WEBVTT

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I'm warning of an eradication of that
of the American memory, that it could

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result ultimately in an erosion of the
American student. From Powerline blog dot com

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and produced by Ricochet dot com.
This is the power Line Show with your

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host Steve Hayward. Well, Hi
everybody, and happy holidays. And it

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pleases me today to offer this bonus
episode a conversation I had some months ago

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now with Will Imboden. Will is
the author of a terrific book I reviewed

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a year ago in the Washington Freebeacon
on Ronald Reagan, called The Peacemaker Ronald

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Reagan, the Cold War and the
World on the Brink. And as I

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said in my review, I didn't
know that there was much new to be

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said about the subject until I read
Will's book, and he dedicated himself to

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going through the most recently released material
in the archives at the Reagan Library and

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found lots of things that was not
available to me fifteen twenty years ago when

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I was working on my own Reagan
books. But beyond that, Will is

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an important and interesting person because,
in addition to having worked on Capitol Hill

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and at the National Security Council under
President Bush, he was for a long

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time the director of the Clement Center
for National Security Studies at the University of

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Texas at Austin, and most recently
he has become the professor and director of

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the Hamilton Center for Classical and Civic
Education at the University of Florida. Now

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there are a number of these initiatives
at various universities around the country, including

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Ohio, Tennessee, North Carolina coming
soon, where legislatures essentially have been saying,

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you know, we need to do
a better job of civic education.

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We need to offer an alternative to
students from the narrow, conformist and often

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mediocre and bland consensus of academic liberalism. I guess you might say, and

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so Will is brand new on the
job, but he has great ambitions to

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build out the program, and so
after talking about Reagan, we spent a

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few minutes talking about his plans for
the Hamilton Center and the higher education scene

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generally. Now, needless to say, this conversation took place before the events

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of October seven up ended college campuses
in the academic world everywhere, but that

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makes his enterprise all the more important. And so, without further ado,

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here is Will M. Boden.
Will I am delighted to sit down to

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talk to you about your book The
Peacemaker, and also a couple other things

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that are on my mind. And
let me start off this way. You

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know, I didn't think there was
anything new for me to know about the

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essentials of the Reagan Cold War story. I mean, of course there's new

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information and all the rest, and
because I finished my work more than fifteen

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years ago, and so you know, I thought, well, it'll be

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a good book from Will, but
I'm not sure to learn anything new.

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And I was completely wrong about that. Not only is there really fascinating new

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information, but really original and new
and important insights into the story. So

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I think, you know, most
listeners will know the basic story, or

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maybe not completely. But I want
to pick pick on home in on three

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different things that and then one or
two stray things. I'll mention all three

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at the top, and then we'll
take them one at a time. The

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first is how much more active Reagan
was in formulating the Grand Strategy to use

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that phrase. I mean, I
always knew that that was there, but

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more levels of detail than I had
appreciated myself. The second one was I

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had totally missed the importance of Japan
and Reagan's focus on Asia in general.

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I knew a bit about some of
the trade frictions and all the rest of

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that, but I didn't realize the
extent that they really understood the importance of

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Asia. Think that's brand new in
your book. And the third thing is

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late in your book is the importance
of Reagan's religious faith in shaping his views.

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Some people have mentioned that before,
but I think you've integrated that in

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a way that is again new and
carefully done and quite incisive. So let's

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start at the top and let me
sort of start the question over again by

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saying, sorry, I'm going to
listeners. I'm going to go on too

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long. Were there any surprises along
the way? Were there anything that changed

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your thinking about what the storyline is
about your understanding of Reagan that way?

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Well, no, Steve, and
I will I will answer that directly,

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but first I got to buy my
own preface say it's a real honor to

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be here, but also thank you
because you are such a great help to

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me, especially early on when I
was just starting this project of thinking it

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through, to suggesting people to interview, giving me some thematic ideas. You're

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the one who turned me on to
her Meyer, vice chair of the NICK

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and some of his really important work. So anyway, so thank you,

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And of course I've benefited tremendously from
your two volume magisterial Age of Reagan treatment.

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So anyway, I'd be a bad
guest if I didn't give that plug

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to your question. Yeah, in
a lot of ways, we hadn't pre

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orchestrated this, but those three themes
that you just highlighted were three of the

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biggest surprises or revelations to me.
You know, I went into the project

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with, you know, ten years
ago, now, I guess, with

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a generally favorable assessment of Reagan as
a foreign policy president, but not knowing

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a lot of details. Right,
most of my previous work had been on

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the early Cold War Truman and Eisenhower, and then of course time as a

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practitioner of the nine to eleven era. So this I was in some ways

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taking a fresh look at the Reagan
era in the nineteen eighties. And yeah,

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I was surprised at how much more
not just personally involved, but kind

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of the personal orchestrator he was of
his overall grand strategy. He's not just

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getting ideas from other people and saying
yes to them and giving a nice speech

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about it, right, I mean, and this is where for his historians

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were so dependent on using archival documents, you know, the original records of

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the Reagan administration, and many of
those had only been declassified in the last

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ten fifteen years. So I was
one of the first scholars, since we're

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doing this after Reagan Library, actually
able to come here to the library and

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read things like the transcript of Reagan's
meetings with heads of state or the transcripts

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of Reagan's National Security Council meetings.
Let me interrupt on that point that,

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I mean, that's one thing that
really had me not raising my eyebrows and

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chock, but like to say,
wow, therese accounts of NSC meetings where

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Reagan is really i might say,
running the meeting and really saying here's what

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I think, and utterly original,
utterly different, completely unknown to me,

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how active and deliberate and sort of
driving that process anyway, continue, yeah,

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exactly so, and so reading those
in tandem with you know, I

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read every word of every page of
his diaries, you know, obviously the

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two volume absolutely fascinating connection. And
so the interior Reagan worldview and Cold War

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strategies came out a lot more,
as well as things like, you know,

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reading memos that some of his key
staff, whether it's Bill Clark or

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Dick Pipes, are writing, and
then seeing Reagan's notes to them back too.

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You know, he doesn't write extensive
notes in all those, but on

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enough of them. You see he's
tracking this carefully, he's editing it,

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he's putting his ideas in. He
clearly has much more of a strategic blueprint

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in the Cold War, whether it's
on insights on Soviet vulnerabilities or the need

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for more pressure on the defense and
economic and ideological fronts, but also his

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early on hopes to negotiate with the
Soviets, just to negotiate from a position

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of strength after having you know,
kind of really really cornered them, and

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so all that was new to me. Can I ask a particular question about

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one document, and that was the
to me famous NSDD seventy five, That

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was that you know, what's our
grand strategy the Soviet going forward? And

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I think that's a really key document. My particular question is it's long been

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reported, well, I was heard
fifteen twenty years ago. Is that Reagan

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edited the final version, and the
story is he toned down certain things,

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and I think Pipes wanted And so
do you have any of the earlier raw

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drafts. Do we know specifically now
what it was he toned down or is

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that still behind a veil? Yeah, so there's and I'm going to be

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doing some of this from memory since
it's a few years ago that I looked

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really closely at that one and I
just summarized in the book. But it

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is a fascinating story. So again
for your listeners, who may make me

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oliver with the background, Dick Pipes
was an eminent Harvard professor, a great

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historian of Russia and the Soviet Union, one of the very few conservatives on

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the Harvard faculty, and Reagan hired
him as the first Senior Director for Soviet

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Affairs on the NSC staff. So
Pipes is coming in from academia as this

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hawkish academic to advice Reagan started in
nineteen eighty one. So the very first

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draft of what became NSDD seventy five
was a seventy five page single space paper

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that Pipes writes for Reagan. Okay, so yeah, now, Reagan,

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as you and I know, is
much more of a reader than he was

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given credit for. But no president's
going to read a seventy five page memo,

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right, and so Jimmy Carter exatly
okay, which is part of the

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problem. RS yeah and so and
so Pipes sends that to Dick Allen,

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the National Security Advisor, to send
into to Reagan and analysis, you got

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to tone this down. I mean, not that it's too strong, it's

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just too long, right, you
know, I don't have time to read

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it. So Pipes is, you
know, very irked at this. So

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then Pipes edits it down to I'll
put this in air quotes for your listeners,

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you know, a short twenty five
page memo, which he actually then

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does. Reagan does read and you
can see Reagan's writings on it, and

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it and it's it's it's a much
more fleshed out version of what becomes NSDD

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seventy five of challenging the Soviet system, pressure in it on on its vulnerabilities.

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The one area where there's a little
bit of difference is Pipes was much

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more skeptical of any negotiations with the
Soviets, and Reagan early on wanted to

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negotiate with them. He just wanted
to do from a position of strength,

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and so again doing this from memory, that's where some of Reagan's edits were,

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but he had Pipes come up with
this really interesting formulation, which you

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can see in the final document.
Part of the pressure is to pressure the

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Soviet system to strengthen its reformist elements
and to produce a reformist leader. And

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so this was another big insight for
me. You know, there's this endless

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debate about who deserves more credit,
Reagan or Gorbachev. They're both essential,

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obviously, but one of the themes
of my book is for the first four

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years of his presidency, Reagan has
a deliberate strategy to pressure the Soviet system

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to produce a reformist leader. And
so that's why he recognizes Gorbachev when he

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comes along. And again that was
one of the things that came out of

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that interplay between him and him and
Pipes. Yeah, I remember two things

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that come back to mind now is
somewhere in the middle it says, I

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don't know, I don't have this
quite right, but negotiations on the basis

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of strict reciprocity, right. And
then at the very end, the very

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last paragraph says, this is a
strategy for the long term now here on

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really paraphrasing, it's going to be
controversial. There's going to be a lot

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of pushback. We're going to be
told we need to go back to the

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old daytontis ways, that's not how
it's phrased, like I say, But

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there's a recognition that this is bold
and new and we're going way out there.

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Yeah. Yeah, And that's where
you know, the timing matters too,

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because Pipes stays on the NSC staff
through December of eighty two, so

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he's there for Bill Bill Clark's first
year as National Security Advisor, and then

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he's he wants to go back to
academic. You know, I've gotten my

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draft done. And then Jack Mattlock
comes in to succeed him. And Mattlock,

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who is you know, very capable
and important and I think the right

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person at the right time, but
he's a not quite as hard line as

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as Pipes is. And so Mattlock
wants to soften and tweak the NSDT seventy

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five a little bit, and he
does in a few places, but Reagan

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says, no, Pipes and I
agreed to this, and I want this

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is the basic framework. So let's
not you know, we're not going to

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rewrite it to turn it into a
you know, a Ford Area Daytononic strategy,

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right right, you know. I
of course, one of the things

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that's one might say is well,
these are classified documents for a long time.

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True, as was NSC sixty eight. And you know, when I

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have to try and talk about the
Cold War very briefly the students or anybody

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else, I always say, look
at these two documents. They were both

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classified NSC sixty eight. It's Paul
Nitza, writes Paul Nitza, who's still

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around in nineteen eighty two. Yeah, this is amazing, right, And

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then nsd D they changed the acronyms. Is also the similar idea, here's

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our grand strategy. And I always
say what people say, well, what

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how do you understand these things?
And I always say, this is the

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senior reaches of the government talking to
itself because they want to get clear in

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their heads and keep guidance for all
the other people who have to try and

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carry these things out. Here's what
we're about. And we underestimate the importance

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of even in the classified document of
the government sitting down our top leaders and

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saying what are we all about?
What what are we trying to do here?

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Instead of just inheriting, you know, vague path dependent policies. That

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okay, Well, on the second
one, which was I thought, wow,

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this is really interesting. I had
never perceived this or thought about it.

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It was Reagan and his team realizing
the importance of Japan as part of

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their strategy of confronting the Soviet Union. But of course I thought layered us

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in very well, this had a
domestic side to it, right, We're

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having all the controversy about our trade
deficit with Japan and the auto industry and

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quotas on their cars and this and
this, and so I thought I hadn't

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really ever thought it through about how
Reagan and I think you said, pretty

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very successfully balanced domestic policy pressures while
also enlisting Japan as such a key ally

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when that both sides of that could
have gone badly wrong. Yeah, yeah,

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so yeah, again, this is
another one of these revelations for me

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in the course of the research.
I didn't start the book project looking for

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that, right, but the evidence
was just overwhelming and it just had a

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few themes to highlight there for our
listeners. It is one. This shows

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what a real different it's Reagan made
as a leader because he inherited a framework

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in American strategy, which is that
China is the key to Asia. And

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that's what his three predecessors, Nixon, Ford, and Carter, you know,

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Democrats and Republicans, had done,
and so they were just trying to

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shunt Japan to the sidelines. And
so Reagan inherits this framework of China is

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the key to Asia. And you
know, China at the time was somewhat

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helpful encountering the Soviet So this is
it's not as terribly wrong headed a policy

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as we might as he might think
today. But Reagan thought this is his

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way out of whack. Japan was
at the time the only democracy in Asia.

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They were, you know, the
world's second or third largest economy,

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depending how you crunched the numbers.
They're an American treaty ally, and he

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thought, this is nuts. Why
we would be favoring communists China over free

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Japan. And this is where we
also need to appreciate and you probe this

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in your great book on him.
He'd been the governor California for two terms.

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California is a Pacific state, right. So when Reagan, you know,

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during his eight years in Sacramento,
when he's when he's you know,

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looking across the position that he sees
Japan as a really important ally and the

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key to the future. He's not
only an Atlanticist, so what he but

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he inherits this challenge of you know, most American foreign policy makers want to

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privilege China, and meanwhile, most
Americans don't care for Japan because they're blaming

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it for our lost manufacturing jobs.
Right. And so Reagan executes this transformation

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if he takes the US Japan relationship
from primarily this economic rivalry and he turns

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it really into a strategic partnership,
and that you know, that's not just

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happy talk. I'll give it just
a couple of tangible examples. He persuades

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Japan to triple its defense spending in
eight years, triple it right in absolute

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dollars, and that puts you know, Japan is just across the sea from

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the Soviet Union there, so that
puts tremendous pressure on the Soviets and there

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far east. So Reagan essentially gets
Japan to open up an entire new front

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in the Cold War. You know, it's not just across the Iron Curtain.

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This drives the Soviets crazy when when
Reagan, when Gorbachev meets with Nakasani's

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he's braided And why are you so
close to Americans? Why do you listen

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to that guy? Reagan drive some
nuts. Then Japan, of course,

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as a technological powerhouse, also provides
us some key research helpon SDI and some

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of our defense modernization too, so
we get real benefits out of the Japan

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partnership. Interesting. Yeah, and
again I wasn't looking for that, but

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it's just it's there abundantly in the
newly declassified doctor. Yeah, but I

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think you know, all the people
writing about strategy in the eighties or Strobe,

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Talbot, whoever you want to pick, that none of them seemed to

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pick up on this that I recall, or that I had noticed in my

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own review of things. All right, now. The third one was everyone

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knows that Reagan was a godly man, let's put it that way, and

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his faith was important to him.
But of course there's always the Reagan's the

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reserved you know, the fact that
Reagan held a lot of things closely,

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and so I think you bring out
here and there not I don't I read

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your book months ago. Now I
don't remember quite exactly how prominently, but

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it was clear to you and that
his religious faith was essential, oh yeah,

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to his thinking through this problem.
Yeah. And again another one of

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these things that I wasn't really looking
for, but the evidence was just overwhelming.

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And I do want to give credit
here. Paul Kengor at Grove City

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College has done a couple of actually
a number of great books on Reagan,

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but a couple in particular on Reagan's
Christian faith. And I had read those

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and so that that had told me, Okay, there's there's definitely something here,

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but I wasn't connecting it to the
broader Cold War story. But the

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key sources for me on this again
Reagan's diaries, which he when he was

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writing those every night faithfully as president, he wasn't planning for them to be

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published, right, so that he's
not thinking about this as the bestseller.

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And so that's where you can really
see the private, the private Reagan and

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his faith is really clear there.
I mean, just you know, one

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example I cite in the book,
right after the assassination attempt, as he's

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lying there on the hospital bed at
GW Hospital, about to go under.

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You know, he's this close to
death, and and he praised that God

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will forgive John Hinckley Junior, the
dranged, you know, a man who

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had just try to kill him.
And Reagan says, I realized, I

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can't pray that God will heal me
if I'm harboring hatred in my heart towards

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the man he tried to kill me. And aren't we all God's lost sheep?

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Right? So this is not political
posturing for the evangelical votes, right,

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This is I think, an intensely
personal, intensely sincere sentiment. The

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other one that really came out fast
forwarding is Reagan's some it means with Gorbachev,

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especially the last one. He spends
a lot of it trying to persuade

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Gorbachev to believe in God. Okay, again, this is not your typical

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summer tree, right, This is
not you know, typical arms control negotiations.

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And this is just Reagan's genuine worry
for Gorbachev's soul. He thought,

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this guy's an atheist, he's missing
out on the real source of transcendent internal

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meaning in life. And I because
I care about him as a person,

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even if I detest the system he
represents. I want to persuade him and

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believe in God. Right, So
this is you know, you can't chalk

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this up just to political expediency or
centenceism. There's other examples like that in

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the book, but you know,
I remember one one really startlingly personal aspect

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that conversation. And I don't remember
if Reagan brought it up or if Garbachah

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brought it up to put Reagan on
defensive, but it comes up that,

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you know, Ron Reagan is not
a junior, but Reagan's son was an

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atheist. Yeah, Reagan himself present, Reagan brings that up. Yeah,

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And that's again where it's a very
intensely personal, revelatory thing to share with

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a Soviet leader. Yeah, with
anyone. Yeah, especially you know,

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your sadness of your own son being
an atheist and right, and Reagan you

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know, speaks mournfully about that and
says he's, you know, trying to

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persuade his son to believe in God
and this. You know, I'm not

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there in the room, but I'm
reading the transcript, and you can see

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that Gorbachev has kind of taken aback
by this and then kind of touched by

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it. He I don't think he's
persuaded. I don't see any evidence Gorbite

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ever, you know, became a
Christian necessarily. But but again that shows

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you something about Reagan. But finally, to connect it to the Cold War

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strategy. This is also one reason
where Reagan hated Soviet communism. It's not

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just that it's a command economy.
It's not just that it's a totalitarian uh

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you know, one party rule.
It's that it's atheistic and that it would

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not let Jews go to synagogue or
Christians go to you know, do Bible

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study or go to church. And
he just thought that that was so iniquitous

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but also a sign of its vulnerability, like what kind of barbaric system won't

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even lets people worship God? Right? Right? So let me do one

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uh one, not stray voltage exactly, but here and there in your book

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several places. I think I wasn't
counting, but I did take note to

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the fact that you were. I'm
not sure critical or regretful is the right

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term to use, the fact that
you thought Reagan and his team were too

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tolerant. First of all, human
rights was such an important thing for him,

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and yet we had to tolerate or
were too tolerant of authoritarian regimes with

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dreadful human rights records that could have
been Argentina and nty one Asian regimes,

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and and I mean the explanation for
that would always be the real politique,

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right I think? And so what
what are your I'm not sure you sort

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of declared inclusion or and a narrative. It doesn't quite work to do that.

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So I'll put it this way a
little bluntly. What's your point here?

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Is there something way you think they
could ever should have done it differently?

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Or were they just simply too single
mindly focused on the Soviet Union and

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thinking perhaps too one dimensionally that we
solve that problem, then the rest of

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this starts to change. I don't
know. Yeah, no, this is

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a very good question, and I'll
share some further thoughts on that since I

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sprinkles. You're right, I sprinkled
some of those things out of the book,

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but I just didn't have time or
space to fully develop it. And

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let me just first say that my
standard with writing the book was I tried

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to ask myself what were the feasible
available options at the time, right,

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So I'm not trying to do I
hope it doesn't come across as armchair quarterbacking.

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You know, I write as a
former policy maker myself. Right,

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sure we can point out in hindsight, would you wish you would done some

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but what were the available options at
the time. And so I start actually

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with some real empathy for the challenge
Reagan and inherited, which is that you

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know, most recently in nineteen seventy
nine the Iranian Revolution and then the Sandinista

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Revolution Nicaragua, we had seen how
there are worse things than a thuggish right

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wing autocrat, which is a radical
revolutionary regime, whether it's you know,

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radical Islamic revolutionaries in Iran or communist
in the case of Nicaragua. And so

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Reagan and Jeane Kirkpatrick I think had
very good grounds to criticize the Carter administration

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for this double standard, like you'd
give the Soviets a pass on their barbaric

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oppression, but you're beating up on
our friends and who are not great,

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but at least they're anti communist.
And there is a worse alternative, and

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we've seen that in the cases of
Iran in Nicaragua. So I start with

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some real sympathy there, like they
inherit a difficult hand, and when you

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look at the feasible options, it
seems like it's either right wing dictatorship or

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communist dictatorship, and they're both bad, but communist is worse. I'm fully

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on board with that. Where I
am a little more critical, however,

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and this is where I think I
can point to the Reagan record to vindicate

338
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this is there was developing a third
way option of transitioning to democracy, that

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it didn't have to be a choice
between right wing or or communist dictatorship.

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And Paul Wolfowitz, Elliot Abrams they
recognize this pretty early on, and by

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nineteen eighty two, especially with the
Westminster Address, but also the Salador in

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elections, Reagan himself is starting to
move more and think, actually, maybe

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there is a way that we can
nudge these right wing military dictatorships, not

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such communism. We don't want that, that's the worst, you know,

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possible outcome, but nudge them towards
democracy. And some of it's pragmatism.

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The Falkland's invasion is a big deal. When the Argentine you know, military

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hunter, you know, he realized
when they invade the Falklands, he realized,

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Okay, these right wing dictatorships.
They may be anti communists, but

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they're also prone to doing stupid things
like invade your friend's allies, you know,

350
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eyelids, right, It's okay,
And of course they then fall,

351
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and so he starts seeing actually in
some of these governments there is a hunger

352
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among a lot of the people,
you know, the student demonstrators of South

353
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Korea, for democracy. And so
the challenge he faces is how can you

354
00:24:08.200 --> 00:24:11.839
know, he and his administration nudge
them towards democracy without letting them, you

355
00:24:11.920 --> 00:24:18.119
know, go the revolutionary path into
communism. And that's where they do have

356
00:24:18.160 --> 00:24:22.240
some amazingly successful policies. Right So
Argentina, Brazil, Chile, El Salvador,

357
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South Korea, Taiwan, Philippines,
especially by the second term, they

358
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all do undergo peaceful democratic transitions.
And so so I'm where I'm more critical

359
00:24:32.480 --> 00:24:36.680
of Reagan is not recognizing that earlier
on he gets hit by eighty two eighty

360
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three, but that was after supporting
some pretty thuggish stuff in eighty one.

361
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But I hope readers will hear from
me that I have some sympathy for the

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hard choices they faced. I just
think that there was that option to be

363
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a little more morally and strategically consistent
early on. But these are hard choices.

364
00:24:52.200 --> 00:24:55.119
Well, that's why I said,
I couldn't decide whether to characterize your

365
00:24:55.160 --> 00:24:57.240
treatment of that as critical or regretful. Yeah, which is probably a little

366
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more regretful. Okay. Yeah,
And and again, like I said,

367
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making the allowance of my standard is
what seemed to be the available options at

368
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the time. And you know they
even in eighty one, I think they

369
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didn't have some options to start,
not withdrawing all support but rather using the

370
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support is leverage. It's actually harder
to promote democracy and human rights with your

371
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allies than with your adversaries, right, because there's a lot more at state.

372
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You don't want to lose the ally
entirely, whereas you know you're not

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friends with you know, the East
Germans or the Soviets. You could beat

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them up all you want, and
it writes it's not going to cost much.

375
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Yeah, I mean in detail about
Argentine. I can't remember it's in

376
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your book, but I know it's
a lot of other treatments about the whole

377
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Central America. SOCA is. We
were using Argentina in nineteen eighty one as

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our sort of base for training the
contra. Yes, and so that all

379
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ended with the Foles, Yeah,
yeah, a big problem for okay.

380
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Yeah. And then the other one
about the Asia story again is listening to

381
00:25:51.119 --> 00:25:55.359
here earlier to speak about an agenda
for research, is you know about South

382
00:25:55.440 --> 00:25:56.359
Korea? I mean, you know, and Reagan comes to office. One

383
00:25:56.359 --> 00:26:00.519
of his acts is what writing or
even calling whoever is the general is running

384
00:26:00.519 --> 00:26:04.039
South Korea saying don't execute Kim day
John Yeah, yeah, it was General

385
00:26:04.119 --> 00:26:07.680
Chun Yeah. And Reagan's has don't
execute Kim je jung. Right. But

386
00:26:07.720 --> 00:26:11.480
then you know, you think about, well, you know, the I

387
00:26:11.519 --> 00:26:15.160
don't remember the exact timeline history of
South Korea, but they're always having these

388
00:26:15.200 --> 00:26:19.519
military governments while we have thirty thousand
troops sitting there. Yeah, what an

389
00:26:19.559 --> 00:26:23.359
amazing practical problem we faced. Oh
yeah, I know. And the very

390
00:26:23.359 --> 00:26:26.240
real threat of another invasion from the
North too, I mean, yeah,

391
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that's you know, the fact that
it didn't happen doesn't mean it wasn't a

392
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real, real possibility. Ye.
And of course it's in a rough neighborhood

393
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because North Korea, you know,
look at a map is bordering the Soviet

394
00:26:36.920 --> 00:26:38.119
Union at the time too. I
mean, so it was. It was

395
00:26:38.160 --> 00:26:42.000
a real challenge. But what Reagan
and Schultz, even Vice President Bush I'll

396
00:26:42.039 --> 00:26:48.039
give him some credit for realized was
the military dictorship in South Korea was becoming

397
00:26:48.079 --> 00:26:51.880
pretty brittle. That was more and
more of these student protests and just the

398
00:26:51.960 --> 00:26:55.880
general loss of popular support. And
of course the South Korean economic miracle had

399
00:26:55.880 --> 00:26:57.839
created this growing middle class who wanted
a little more you know, say in

400
00:26:57.880 --> 00:27:03.200
their political lives as they in their
economic lives. And so the Reagan team

401
00:27:03.279 --> 00:27:07.880
realized that this may not be sustainable
and had we may be facing another you

402
00:27:07.920 --> 00:27:11.279
know, eron type revolution here,
and so we need to nudge them.

403
00:27:11.400 --> 00:27:14.119
We needed to tell Chun, look, you know, you need to peacefully

404
00:27:14.119 --> 00:27:18.160
step aside and allow allow transition to
democracy, because we're not confident in your

405
00:27:18.200 --> 00:27:23.400
continued ability to be the strong man
anti communist. Wilier's been so and then

406
00:27:23.640 --> 00:27:27.599
oh sorry, and then Reagan had
no hesitation and what was nineteen eighty six

407
00:27:27.680 --> 00:27:32.799
of well sending Paul Laxolt. But
the point is to send the message to

408
00:27:32.839 --> 00:27:34.119
Marcos that it was time to go. Yeah, yeah, exactly. And

409
00:27:34.160 --> 00:27:37.920
again that's another one where he saw
he's losing popular support and you realize,

410
00:27:37.920 --> 00:27:45.079
Okay, if we continue to just
unconditionally embrace Marcos, he may get ousted

411
00:27:45.119 --> 00:27:48.039
anyway. And there was a communist
insurgency in the field Pines at the time.

412
00:27:48.039 --> 00:27:51.160
There's a real worry that and you
know Vietnam and Goon communists is ten

413
00:27:51.200 --> 00:27:55.200
years earlier, right that this is
a real fear. And so both on

414
00:27:55.279 --> 00:27:59.440
moral and strategic grounds, he realizes, okay, we need to pull that

415
00:27:59.440 --> 00:28:03.640
support for Marcos, and you know
allowed and of course they already had the

416
00:28:03.720 --> 00:28:07.519
elections to elect Corea Kino with people
power, which you know Marcos was trying

417
00:28:07.519 --> 00:28:10.240
to defy. By the way,
going back to twenty your early questions,

418
00:28:10.240 --> 00:28:15.079
this is where Nakasni and Japan were
quietly helpful, where Nakasni sent a message

419
00:28:15.079 --> 00:28:18.279
to Marcos, quietly saying, look, I know we Japan have supported you

420
00:28:18.319 --> 00:28:22.240
before, but it's time for democracy, and we don't want to be the

421
00:28:22.240 --> 00:28:26.119
only democracy in the region anymore.
You know, don't don't try to play

422
00:28:26.200 --> 00:28:29.000
us Japan off against the United States. We're not going to support you as

423
00:28:29.079 --> 00:28:33.160
much either. And so so this
is where the interlocking pieces of Reagan's support

424
00:28:33.200 --> 00:28:37.279
for allies and his freedom strategy kind
of come together, right right, So

425
00:28:37.559 --> 00:28:41.559
let me make this last word about
the book before going on to a second

426
00:28:41.720 --> 00:28:45.319
completely different subject. Listeners, you
all need to get the peacemaker and read

427
00:28:45.319 --> 00:28:48.880
it. I'll just stop there.
I do want to talk about a completely

428
00:28:48.880 --> 00:28:52.359
different subject. That's one that's very
high on my mind these days. You

429
00:28:52.519 --> 00:28:55.920
are just now heading off to Florida
to run the Is it called the Hamilton

430
00:28:56.079 --> 00:28:57.640
Center? Yes, so it's the
University of Florida. Yeah, we'll take

431
00:28:57.680 --> 00:29:00.039
it from the top and the sort
of you know, give me your elevator

432
00:29:00.079 --> 00:29:03.920
pitch or however you like to describe
this enterprise to the wider world. Sure,

433
00:29:03.920 --> 00:29:06.880
well, thank you. I'm very
excited for this, although I need

434
00:29:06.880 --> 00:29:08.279
to, you know, give the
big caveat here to your listeners that the

435
00:29:08.400 --> 00:29:11.119
day we're recording this, I've now
been in the job in Florida for four

436
00:29:11.200 --> 00:29:15.759
days, I think. Okay,
so I'm working in a temporary office there.

437
00:29:15.759 --> 00:29:18.440
I'm still literally figuring out how to
unlock my door and turn on the

438
00:29:18.480 --> 00:29:21.640
lights. Okay, so I'm any
potential donors out there, Sorry, this

439
00:29:21.680 --> 00:29:23.559
is not a fully forged pitch yet. Okay, But that said, the

440
00:29:23.559 --> 00:29:27.039
reason I agreed to make this move, and I'm excited to do this.

441
00:29:27.079 --> 00:29:33.359
So the full title is the Alexander
Hamilton for Classical and Civic Education, and

442
00:29:33.440 --> 00:29:37.279
it was an initiative of the University
of Florida Board of Regents and then the

443
00:29:37.319 --> 00:29:45.559
state legislature and the governor. There
essentially an effort to recover classical liberalism and

444
00:29:48.200 --> 00:29:52.640
more traditional humanities and social sciences education. So it's a center right now,

445
00:29:52.680 --> 00:29:56.640
but we have faculty lines. We're
going to be offering classes and hopefully building

446
00:29:56.680 --> 00:30:02.200
out a fairly robust academic program.
I'll certainly be looking to hire a number

447
00:30:02.200 --> 00:30:04.799
of new faculty, so we'll be
teaching in the great books, We'll be

448
00:30:06.240 --> 00:30:11.160
trying to do some multidisciplinary liberal arts
degrees. We'll do hopefully something on history

449
00:30:11.200 --> 00:30:15.839
and state craft, something on politics, philosophy, and economics. And to

450
00:30:15.559 --> 00:30:19.799
like I said, to really recover
I shouldn't say recover, but at least

451
00:30:21.319 --> 00:30:26.799
restore the teaching of Western civilization and
those values in the broader higher education landscape.

452
00:30:26.839 --> 00:30:32.240
So we want to stand for civility, civil discourse, but sort of

453
00:30:32.240 --> 00:30:38.000
reconnecting the traditional canon of classical liberalism, if you will, to the twenty

454
00:30:38.000 --> 00:30:42.759
first century research university and hopefully bring
some viewpoint diversity. Yeah, you know,

455
00:30:42.799 --> 00:30:47.559
open with a joke, is you
want to restore the old great books

456
00:30:47.559 --> 00:30:51.079
in Western civilization, like it's a
good thing. I mean that, I

457
00:30:51.079 --> 00:30:55.079
mean caricature here, but only a
little bit. I mean, we're now

458
00:30:55.079 --> 00:30:59.039
seeing a lot of this happen around
the country very rapidly Tennessee, North Carolina,

459
00:30:59.160 --> 00:31:03.200
Ohio. And the last month State
was a decade ago now. And

460
00:31:03.240 --> 00:31:08.400
the idea is, I mean,
it's a complicated as you know, having

461
00:31:08.640 --> 00:31:11.440
spent all this time at the University
of Texas and elsewhere, it's a complicated

462
00:31:11.519 --> 00:31:18.599
story about how the ideological skew happened
in universities and even a lot of you

463
00:31:18.640 --> 00:31:19.839
know, and I've been, as
I put in an inmate at Berkeley out

464
00:31:19.839 --> 00:31:22.920
for a while. And why am
I there, Well, it's because even

465
00:31:23.400 --> 00:31:26.880
a lot of liberals and people pretty
far the left say, yeah, something's

466
00:31:26.880 --> 00:31:30.759
got a balance, we don't quite
know how to fix it. And there's

467
00:31:30.799 --> 00:31:33.880
a shortage actually of conservative or even
sort of slightly center right academics out there.

468
00:31:33.960 --> 00:31:37.440
Has become a negative feedback loop.
It's all kinds of and I actually

469
00:31:37.519 --> 00:31:45.880
think also that something that's less perceived
is how certain methodological fads, fads maybe

470
00:31:45.920 --> 00:31:49.359
is a pejorative term, but certain
methodological emphasies and disciplines that have risen over

471
00:31:49.400 --> 00:31:55.240
the decades. They're not intentionally ideological, but they've sort of reinforced it that

472
00:31:55.279 --> 00:31:57.480
way. Right. It's something in
the case in my own field of history

473
00:31:57.519 --> 00:32:01.480
exactly. Oh, history, political
science is I think way overweight in the

474
00:32:01.640 --> 00:32:06.279
empiricism. Yeah, the cult of
the quantitative exactly. I mean what people,

475
00:32:06.279 --> 00:32:09.680
what people Berkeley say is you can't
study what you can't measure, and

476
00:32:09.759 --> 00:32:15.119
I think that's just completely wrong.
Yeah. I mean I listen to these

477
00:32:15.160 --> 00:32:19.000
regression models and they're often useful and
interesting, and I actually do teach you

478
00:32:19.079 --> 00:32:22.839
something. But that can't that's too
limited in there. Okay. And by

479
00:32:22.839 --> 00:32:25.960
the way, most conservatives I know
don't want to do that very much.

480
00:32:27.039 --> 00:32:30.400
Who just wants to do regression models? Right, yeah, you know the

481
00:32:30.519 --> 00:32:34.079
lake James Q. Wilson said,
I only did one regression analysis in my

482
00:32:34.400 --> 00:32:39.359
life, and one was enough.
Okay. So, buts idea is,

483
00:32:39.799 --> 00:32:44.200
rather than you know, beat on
departments said, oh, you're just a

484
00:32:44.240 --> 00:32:46.880
bunch of crazy leftists or something like
that, this model looks promising, it's

485
00:32:47.000 --> 00:32:51.000
let's have competition. Yeah, yeah, and this is and you know,

486
00:32:51.519 --> 00:32:53.599
look, University of Florida has I
don't know the exact number, maybe thirty

487
00:32:53.640 --> 00:32:55.839
four to thirty five thousand undergrads,
and like, you know, one of

488
00:32:55.880 --> 00:33:00.960
the largest, you know, state
universities in the country. I just see

489
00:33:00.960 --> 00:33:04.119
our job as providing them some choice, right, I mean, we want

490
00:33:04.119 --> 00:33:07.799
to give those undergrads, especially as
many options as we can, as well

491
00:33:07.799 --> 00:33:09.880
as you know the other departments can
and just and they can, they can

492
00:33:09.880 --> 00:33:13.960
pick and choose and just you know, they're gonna be investing in so much

493
00:33:13.960 --> 00:33:15.119
money and time and their education,
and we want to give them that and

494
00:33:15.440 --> 00:33:19.359
a lot of ways. You know. Because you brought up the politics of

495
00:33:19.400 --> 00:33:21.920
this, I kind of hope that
we can depoliticize things, right. I

496
00:33:21.960 --> 00:33:23.960
mean, you know, this is
not to push any particular ideological agenda.

497
00:33:24.640 --> 00:33:30.200
I do share concerns that a number
of other won't speak about UF because I'm

498
00:33:30.200 --> 00:33:32.759
so new there. But I've seen
the other universities how politicized the humanity have

499
00:33:32.839 --> 00:33:37.119
become, you know. So I'm
not going to be asking any faculty that

500
00:33:37.160 --> 00:33:39.119
we look to hire how they vote, or how any students how they vote.

501
00:33:39.240 --> 00:33:43.200
We're just gonna be saying we stand
for a certain set of kind of

502
00:33:43.200 --> 00:33:49.200
the the older values of a classical
liberal education, of reading core text carefully,

503
00:33:49.240 --> 00:33:52.799
of taking ideas seriously, of really
exposing our students to a broad range

504
00:33:52.839 --> 00:33:57.920
of viewpoint and that will certainly include
conservative viewpoints, but that won't be the

505
00:33:58.200 --> 00:34:01.519
only one, and just kind of
recovering the more traditional model of what we

506
00:34:01.599 --> 00:34:06.160
all think and hope a university can
be. Right, Well, let me

507
00:34:06.319 --> 00:34:08.119
sort of press on you a little
bit on the substance of the matter.

508
00:34:08.519 --> 00:34:12.960
By the way, I'm in heated
agreement about my idea, is an ideal

509
00:34:13.559 --> 00:34:16.480
faculty, ideal department would be sort
of fifty to fifty or maybe thirty three

510
00:34:16.679 --> 00:34:21.039
thirty three with somebody in the middle, right, Yeah, and that's the

511
00:34:21.079 --> 00:34:24.519
political spectrum. Yeah, the political
spectrum, right. And the other thing

512
00:34:24.840 --> 00:34:28.880
data point. I know you've heard
this as much as I have. You

513
00:34:28.920 --> 00:34:31.360
ask around college administrators and faculty,
and they say, one of our big

514
00:34:31.400 --> 00:34:36.639
problems in this country is civic education
has just gone down the drain. Students

515
00:34:36.679 --> 00:34:38.679
don't know, you know, separation
of powers or you know, the Bill

516
00:34:38.679 --> 00:34:44.519
of Rights and and and they say, so we've got to rebuild civic education.

517
00:34:44.880 --> 00:34:47.639
And I always sort of say,
okay, I don't think anybody would

518
00:34:47.679 --> 00:34:52.039
disagree with that. But there is
a problem when so many of the in

519
00:34:52.079 --> 00:34:54.800
here it will be a little ideological
for just a second. Is when the

520
00:34:54.840 --> 00:34:59.159
dominant teaching is, yeah, but
it was all bad. You know,

521
00:34:59.199 --> 00:35:02.800
the country was found in by slaveholders. True. And in other words,

522
00:35:02.800 --> 00:35:07.840
a lot of the civic construction these
days is just very negative. It's not

523
00:35:07.880 --> 00:35:12.440
to say criticisms aren't valid and shouldn't
be dealt with directly. But then the

524
00:35:12.440 --> 00:35:15.480
other part of that, and you
raise it, is when you say,

525
00:35:15.639 --> 00:35:19.480
read the old books in a traditional
way, take their ideas seriously. I

526
00:35:19.480 --> 00:35:22.840
think a lot of the problem these
days is not so much necessarily a leftist

527
00:35:22.920 --> 00:35:28.679
bias. It's what we political philosophers
call historicism. It's assuming that we don't

528
00:35:28.719 --> 00:35:30.760
really have that much to learn from
an old book, and you read,

529
00:35:31.119 --> 00:35:35.880
say John Locke, just to pick
on him because maybe it's a historical curiosity.

530
00:35:36.880 --> 00:35:39.599
In other words, the old way
of doing things was to start with

531
00:35:39.599 --> 00:35:45.000
the premise that maybe they have some
insight that's true always and everywhere, and

532
00:35:45.079 --> 00:35:46.840
if it's wrong, let's figure out
why it's wrong. And if it's parts

533
00:35:46.880 --> 00:35:51.679
of its right, let's sort of
see how it still works. That's a

534
00:35:51.719 --> 00:35:55.599
difference in disposition of how you actually
think about the world. And so,

535
00:35:55.639 --> 00:35:58.800
by the way, you don't necessarily
have to be a leftist to be a

536
00:35:58.880 --> 00:36:01.000
historicist. I think there are right
wing historicism and I argue with them a

537
00:36:01.000 --> 00:36:04.760
lot. Yeah, anyway, sorry, that was a little speech. I

538
00:36:04.800 --> 00:36:07.159
don't know if you want to grab
hold of any of that or no.

539
00:36:07.239 --> 00:36:10.800
I'll just yeah again, I'll give
an overall a strong affirmation and agreement there

540
00:36:10.880 --> 00:36:15.119
is you know, given that obviously
part of our mandate with the Hamilton Center

541
00:36:15.199 --> 00:36:17.719
is going to be uh you know, some some dimension of civics education.

542
00:36:19.360 --> 00:36:21.880
Uh. Yeah, we want to
tell the whole American story. Now,

543
00:36:21.920 --> 00:36:24.039
I happen to think that the whole
American story is overall a very good story,

544
00:36:24.119 --> 00:36:28.400
right. Some of that whole story
is, you know, taking our

545
00:36:28.400 --> 00:36:30.119
countries founders on their own terms,
going back to what we were talking about

546
00:36:30.119 --> 00:36:32.199
with Reagan, like what did the
world look like to them at the time,

547
00:36:32.239 --> 00:36:37.559
what were the available range of options. There's obviously some you know,

548
00:36:37.920 --> 00:36:42.280
very stortid, very very sordid and
troubling aspects of our past, such as

549
00:36:42.280 --> 00:36:44.760
you know, slavery being the cardinal
one. But let's look at some of

550
00:36:44.800 --> 00:36:46.519
the early debates over slavery, and
let's look at some of the voices against

551
00:36:46.559 --> 00:36:51.639
it as well. And then let's
look at the values and principles hardwired into

552
00:36:51.679 --> 00:36:54.360
the American Founding that to create the
basis to eventually abolish slavery, right,

553
00:36:54.400 --> 00:37:00.119
right too, And let's let's understand
uh uh, let's understand those as well,

554
00:37:00.199 --> 00:37:05.400
rather than just merely sitting here in
the twenty first century imposing our retrospective

555
00:37:05.480 --> 00:37:09.559
judgments on you know, those you
know, benighted founders and everyone else,

556
00:37:10.000 --> 00:37:15.039
right, yeah, I mean you
probably know this. One of the best,

557
00:37:15.199 --> 00:37:17.480
I think best explanations of the Founding
debates on slavery, and one of

558
00:37:17.480 --> 00:37:21.679
the best critiques of the way it's
gone off the rails recently is by Sean

559
00:37:21.719 --> 00:37:25.679
Malance. Oh yeah, who's otherwise
a pretty far left historian and certainly a

560
00:37:25.800 --> 00:37:31.719
Reagan haters maybe the little strong,
but not much. And you know,

561
00:37:31.760 --> 00:37:36.360
so if your listeners, he's a
very eminent historian at Princeton University, Sean

562
00:37:36.360 --> 00:37:37.639
writes, yeah, yeah, yeah, well he has, but he's done

563
00:37:37.679 --> 00:37:42.639
a lot to really, I think, debunk the distortions of the sixteen nineteen

564
00:37:42.719 --> 00:37:45.400
project in particular, right, yeah, exactly, So that's why it doesn't

565
00:37:45.400 --> 00:37:47.239
have to be strictly a left right
thing. Yeah, well, let's end

566
00:37:47.239 --> 00:37:51.519
with this and take it back to
Reagan. I think what you're talking about

567
00:37:51.920 --> 00:37:55.719
about this enterprise reminds me of the
closing passage of his farewell address where he

568
00:37:55.760 --> 00:37:59.880
says, right, we have to
remember our history, and he mentions particular

569
00:38:00.280 --> 00:38:04.639
typical Reagan says, kids need to
know what the Doolittle raid was. Now,

570
00:38:04.679 --> 00:38:07.320
that's almost forty years ago. Now, a lot of people still alive

571
00:38:07.360 --> 00:38:10.760
in and know what that meant nowadays. You know, I mean, I'm

572
00:38:10.800 --> 00:38:15.440
not entirely facetious saying you mentioned the
students, now the doctor Doolittle? What

573
00:38:15.480 --> 00:38:16.880
are you? You know? What
this right? No right? And not

574
00:38:16.960 --> 00:38:20.360
to be starky man. Unless someone
makes a video game out of it today,

575
00:38:20.519 --> 00:38:23.039
it's forgotten, that's right. Yeah. Well, congratulations on the book,

576
00:38:23.159 --> 00:38:28.440
Congratulations and great hopes for the Hamilton
Center. And thanks very much,

577
00:38:28.519 --> 00:38:30.639
well, thank you. Steve has
been a privileged to do this. And

578
00:38:30.719 --> 00:38:35.199
are we doing a good enough job
teaching our children what America is and what

579
00:38:35.320 --> 00:38:39.119
she represents in the long history of
the world. Those of us who are

580
00:38:39.119 --> 00:38:44.480
over thirty five or so years of
age grew up in a different America.

581
00:38:45.119 --> 00:38:49.280
We were taught very directly what it
means to be an American, and we

582
00:38:49.400 --> 00:38:53.400
absorbed almost in the air a love
of country and an appreciation of its institutions.

583
00:38:54.400 --> 00:38:58.559
If you didn't get these things from
your family, you got them from

584
00:38:58.599 --> 00:39:01.360
the neighborhood. And I'm the father
down the street who fought in Korea,

585
00:39:01.960 --> 00:39:06.679
of the family who lost someone at
Anzio. Or you can get a sense

586
00:39:06.679 --> 00:39:10.519
of patriotism from school, and if
all else failed, you could get a

587
00:39:10.559 --> 00:39:17.239
sense of patriotism from the popular culture. The movie celebrated democratic values and implicitly

588
00:39:17.320 --> 00:39:22.599
reinforced the idea that America was special. TV was like that too through the

589
00:39:22.639 --> 00:39:28.719
mid sixties. But now we're about
to enter the nineties and some things have

590
00:39:28.840 --> 00:39:35.599
changed. Younger parents aren't sure that
an unambivalent appreciation of America is the right

591
00:39:35.639 --> 00:39:39.480
thing to teach modern children. And
as for those who create the popular culture,

592
00:39:39.880 --> 00:39:45.719
well grounded patriotism is no longer the
style. Our spirit is back,

593
00:39:45.519 --> 00:39:51.480
but we haven't reinstitutionalized it. We've
got to do a better job of getting

594
00:39:51.519 --> 00:39:57.480
across that America is freedom, freedom
of speech, freedom of religion, freedom

595
00:39:57.519 --> 00:40:05.440
of enterprise, and freedom is official
and Rare Ricochet join the conversation.

