 --> 00:46:55,400
rethinking citizens united. And as we're
having this conversation, that's in the back

579
00:46:55,440 --> 00:46:59,920
of my mind because so much of
this is difficult, especially with the Prime

580
00:47:00,079 --> 00:47:04,360
Mary Um you know, ahead of
us right now, to imagine, you

581
00:47:04,400 --> 00:47:07,840
know, even if in their heart
of hearts you can sit down and explain

582
00:47:07,880 --> 00:47:13,920
to Nicky Haley what's going on with
bud Light and Target and break numbers down

583
00:47:13,920 --> 00:47:16,320
and all of that, even if
they wanted to, uh, the sort

584
00:47:16,360 --> 00:47:22,519
of financial winds political winds are blowing
in a different direction from where their bases.

585
00:47:22,519 --> 00:47:25,400
Is that Am I remembering that corrictly
correctly? Is that is that an

586
00:47:25,519 --> 00:47:30,800
or in cast quote? It is
now and now now I'm trying to remember

587
00:47:30,840 --> 00:47:37,239
where it was also so New York, so you know, or or regardless

588
00:47:37,360 --> 00:47:44,079
the I think it's a it's a
really important point because um it it again.

589
00:47:44,480 --> 00:47:46,159
You know, in some respects,
you could see it as just a

590
00:47:46,440 --> 00:47:52,480
sort of esg or woke capital related
issue, right like, oh, conservatives

591
00:47:52,880 --> 00:47:55,760
don't like what corporations are saying right
now, so now you know, they're

592
00:47:55,760 --> 00:48:00,400
going to rethink whether corporations should be
allowed to say it. But in my

593
00:48:00,519 --> 00:48:06,079
mind it is much closer to one
of these sort of core issues about capitalism

594
00:48:06,519 --> 00:48:12,039
and reflective of the way that really
for the last ten or fifteen years,

595
00:48:12,119 --> 00:48:17,079
conservatives are taking note of the way
that various assumptions that that we were taught

596
00:48:17,119 --> 00:48:22,480
that we could just make about how
great everything would always work out in the

597
00:48:22,480 --> 00:48:29,480
free market doesn't necessarily hold. And
one of those is it's it's not specifically

598
00:48:29,519 --> 00:48:31,880
the problem that, well, what
if a corporation, you know, takes

599
00:48:31,920 --> 00:48:37,840
a position on Pride month that you
don't like. It's it's a much broader

600
00:48:37,920 --> 00:48:43,719
question about how democracy works. And
you know, I think democracy and capitalism

601
00:48:43,760 --> 00:48:51,360
are these sort of two parallel ideas
that that conservatives rightly cherish and are you

602
00:48:51,400 --> 00:48:55,239
know, should recognize, and our
rocket recognizing are are really hard. And

603
00:48:55,800 --> 00:48:59,960
they take the right set of rules
and they take the right set of institutions.

604
00:49:00,079 --> 00:49:05,960
Uh. And and so when it
comes to the marketplace of ideas or

605
00:49:06,280 --> 00:49:13,159
the political sphere, um, you
know, suggesting that that that corporations are

606
00:49:13,239 --> 00:49:20,079
sort of going to play in an
effective and constructive role, UM doesn't doesn't

607
00:49:20,119 --> 00:49:23,000
necessarily seem true. And now there
are a lot of reasons that that conservatives

608
00:49:23,039 --> 00:49:29,000
did like Citizens United. It's a
fascinating and kind of really complicated legal question,

609
00:49:29,639 --> 00:49:34,000
but I think it's all of a
piece of the way that that um

610
00:49:34,000 --> 00:49:37,800
that a lot of people on the
right are waking up to the reality that

611
00:49:37,440 --> 00:49:43,840
if if we want to have America
working well, um, we are going

612
00:49:43,840 --> 00:49:46,840
to have to have some rules.
Yeah, it was I remember seeing that

613
00:49:46,920 --> 00:49:52,119
quote and it was, um very
affirming to borrow some language from the left

614
00:49:52,159 --> 00:49:54,760
because I've been thinking something similar and
I was like, well, if Orne

615
00:49:54,880 --> 00:50:00,079
thinks it, then it must be
okay, or it must just be socialism.

616
00:50:00,159 --> 00:50:04,280
It's somewhere on the road to socialism. I don't know how far.

617
00:50:05,599 --> 00:50:07,360
Well. You should make sure to
take a look at this handbook. It

618
00:50:07,559 --> 00:50:13,639
is so fascinating, there's so much
in it or and people can find that

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00:50:13,800 --> 00:50:17,679
on the American Compass website. Yes, American Compass dot Org. I'm sure

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00:50:17,719 --> 00:50:21,239
there will be a big button right
in the middle. There you go.

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00:50:21,360 --> 00:50:25,360
It's called Rebuilding American Capitalism, a
handbook for conservative policymakers. Or in casts,

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00:50:25,400 --> 00:50:30,639
the executive director of American Compass,
the author of Once and Future Worker,

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00:50:30,079 --> 00:50:34,519
or we appreciate you stopping by,
Emily, Thank you so much.

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00:50:35,000 --> 00:50:37,159
You've been listening to another edition of
The Federalist for radio hour. I'm Emi

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00:50:37,199 --> 00:50:40,840
Logicianski culture editor here the Federalist.
We will be Baxton with more. Until

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00:50:40,880 --> 00:50:44,559
then, Members of Freedom and anxious
for the Front
