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Hello, and Welcome to Western SIV
episode two hundred and seventy seven God's Fire.

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Throughout the history of the Inquisition,
historians and commenters constantly agreed on the

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impressive support given to it by the
people. Foreign visitors to the Iberian Peninsula

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were appalled by the mass participation of
the public in the acts of faith.

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Subsequent defenders of the Tribunal felt that
they could in part justify the Inquisition by

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evidence of its roots in the authentic
faith of Spaniards. Opponents of the Tribunal,

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however, were equally impressed. Even
some of the first modern historians of

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the Tribunal were staggered by the lack
of evidence for any opposition to it in

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Spain. One declared quote, if
in investigating what a nation thought about a

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certain institution, we were to be
guided solely by the testimony of public writers,

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there is no doubt that the Spanish
people had as much love as hate

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for the Inquisition. You will hardly
find a book printed in Spain from the

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time of Charles the Fifth to our
own days in which the institution of the

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Inquisition is not cited with praise end
quote. The apparent support given by the

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people to the Inquisition has inevitably created
problems of interpretation for us. Partisans of

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the Inquisition have maintained that its popularity
was based on its unswavering sense of justice

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and that it responded to a profound
religious need. Critics, on the other

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hand, have presented it as a
tyranny imposed by the state upon the free

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consciences of Spaniards. Both extremes can
easily be supported by contemporary evidence, but

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neither is probably right. Let's face
it, the state of bureaucracies in fifteenth

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century Castile and Ergon were primitive.
They were ill equipped, if they even

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had the ability whatsoever, to impose
a tyranny on the mass of the people,

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and in reality, they never attempted
to do so. If the Inquisition

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acquired a broad base of support,
on the other hand, then we need

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to examine why this happened. Its
support among the masses arose out of the

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bitter social struggles of the late fifteenth
century. To an extent, we already

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talked about that, and it represented
the interests of the vast majority of the

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population, the old Christians, against
those of a small conversal minority. But

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those such support always remained the basis
of the inquisition's power, it was seldom

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more than passive. The Inquisition,
as we will see in this episode,

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was accepted, but no one ever
loved it, and there can be little

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doubt of the strong opposition to its
introduction. The Aragonese had never fully accepted

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their medieval inquisition and had no interest
in accepting another one. Now the Castilians

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were even worse. But how then, did the Spaniards come to accept a

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tribunal that was so alien to their
own traditions. Consider the following Jesuit quote

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from the sixteenth century inquisitional procedural.
Quote. At its inception, appeared very

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oppressive to Spaniards. What caused the
most surprise was that children paid for the

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crimes of their parents, and that
the accusers were not named or made known,

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nor confronted by the accused, nor
was their publication of witnesses, all

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of which was contrary to the practice
followed of old and other tribunals. Besides

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this, it appeared in innovation that
the sins of this sort should be punished

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by death. And what was the
most serious was that because of these secret

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investigations, they were deprived of the
liberty to listen and talk freely. Since

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in all the cities, towns,
and villages there were persons placed to give

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information of Olanan. This was considered
by some to be the most wretched slavery

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and equal to death. So howel
then did the Inquisition manage to gain a

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foothold and then wield dramatic power throughout
both Aragon and Castile. The answer is,

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as I hinted two moments ago,
the circumstances of the time, the

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rebirth of the Inquisition happened to come
just as wave after wave of conflict between

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old Christians and Conversos struck urban centers
like Toledo. In these urban centers,

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old Christians saw the Inquisition as the
means by which they might finally wrest power

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from the Conversos. Likewise, Ferdinand
saw the Inquisition as an excellent tool for

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consolidating his power, and this I
think is the key. The Inquisition returned

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because Ferdinand wanted it to, and
unlike previous Spanish monarchs, he was powerful

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enough to make that happen. Ferdinand
made the following statement to the town councilors

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of Barcelona in fourteen eighty six.
Quote before we decided on introducing this inquisition,

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into any cities of our realms.
We carefully considered and looked at all

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the harm and ill that could follow
from it, and that could affect our

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taxes and revenue. But because of
our firm intention and concern is to prefer

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the service of God to our own, we wish the inquisition to be established,

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regardless, putting all other interests aside. End quote. It is true

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that the inquisition was going to cost
the crown money, though Ferdinand probably didn't

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grasp that at the time. It's
also true that that statement was one hundred

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percent self serving. The inquisition was
both a crisis tool and it was a

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political tool of the Crown. To
many, the inquisition probably seemed like an

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emergency measure. Certainly seems so in
that statement until it wasn't. That is,

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despite the King's support, there was
a great deal of dissent in Spain.

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Consider the following denouncing the resort to
coercion at a time when evangelicalism had

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not even been tried. The Royal
secretary informed the Archbishop of Seville that thousands

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of young conversos in Andalusia quote had
never been out of their homes or heard

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and learned any other doctrine, but
that which they had seen their parents practice

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at home. To burn all these
would not only be cruel but difficult to

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carry out. I do not say
this, my Lord, in favor of

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the evildoers, but to find a
solution, which it seems to me,

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would be to put in that province
outstanding persons, who, by their exemplary

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life and teaching of doctrine, would
convert some and bring back others. Of

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course, the inquisitors, Diego de
Merlo and doctor Medina are good men,

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but I know very well they will
not produce such good Christians with their fire

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as the bishops did with their water
end quote. Many Spaniards were appalled by

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the bloodshed inherent with the inquisition.
Many believed firmly that people should not be

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coerced into a faith to which they
had never even been introduced. According to

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another eyewitness quote, at the time
of the inquisition, there were differing opinions.

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Some felt that those who sinned in
this way should not suffer the death

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penalty, but apart from this,
they admitted that it was just to inflict

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any other kind of punishment end quote. And inherent in these criticisms was an

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underlining critique of the expulsion in general. Even one of the early inquisitors,

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Luis de Paramont, wrote despondently to
Rome, that the the Expulsion had been

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wrong on two counts. First,
baptisms in the wake of the Expulsion had

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not been performed properly, and so
those baptized were essentially pagan. Second,

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the expulsion was an implicit invitation to
annihilate Jews, which was directly contrary to

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Scripture. On both counts, it
was right. In the early years of

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the Inquisition, opposition was invariably promoted
by conversos, given that they were the

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number one target. Unable to secure
support in Spain, they turned to Rome.

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A bull issued by Sixtus the Fourth
on the second of August fourteen eighty

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three, and almost certainly obtained after
significant converso bribes, ordered greater leniency to

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be exercised in the Tribunal of Seville, and revoked all appeal cases to Rome.

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Only eleven days later, however,
the pope withdrew the bill after pressure

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from the Spanish rulers. Sixtus the
Fourth died in fourteen eighty four, to

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be succeeded by Innocent the Eighth,
a pope who followed his policy of intervening

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in favor of the Conversos while taking
care not to anger the Catholic monarchs.

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The bulls issued by Innocent on the
eleventh of February and fifteenth of July fourteen

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eighty five, asking for more mercy
and leniency and for greater use of the

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secret practice of reconciliation, are typical
of the efforts made by the papacy to

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avoid lasting infamy. While Conversos may
have been upset, we hear little of

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any opposition from Old Christians during this
period. Now, by no means does

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this mean that they supported the institution. It simply means they were not adamantly

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opposed to it, likely because they
were benefiting from its actions. Now that

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tended to change in some areas,
depending on the level of inquisitor corruption.

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In fourteen ninety nine, the Inquisitor
of Cordoba was removed after being found guilty

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of fraud and extortion. He was
replaced by a new inquisitor, who shortly

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thereafter became ensnared in his own legal
troubles after trying to extort a few prominent

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Old Christian families. Evidently, the
Old Christians were fine with extortion so long

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as it did not involve them Converso, witnesses later testified that said inquisitor forced

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them to teach Jewish prayers to old
Christians for the sole purpose of then prosecuting

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those old Christians for allegedly becoming Jewish. An independent inquiry later into his actions

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proved that the evidence against the accused
was quote all fabricated. There's an interesting

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exams sample of this that comes out
of Granada. In Granada, the inquisitor

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accused the archbishop of essentially having a
synagogue in his palace. There, the

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inquisitor arrested the archbishop and all his
household, including his sister, two nieces,

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their daughters, and all their servants. The relatives and servants were tortured

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and duly produced denunciations against the archbishop. The papacy intervened and the archbishop was

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acquitted of all charges in April of
fifteen oh seven, and he and his

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family were set free. Unfortunately,
it was too late for the archbishop,

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who was by then an old and
broken man, walking barefoot and bare headed

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through the streets of Granada in the
procession of Ascension Day on the thirteenth of

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May. He was seized by a
violent fever, which the following day ended

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his life. On his deathbed,
he denounced the Inquisitor and his emplishments for

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quote, trying to wipe out the
conversos, which is clearly against the Holy

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Catholic Faith, which requires that there
be no distinction between jew and Greek end

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quote. The archbishop's care for his
flock had left him no time to care

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for himself. He died in total
poverty on the same day. There's an

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interesting letter of protest that's written to
the King's secretary that reads as follows quote,

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the government had failed to exercise effective
control over its ministers. As for

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the Inquisition, the method adopted was
to place so much confidence in the Archbishop

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of Seville that they were unable to
defame the whole kingdom, to destroy without

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God or justice, a great part
of it slaying and robbing and violating maids

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and wives, to the great dishonor
of the Christian religion. The damages which

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the wicked officials of the Inquisition have
wrought in my land are so many and

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so great, that no reasonable person, on hearing of them would not grieve

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sadly. The inquisitor in question received
no punishment at all for his crimes.

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He returned to Seville, where he
was allowed to die in peace. At

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the death of Ferdinand on January the
twenty third, fifteen sixteen, the crown

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passed to his grandson Charles the Fifth. Technically, since the death of Isabella

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in fifteen oh four, Castile had
been under the rule of his daughter Juana

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the Mad Despite the fact that she
was technically queen, Juana was considered unfit

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due to mental incapacity to rule,
which some historians today now hotly debate.

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Hence, Charles became the effective first
king of a United Spain. While the

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Spanish court waited for Charles to arrive, the Inquisition continued to function on its

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own under the control of Cardinal cis
Neros. Whatever since Narrow's views may have

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been, many contemporaries thought that some
reform in the judicial procedure of the Inquisition

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was essential, even if they did
not question the tribunal's existence. The arrival

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of the seventeen year old king from
Flanders set off a train of requests and

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demands which constituted the last chapter in
the struggle to subject the Inquisition to the

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rule of law. When Charles,
after his arrival in Spain fifteen seventeen,

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held the first cortes of his reign
in Vallalodid in February of fifteen eighteen.

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His deputies petitioned, quote that your
Highness provide that the Office of the Holy

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Inquisition proceed in such a way as
to maintain justice, and that the wicked

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be punished and the innocent not suffer. They asked moreover, that the forms

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of the law be observed, that
the inquisitioners be chosen from reputable and learned

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men. The main result of this
was the series of instructions for the Inquisition,

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drawn up principally by the initiative of
jun de so Edge, who was

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the Chancellor of the King, a
man who was accused in being in the

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pay of the Conversos. The preamble
to these proposed instructions claims that accused people

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have not been able to defend themselves
fully, Many innocent and guiltless have suffered

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death, harm, oppression, injury, and infamy. And many of our

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vassals have absented themselves from these realms. And as events have shown in general,

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these realms have received and receive great
ill and harm, and have been

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in our notorious throughout the world end
quote. The proposed reforms therefore included provisions

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that prisoners be placed in open public
prisons, be able to receive visitors,

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be assigned counsel, be presented with
an accusation on arrest, and given the

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names of witnesses. In addition,
goods of the accused could not be taken

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in sould before a verdict, nor
could the salaries of the inquisitors be payable

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out of confiscations. Prisoners should be
allowed recourse to mass and the sacraments while

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awaiting trial, and care should be
taken not to let those condemned to perpetual

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prison die of hunger. If torture
were used, it should be in moderation,

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and there should be no new quote
inventions of torture as have been used

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until now end quote. Each of
these clauses points to the existence of evils

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which the new Pragmatic Order was supposed
to fix. Had the instructions ever been

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approved, a totally different inquisition probably
would have come into existence, secrecy would

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have disappeared, and the opportunity for
abuse largely removed. Unfortunately, in fifteen

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eighteen, Cisneos, who was receptive
to reforms, died and Charles replaced him

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with his own tutor, the Dutch
Cardinal Adrian of Utrecht, Bishop of Tortosa,

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and he firmly opposed any reform or
innovation whatsoever. Meanwhile, Charles had

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gone to Aragon, where he accepted
the allegiance of the Kingdom and the Cortes,

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which opened at Saragosa in May of
fifteen eighteen. Surprisingly, when the

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Cortes offered to advance him a large
sum of money in exchange for an agreement

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to a list of thirty one articles
which were substantially the same as those drawn

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up by his chancellor, the king
agreed. It soon became clear, though,

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that he had no intention of observing
the agreement. Once he had the

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cash in hand, Charles let the
treaty lapse. A subsequent message to the

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Spanish ambassador in Rome asked him Charles
to secure from the Pope revocation of the

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articles and a dispensation from his oath
to observe them. However, the Cortes

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had already taken the step of having
Charles's signature to the articles authenticated by Juan

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Pratt, the notary of the Courts. All the relevant papers were then sent

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to Rome in the hands of Diego
de la Casas, a converso from Seville.

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After the disillusion of the Cortes in
January fifteen nineteen, the inquisition stepped

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in the inquisition was determined that these
papers not go forward. They arrested Pratt

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on the charge of having falsified the
articles, which was ridiculous drawn up at

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the courtes. The accusation was patently
false, but both ecclesiastical and secular authorities

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in Castile acted as though they were
true. The new Chancellor urgently drew up

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papers, which he sent to Rome
in April, claiming that these were genuine

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and that the official copy was a
forgery. By now was a serious constitutional

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argument in Aragon, and the deputies
and nobility of the Realm, meeting in

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conference in May, sent to Charles
a request for the release of Pratt,

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threatening not to grant any money now
until their demands were met. They summoned

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the courtes and refused to disperse until
justice had been done. At this stage,

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in what was now quite the quagmire, Pope Leo the tenth intervened in

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favor of the Aragonese. In July
fifteen nineteen. He issued three briefs,

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one to Charles, one to the
Inquisitor General, and one to the Tribunal

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of Sarnagosa, reducing the powers of
the Inquisition to the bounds of ordinary canon

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law and revoking all the special privileges
they had been granted. Charles and his

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officials now played their hand. They
refused to allow the publication of the brief

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in Spain and sent a firm protest
to Rome. The Pope, and this

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is starting to look like a tennis
match, now shifted his position and suspended

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the briefs without revoking them. At
this time, the Aragonese immediately discontinued payment

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of any grant to the crown.
Finally, in December of fifteen twenty the

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Pope confirmed the concordat of fifteen eighteen, but in terms that didn't bother to

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specify whether it was the original sent
by Pratt or the corrected one. A

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compromise was eventually reached in fifteen twenty
one, wherein Cardinal Adrian of Utrecht accepted

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the Aragonese version for the time being, and finally, after about two years,

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let Pratt out of prison. The
victory of the Aragonese, though was

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an unsubstantial victory. The Inquisition at
no time afterwards admitted the validity of the

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Concordats of fifteen twelve or fifteen eighteen. So the struggles of all those years

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to bring the Inquisition to heal,
to give it some rules, to make

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it fune, some law somewhere were
in vain. At the Castilian Cortes in

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fifteen twenty requests made of Valadi did
for the reform and the procedure of the

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Inquisition were repeated, but again to
no avail. Later that same year,

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while Charles was away in Flanders,
another plan for reform was sent to him.

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This and subsequent proposals fell through.
On his return to Spain, a

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cortes was held in Valado did in
again in fifteen twenty three. Again the

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old suggestions for reform were brought up. These were fortified by a request that

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the salaries of the inquisitors should be
paid by the Crown and not drawn from

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confiscations. Sadly, failure again was
the result, and the Inquisition continued totally

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unreformed. At this time a consistent
stream of opposition to the Inquisition continued to

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flow out of Castile, but the
frequency of said complaints was certainly less in

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the mid sixteenth century than it had
been in the late fifteenth The reason for

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this was not that the Inquisition had
gotten less corrupt. It was because the

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population had grown accustomed to it and
hence more tolerant of its abuses. By

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fifteen fifty, the institution itself was
effectively untouchable. All of this would not

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have been possible without the implicit support
of the Old Christian majority. Yet in

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part it must be conceded that the
Inquisition survived because of the unswerving support of

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the Crown, which refused to abandon
an institution which had proven so useful.

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Like Ferdinand before him, Charles the
Fifth was wholly dedicated to it and introduced

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a similar tribunal in the Netherlands in
fifteen twenty. But once again, support

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of the Inquisition was extremely regional.
Outside of cast deal, few local elites

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supported the institution, and that had
nothing to do with kindness or humanity.

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It had everything to do with those
elites jealousy of the special privileges inquisitors enjoyed.

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Plus, said inquisitors tended to be
outsiders, so local elites, even

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if they were Old Christians, tended
not to support the Inquisition out of purely

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secular motivations, and so it was. For three centuries more the Inquisition would

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continue to be a standard feature of
the Spanish landscape, just as it had

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been bitterly opposed by the Conversos.
So in time it would earn the profound

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hatred of other minorities in anti Muslim
activity. Arguably, it even earned some

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popularity among the Christians. The chief
victims of the acts of Faith in the

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Crown of Aragon were quote nearly always
people for whom the general public had little

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sympathy end quote. In Aragon and
Valencia, the victims were almost certainly Moors.

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In Catalonia they were always French immigrants. Despite this victimization of minorities,

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the Inquisition still found it difficult to
earn genuine popular support in the eastern realms

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of the Iberian Peninsula. The rest
of the Spanish population gradually came to accept

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it, but in a spirit that
could hardly be described as enthusiastic. In

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one perspective, the Inquisition, though, cannot be seen as the imposition of

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a sinister tyranny on an unwilling people, brought into being by a particular social

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situation. It was inspired by a
decisively old Christian ideology and controlled by men

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whose outlook reflected the mentality of the
mass of Castiday. Millions. Outside of

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cast Deal, support for it remained
grudging. Outside of Spain, opposition was

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total. Within the Golden Age of
Spain, little evidence exists of objections to

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its existence from intellectuals or ordinary people. It fulfilled a role a guardian against

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heresy, a keeper of public morality, an arbiter between factions, a tribunal

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for small cases, and all of
these were things that no institution other than

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the Inquisition fulfilled. Frankly, it
was also accepted because being honest here over

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long periods of time and over substantial
areas of the Iberian Peninsula, the Inquisition

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quite simply did nothing. After an
explosive entry into the course of Spain's history,

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it simply slipped into the stream of
daily life. Its impact and duration,

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though, was to be much longer, longer than anyone could have imagined

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in the beginning. As always,
if you'd like additional content, or if

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00:26:08.160 --> 00:26:11.319
you'd be interested in supporting the show, check out the links in the show

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00:26:11.359 --> 00:26:15.559
notes. There are links there to
the website, to the Patreon page and

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00:26:15.839 --> 00:26:19.920
the Western C two point oh,
the latter of which both offer a seven

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00:26:21.039 --> 00:26:22.119
day free trial.

