WEBVTT

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Well. Joining us now is Jeffrey
Jay Clayton. He is the executive director

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of the American Bail Coalition, and
I wanted to talk to him about what

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is happening and all over the country
as part of what we see happening with

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these prosecutors or turning criminals back down
on the street catch and release. What

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triggered this in particular, this has
been going on for a while, It's

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been going on for several years.
But in LA they recently came up with

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a zero bail release policy and twelve
cities in LA County have sued. So

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we want to talk about that lawsuit, but we also want to talk about

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the broader issues involved with bail,
why that has been a long term part

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of our government and our criminal justice
system, and the importance of it and

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the misconceptions about it. So joining
us now is Jeffrey Jay Clayton, executive

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director of the American Bail Coalition.
Thank you for joining us, sir,

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thanks for having me on. Let's
talk first of all about what is happening

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with this lawsuit, the issue right
in front of us, and then I

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want to get into, as I
said, what is the misconceptions about bail,

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what is it good for, and
the importance of it. But tell

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us little bit about that lawsuit first, absolutely, and really it's sort of

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a combination of two lawsuits. There's
an activist legal group called the Civil Rights

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Corps that's been suing small cities throughout
the United States for now going on seven

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years over their bail systems, and
their final stop is Los Angeles. We've

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been opposing that along with a variety
of cities from around the country and have

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won a couple of those cases,
and we can talk about those later in

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other courts of appeals. So what
happened here was that particular group sued the

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judges in Los Angeles and alleged that
the bail schedule was unconstitutional. And what

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happened was neither the city, the
sheriff, or the Attorney General, who

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is named as a defendant in the
case, defended the case. And so

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the activist group one that the bail's
schedule is unconstitutional, arguments frankly that I

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think, you know, maybe some
defense could have been put on, but

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because none was put on, the
judge decided to go to the zero bail

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schedule, which Los Angeles adopted during
the pandemic pending the outcome of the case.

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So these judges got together and said, well, we've got to do

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something. So they set a new
sort of interim process of a bail schedule

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that we think will be in effect
for a while until we figure out what

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the next stop is going to be. But in the meantime, it means

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you know, things like you know, shoplifting, some driving under influenced crimes

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and other crimes that now have bails
are going to have zero bails automatically.

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Which is another important problem there is
that they're not going to be seeing judges

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as the default. Right the default
before was theil and then they could see

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a judge. Now it's just going
to be zero. They're going to be

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released and not see a judge.
So it's not like they're kicking them to

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a judge to have it evaluated at
that point. So that's where we stand,

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and so we're going to see,
you know, the impact of this

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zero bail schedule when it's enforced,
not during a pandemic, and when you

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know you're seeing crime increase. And
we've seen the result of this when we

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look at the massive looting that has
shut even you know, big box retailers

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from Wall Street can't survive with the
kind of looting that we have seen going

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on, and that's being facilitated by
just this catcher. Release. You know,

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you don't have to pay bail,
you don't have to see a judge.

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Just immediately release the people. If
there's no penalty for organized theft,

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this is going to continue to escalate. Let me ask you. You said

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that they went back to you know, they had a zero bail policy as

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part of the COVID lockdowns and things
like that. This other policy though that

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they said was unconstitutional. How long
had that been in effect prior to the

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change with the pandemic. Well,
the bail schedule's statute in California dates to

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the early nineties, I believe,
and requires a bail schedule and has various

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rules on when the judges can go
up and down with the whole that we

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have the uniform bail schedule right,
that we treat people equally is the reason

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that we have a bail schedule.
And now we're saying, oh, it's

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unconstitutional because people can't afford it.
Well, that's really not why it was

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created. It was created to very
much avoid that problem. But the big

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problem now is you know, what
are we going to do with all these

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people on zero bail when they continue
to reoffend and they know those loopholes in

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the system, they're going to exploit
it. And that's what we've seen in

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other places where we make the rules
beforehand rather than leave it up to judges.

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Yeah, I know, having a
bail set. Yeah. The leader

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of the Conservative Party in Canada was
questioned about that and he said, you've

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got to be kidding, you know. They said, well, can you

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prove that people on being released early
without bail has anything to do? And

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he goes, yeah, we've had
situations where people come out and they would

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be caught, released and then go
back and commit another crime, caught and

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released, and do that several times
a day. And he said, and

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it's a very small group of people
that just keep repeating offenses like this.

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And the person says, yeah,
but can you prove and he goes,

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are you serious? Were you listening
to what I had to say? I

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mean, this is the insanity of
this. Now you point out this exact

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bail schedule goes back to the nineties, but of course bail has been around,

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it's nothing new. It's been around
since the creation of our form of

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government. That's always been with us, right, tell us a little bit

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about the purpose of bail and a
little bit about the history of it.

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I mean, the right to bail
dates to pre Magna carta. There's a

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lot through English history that I'm not
going to get into, the Five Nights

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case, Lord Coke, all that
sort of thing, But the essence of

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it was that the government cannot imprison
you, that you had to submit security

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for your appearance. And really in
this country it was the right to bail

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by sufficient sureties, which was the
original sort of Pennsylvania Massachusetts constitution. And

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really what it means is the third
party putting up a financial guarantee as part

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of the common law. With that
meant was you had arrest powers and you

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could go across state lines. Supreme
Court, I believe, in the nineteenth

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century called it the option to select
the jailer of ones choosing, and I

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believe this room Court also said we
are a friend. The bail industry is

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a friend to the friendless in a
way when you need a friend and you

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don't have one. And so obviously
there was a divergence in the late nineteenth

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early actually early a twentieth century,
when the English Supreme Court said it was

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against public policy to have compensated sureties, in other words, bail agents that

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take a fee to act as your
personal surety, whereas Justice Oliver Wende Holmes

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of course said, no, you
can do that in states can regulate that,

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and so forty six states have said
that you could have commercial suurities in

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the United States. And so really
it is an ancient form of our due

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process has been around for centuries,
and so what is new is the idea

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that we don't have any bail.
And again, what is the if you

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don't have a situation where you have
as you point out, do you choose

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your own jailer, which says that
you're going to be back for the trial

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and they're going to keep an eye
on you that type of thing. What

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we see is what is happening in
La and in San Francisco and the rest

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of these people. It is total
anarchy, isn't it. Yeah, it's

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end money bail. And then what
really there's only two options. We go

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to the federal system of detaining through
out of four defendants using what I would

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consider to be an arbitrary power that
we really didn't have, or we say

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you get a zero bail and we
just release people that are completely dangerous.

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And so in Californi, for example, the measure of staying in jail,

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and this is how bail protects public
safety, so to speak, is the

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measure of getting in or out of
jail is putting up the security. If

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you don't put up the security,
you stay in jail, which means the

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rate of new crime is zero.
So that protects public safety. That's what

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people aren't taking into account here,
and that's their whole argument is we don't

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think those people should stay in jail
because they can't afford it. Well,

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in reality, they can't find somebody
in the community to put up for them

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to make the guarantee. That's what
we're talking about. And we say,

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in our tradition, well then we
should not release them because they're not going

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to come answer for the crime.
And so that's the distinction. And those

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people that stay in jail have a
zero new crime rate other than the crimes

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that commit in jail, and that
should be factored into all of this,

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and fortunately it's generally not. We
just say, well, you put them

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on bail, they still commit new
crimes, that's true, But when they

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don't, when they stay in jail
pending trial, they don't commit new crimes.

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Now at your website, they're the
American Bail Coalition. You address some

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of the facts and myths about bail, and the first one that you address

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is kind of what you just tangentially
touched on there. The people, poor

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people are languishing in jail for the
sole reason that they cannot afford a bail

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bond. And so what would you
say in terms of that, And you

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have a couple of points so that
you point out, but tell the audience

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why that is. It's not about
poor people languishing in jail. Well,

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judges are tasks under state and federal
law with adjusting the bails based on people's

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income, and that's what's supposed to
happen. I think what we've seen and

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what has been a problem, and
where the other side has a point,

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so I'll address their argument is that
we've had bad due process in this country

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when it comes to bail. In
other words, you put in jail,

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you cannot afford it, and you're
there really because the bill was set too

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high arbitrarily by a bail schedule and
it needs to be adjusted, and then

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you sit there for a week.
In some cases, we've seen in some

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jurisdictions people sat there for thirty days
to see a judge to have a bail

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adjusted. Now that becomes a problem, but that's a problem of due process,

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and I think that has been improved. But generally, what we see

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is that people who are stuck in
jail have multiple reasons for that, and

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it's usually repeat crimes where the judges
have set the bills, they've burned all

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their friends and ties to the community. In other words, nobody believes that

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they're going to show up. Nobody
believes that they're going to show up to

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sentencing, nobody believes that they're going
to go to prison if they get sentenced,

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and so they're not willing to put
up with them. And so that's

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generally where we see that. But
I do agree that, you know,

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some of these lower level charges that
we've seen, you know, sleeping on

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the park benches and stuff, we
had a lot of arbitrary miss in the

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system that needed to be fixed.
But on the top end, you know,

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felons repeat felons. I mean,
these people are multiple time violent criminals.

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The average person doesn't post bail in
this country has ten prior strikes or

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more, prior felony convictions, prior
misdemeanor convictions, prior failures to show up

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in court, so they're not you
know, we rarely see a first timer

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that can't afford bail, that's stuck
in jail. And so in a sense,

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what it is is a risk assessment
on this person not showing up or

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committing more crimes while they're out.
That's one of the things that drives the

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amount of the bond, and as
you point out, it should be adjusted

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also for their income. But it's
kind of a thing that you know,

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says this is a seriousness of the
crime and the risk of letting this person

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out, and so if that is
judged by the judge and by the people

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who might produce the bail as being
too much of a risk that person stays

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in jail. That's essentially what's going
on with it, isn't that is And

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really it's not a scientific or calculated
there's not a calculator to do this,

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right. You're taking in the interests
of the people who're prosecuting the victim of

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the crime. Under Marci's Law,
and the state of California and other states

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has a right to be heard on
deil of what they think the bill should

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be. So the judges have to
balance all these factors, like you said,

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the crime, the prior record of
failing to appear, you know,

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all these various factors, ties to
the community, whether they're employed, you

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know, whether they live in another
state. All this sort of thing all

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goes into the calculus under various state
statutes. So you're right, and that

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is not a precise balance, and
some people are uncomfortable with that, but

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that's the process that we have in
this and many other parts of our criminal

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law. Yes. Yes, Now
you're with the American Bail Coalition and is

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the bail industry, And as part
of your facts and myths here you say,

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well, one of the things that
has been said about this is that

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the bail industry is completely unregulated and
takes advantage of consumers. Give your side

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of the story. Well, we're
regulated by departments of insurance. We're required

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to be regulated as insurance It's companies
by the Comprehensive Crime Control Act, and

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so we're regulated heavily in all the
states that we do business. There's been

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you know, lawsuits over you know, consumer protection laws being applied, and

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I would just say they're continuing to
be applied in various states, and so

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you know, I think the laws
are enforced on bail agency. The other

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thing that I've been working on over
the last seven or eight years in this

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role is regulating bail recovery agents.
And there are still some states, like

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my home state of Colorado, where
you could just announce that you're a bail

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recovery agent, which means you're being
transferred to rest powers and you have no

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regulatory oversight by the state. So
our policy has been if you have arrest

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powers, you should probably be regulated
by somebody, and you know, we

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think department state, departments of insurance, but other states do it differently and

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use sort of the same bodies that
regulate police officers arrest powers to impost some

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training and other requirements. But overall, by and large, you know,

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we're regulated fairly heavily other than what
I would say, that little area that

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we're trying to improve. And of
course the powers, because of this person's

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skips, they've got to be able
to arrest this person and bring them back

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to me. It seems like a
very ancient perspective of you know, things

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like putting like marks of retainer on
you, deputizing people to go get something

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done because people understood that that might
be a more efficient way to do it

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rather than have a large bureaucracy is
to farm out some of these things.

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One of the things that the bail
industry is accused of, and the whole

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bail process is accused of. Of
course, this is an accusation that is

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thrown against everybody at one point at
a time. If they don't like what

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you're doing, they call you racist. So this is the accusation of racism.

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Talk about that a little bit,
well, at least from my perspective,

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from the corporations insurance at under red
bail, we cut through all that.

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We allow people in whatever communities that
want to become mail agents and service

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personal sureties to be able to do
that. And I think without that level

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of national iime writing, it would
it would make it harder for there to

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be people to come into the bill
industry other than you know, longtime property

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owners in those communities. Two is
largely the system, and I'm not going

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to get into the reasons why it
has disparities in it. If you just

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look at the raw numbers in terms
of population versus the amount of criminal justice

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involved. You know, individuals that
are minorities, and so we serve those

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communities. We allow them to get
out of jail as appropriate, secure their

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release and go through the process.
And that's a that's an important thing,

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as we know for various reasons.
You know, they put on the better

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defense, they get their acts together
in terms of probation and trying to argue

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for a better sentence. I mean
generally that just things tend to work better

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if they're able to secure their release
and get out. Yes. Yes,

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let's talk a little bit about how
this has started to come about, and

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this is something that has been changing
over the last several years. Chris Christy

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did one of the first movements of
this when he was governor in New Jersey.

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He worked with Democrats to essentially did
he completely remove bail at that point

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in time, But that was one
of the first places where we saw this,

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wasn't it in New Jersey? It
really was, and that was kind

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of his pivot to the federal system. So to go kind of a little

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bit back in time, is that
there was bail in the federal system till

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the Bail Reform Act of nineteen eighty
four, when we came up with a

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new idea, which is, we'll
just lock up the people that we labeled

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dangerous and we'll let everybody else out
and supervise the amusing federal pre trial services

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and the US Marshall Service to arrest
them. That was the federal model,

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largely thought unconstitutional because we had this
right to bail, but the US Supreme

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Court decided otherwise, and so that
was the movement in New Jersey. I

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would I would think of it more
as a hybrid system where we wanted to

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lock up more and deny bail the
more people say you're just too dangerousness to

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get any bail, and that we
were going to not require bail on some

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of these people and give more summonses
to some of these people on the lower

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end, and we'd still have like
a shrinking middle of bail in the middle.

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But as the system was implemented,
I think the Chief Justice really just

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wanted to get rid of bail,
and so you really have seen it largely

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eliminated and we go to this system
of just you're detained and you're there at

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the will in jail period pending some
trial I with know certainty of one that's

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going to be or you get released
on your own recognissance. And in the

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case of New Jersey, there's very
little oversight and supervision when that happens.

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And so you see crazy results under
that. You see and you see an

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expansion of the government wanting to detain
because judges can't do bail, and so

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you see a lot of that,
and you've seen the percentage of motions filing

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for detention increasing, and so you
know, it's really a question of whether

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that's a system long term. Is
that better you know, for the half

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billion dollars you know they've spent on
it, We don't think so. We

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think you could have just done summonses
and kind of targeted these repeat offenders without

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having to spend all this money.
So I'm not sure it's really a better

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system. But that's kind of where
the public policy to be it lies right

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now is to end cash bail and
then what right, what do we do

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then? And none of the alternatives
really seemed to be much better than the

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constitutional framework we've been working in,
you know, for four hundred years.

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Yeah, and just keep people in
jail longer, have more overcrowded prisons,

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and of course the whole idea.
You talk a great deal on your website

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about reform for a speedy trial.
I think a lot of people who watch

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this program, we're looking at this
and thinking about the j six people.

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You know, the January six ers, very few of them in jail for

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any accusation of a violent crime,
for example, and yet not given a

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speedy trial under you know, difficult
conditions and awaiting trial for a couple of

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years, two or three years.
Many of these people talk a little bit

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about the speedy trial aspect of this. Well, you just made the argument

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for a returning USB Salerno, which
is since nineteen eighty four. You know,

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in nineteen eighty four, if January
sixth would have happened one, there

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would have been bail, so they
would have had a seventy six percent chance

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of getting out, not a seventy
six percent chance of staying in. So

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we flip flopped that since nineteen eighty
four. The other thing that's been unbelievable,

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that a report called Freedom Denied from
the University of Chicago pointed out recently,

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is that the speedy trial time when
there was bail in the federal system

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was sixty days was the average felony. That's up to three hundred and sixty

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days now. So what's happened is
and as Justice Thirdgod Marshall predicted, when

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we take a shortcut to a conviction, there's no pressure to do anything,

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and that's what we've done. If
the prosecution knows you're in jail, then

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every incentive to go as flow as
possible and delay everything because they've got you

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and they know you're incarcerated. You're
not going to commit a new crime.

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They've done their job, and so
that's what we've seen over time, and

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that has had a devastating impact on
civil rights and also unnecessary pre trial incarceration.

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If we can try them in nineteen
eighty four and sixty days with all

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this new fangle technology, exchange of
electronic discovery, all this stuff that we

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say should improve it, why has
it gotten so long? And really it's

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just lack of incentive. If the
prosecutor knew that the bill industry could come

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bail out fifty percent of them,
they'd be in a hurry to convict them.

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So we're seeing that around the country
as that you know, in South

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Carolina, for example, the average
felony cases two years, you know,

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and obviously the bail issue becomes a
lot bigger when you're gonna be sitting there

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for two years. And so speedy
trial is the number one way to reduce

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pre trial unnecessary pre trial incarceration.
The other example I'll give is Michigan.

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You know, eighteen percent of defendants
pre trial caused eighty two percent of jail

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costs. And those are people that
stay thirty days and longer. So you

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can do all the bail reform you
want, but if you're not hitting the

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eighty two percent, what are you
really doing? And if you could cut

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that amount of time in half,
you would cut the amount that they have

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to fit in jail pending this outcome
in half. Would get them on a

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probation, get them on the treatment, or get them in prison where they

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belong. We have to get to
this fork in the road, and the

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more that we you know, don't
focus on speedy trial and allow us to

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happen we just take a shortcut to
conviction. And then everybody's arguing, oh,

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preventive attention, we need to lock
more people up. Yeah, because

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we never get there, and we
need to get there. That's what this

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is all about. And that is
what deters crime. You know, certainly

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getting caught, swiftness of punishment,
and that's basic, and that goes back

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three hundred years, right, and
that's what we need to focus on.

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And so the two extremes that we've
got, and we don't like either one

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of those. You either just you
know, immediately release these shoplifters, these

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shoplifter gangs. You just turn them
right back out, or you lock people

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up for instead of a couple of
months, you lock them up for a

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year or maybe two years, or
as we saw in the case of the

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J sixers, lock them up for
three years, not accused of a violent

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crime. And I'm just curious,
maybe you know, maybe you don't know

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what was the argument for keeping these
people locked up for that long time.

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Was it that they could not get
to a would not give them Why would

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they not give them bail? Do
they just not have that in the district

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of Columbia or were they saying they
were too dangerous even though they were non

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violent? Well, do you know
what the justification was for keeping those people

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locked up for three years? In
general, there was a statutory presumption that

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they stay in jail, just under
the federal statute because of the level of

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the crime, and the defendant has
to rebut that presumption, that's how heavy

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it is. You know, you've
got three out of four defendants in any

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federal criminal case stay in So it
didn't surprise me at all that people charged

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with insurrection related crimes like this,
even if they had no background, would

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face detention. And that's wrong.
And here's the reality. You know,

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the reason there is bail is to
challenge arbitrary preventive attention. The community can

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say enough, you've gone too far. We're bailing these people out. Now.

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That doesn't exonerate them, but it
sends a message to the government that

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you've gone too far. And that's
why that extreme, I think is bad.

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You know, the other extremes,
just as arbitrary, is that we

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say, well, you know,
basic shoplifting, okay, then that's fine.

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Well what if it is the fifteenth
time, what if it is special

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circumstances where they use the gun or
there's something that the statute didn't anticipate that

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we want judges to do, So
it becomes arbitrary. Go into both both

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ways. And that's why this history
of bail and securing your release it has

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been kind of the best way to
draw this balance and let you just Unfortunately,

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you know, people say, you
know, we need you judicial discretion,

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and everybody loves that until they lose. But that's that's the best system

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that we have and we and you
know, either side that just sends up

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being too arbitrary. I think give
us an idea of where this issue is

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now. You know, we saw
this several years ago in New Jersey and

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of course have made the Democrat station
at California, Illinois, Connecticut, other

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things like that. You know,
what is the general situation? What is

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the Is this something that is rapidly
spreading or is this something that is rapidly

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spreading in the heavily democratic states.
Well, I would say that what happened

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in New York, the three time
rollback by two governors of the original law

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has really sort of stalled out this
idea that this is some successful solution.

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I think we are seeing it in
two places remaining, which is sort of

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Los Angeles and and what just happened
in Illinois with the Illinois Supreme Court affirming

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the Safety Act, which is basically
a smaller version of a new In other

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words, we take New Jersey and
we say the list of crimes are going

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to be a lot smaller than what
we have in New Jersey. So I

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think, you know, there's been
some conversations in other states about you know,

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going more to detention policies, but
not you know, necessarily as the

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reason to make it more fair,
but to crack down on repeat criminals.

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So we've seen that in places like
South Carolina, Tennessee, and other particularly

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states in the South like Florida that
are seeking to crack down more on repeat

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defendants. So as you look at
this, how would you say the momentum

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is is a momentum swinging back in
your favor, then I'd say so.

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I think the idea that we can
just wholesale allow a bunch of people to

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get a jail free card is going
to be good public policy is sort of

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like you know, saying defund the
police was going to work. I mean,

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I just violated the basic common sense
doctrine and basically it violated the whole

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doctrine of what I was saying of
criminal deterrence. We can't prosecute and incarcerate

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everybody. We have to send a
message that you are going to and conduce

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people that we are going to get
them if they commit crimes. And as

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soon as we lose that and we
have said well you don't have to respect

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the police will then look where we
are. So that's the policies we need

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to go and bail is part and
parcel of that, which is you could

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have bail set, you could stay
in jail. We just won't know until

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you get there. And that's the
message that we need to have. I

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think it is swinging towards your direction
because people have seen what is happening in

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California. It is absolute total anarchy, and you know, well, these

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people are non violent, so let's
just let them go. People realize,

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they're starting to realize now exactly how
unworkable this is. So I think it's

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very important. I think it's one
of the fundamental things in terms of do

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process. You know, we have
these things that are there, things like

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try by jury, habeas corpus bail. These are tried and true that we're

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there for a reason, and it
is very foolish to discard these things,

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and we do it and eventually discover
why they were there and now we can

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see California why they were there all
along. Thank you so much for joining

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us, sir. And again it
is the American Bail Coalition, and we

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00:25:04.599 --> 00:25:10.599
have to it's a very important what
is happening to our justice system and how

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it is being ripped down at the
foundation, and I think this is just

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one more of the things that we
need to reclaim and understand the true importance

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of it and why it is there. You know, don't tear down the

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fence if you don't understand why it
was put up in the first place.

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Thank you so much for joining us
and explaining that. Thank you you got

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00:25:26.799 --> 00:25:30.240
it was a pleasure. Thank you. We're going to be right back.

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Folks, to take a quick break
and we'll be right back. You're listening

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to the David Night Show.

