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We're back with another edition of The
Federalist Radio Hour. I'm Emily Joshenski,

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culture editor here at the Federalist.
As always, you can email the show

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at radio at the Federalist dot com, follow us on exit fdr LST.

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Make sure to subscribe wherever you download
your podcasts into the premium version of our

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website as well. We're honored today
to be joined by doctor ben Carson.

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He is the founder and the chairman
of the American Cornerstone Institute and the author

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of the new book, The Perilist
Fight, Overcoming Our Culture's War on the

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American Family. Doctor Carson, thank
you for joining us, Thanks for having

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me absolutely. Could you talk to
us just a little bit about what inspired

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this book. Again, it's called
The perilst Fight, Overcoming Our Culture's War

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on the American Family. Why did
you feel the need to write this book

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at this time? Well, you
know, our country was formed in the

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crucible of conflict and war, and
we had to fight for our freedom.

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And it was interesting eight and seventeen
eighty seven at the last Constitutional Convention,

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Rucus ruckus fight. That's disagreement,
but the good guys prevailed and after the

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words Benjamin Franklin came out of the
building. He was asked by a woman,

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Sir, what do we have here, a monarchy or a republic?

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And he said, a republic if
you can keep it. And we've kept

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it for two hundred and forty years, but we're as close to losing it

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now as we ever have been,
and we're in another perilous fight, just

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like we were then when we had
a bunch of rag tag militiamen who defeated

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what seemed to be an insurmountable army
of the British Empire. But it happened

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because we understood who our enemy was
and we were determined to defeat it.

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We're in a situation now where we
have people who are trying to fundamentally change

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this country by dividing us and attacking
the fundamental blocks of our foundation, which

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are our families and our faith.
And as we allow those things to be

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dissolved, we're moving downward just as
quickly as we moved upward when we grasps

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the right principles. So that's why
I felt a need to make people aware

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of what was going on, because
a lot of people just say, oh,

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we're hopelessly gone. We can't do
anything about it. It's the end

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of our era. But it's not. It's only if we don't learn and

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understand what's going on. Do you
remember when you first when it really struck

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you. Maybe there's a particular moment, or maybe it happened gradually over the

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time, but over time, But
was there a moment when you really realized

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how dire the situation was in the
US, and how dire the situation was

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in American culture? That what we
you know, some people's cases, what

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they felt like they grew up with
the country that they grew up in,

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they didn't recognize. Was there a
moment like that for you, doctor Carson?

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Well, really kind of started back
in the late nineties when we started

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having the political correctness movement, and
I realized at that time that if that

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wasn't stifled, that it would grow
at mushroom. And that's exactly what it

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has done. It's mushroom now to
the woke movement, and we've reached the

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point now where we have those who
have power trying to impose their views on

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everyone else. And interestingly enough,
if you look back at the beginnings of

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our country, our founders studied every
governmental system that ever existed. They were

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eclecticists. They took the good stuff
and left the bad stuff out. But

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one of the things that they discovered
is that all government systems tend to move

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in the same direction, growing,
infiltrating and dominating. They wanted us to

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be different, and that's why they've
worked so hard on our constitution. But

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you can see already that that dominating
is starting to infiltrate our system. You

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saw it a lot with COVID mandatory, this mandatory that it turned out all

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to be based on falsehoods. And
even now you see a government saying you

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have to drive this kind of vehicle
rather than allowing the market forced us to

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determine what kind of vehicle you're going
to drive. You know, it's the

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environment that we created that allowed innovation
and entrepreneurship that drove us to the pinnacle

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of the world. And if we
start mandating things and having the government decide

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what is right and what is wrong, you will basically snuff out that kind

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of innovation and creativity. And government
mandates are so often crony capitalism, and

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a lot of people saw the influence
of that over the course of COVID.

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If they looked at, you know, for example, Farmer's relationship with the

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FDA, and even conservatives who typically
were uncomfortable with some of these topics that

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criticize you know, business leaders that
they generally trusted over the government, had

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their eyes opened up to how much
crony capitalism really did dictate policy and how

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much of it dictated culture. Do
you share that view, doctor Carson,

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that some in to some extent,
there's really been a as youram Hazoni has

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said, a privatization of virtue that
hasn't always gone well in the last couple

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of decades, as we kind of
as we've kind of lost some of these

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shared touchstones, points of consensus,
you know, about what is a man,

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what does a woman? What is
you know, family? What should

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it look like? It seems like
we've lost our way and some people that

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conservatives pro previously trusted in the business
sector, you know, for example,

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have gone in the other direction on
what they call trans rites or anything like

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that. How should conservatives look at
a big business right now, doctor Carson?

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Is they feel that we're in a
culture war? Well, I'm not

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sure if it's so much that people
don't understand what's going on as it is,

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that they lacked the courage to stand
up against it. You know,

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when I was running for president,
I traveled to off fifty states, the

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smallest little hamlets to the biggest cities, and what I discovered is most of

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the people actually had common sense and
had a sense of what was right and

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wrong. Well, what I also
discovered is that most people would rather stand

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in the corner and stare at their
shoes than to speak up and potentially be

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called a nasty name or be canceled. And that's the real problem. You

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know, you can't be the land
of the free if you're not the home

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of the brave. And unless people
realize that we're actually in a fight,

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they're certainly not going to join that
fight. And we're told what not to

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talk about from the time you're a
child, said don't talk about politics and

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don't talk about religion. But those
are the very areas that are being heavily

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attacked, and they want to work
in the darkness. They don't want you

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to know what they're doing, so
they say, don't talk about this.

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It's sort of like with election integrity. Don't even mention the election integrity.

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It's like if you stole the cookie
or the cookie jar. You don't want

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to talk about the cookie, dear. You can't talk about the cookie jar.

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You can talk about anything else if
you didn't sell them. You don't

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care talk about cookie jar. You
want This is the situation that we're in

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right now. Yeah. Absolutely,
And actually on that point, I was

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curious to ask ask you about your
experience just with the so called mainstream media,

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really the corporate media as we like
to call them at the Federalist.

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Over the course of your time in
the Trump administration, after time the Trump

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administration as a presidential candidate, you've
seen up close better than most people the

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deception and the corruption of the press
in America. And so, from your

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perspective of your vantage point, what
role does the American media play in fomenting

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this culture war and in pushing us
further and further from as you write about

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these sort of values that the country
was founded on. Well, you know,

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the only business protected by the Constitution
is the press. And why is

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that? It's because they were supposed
to present to the people unbiased information about

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whatever what was going on, so
that the people could decide what their will

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was. Because the country was supposed
to be run on the will of the

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people and what was good for the
people and with the people first. But

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the press has decided to put its
thumb on the scale instead of being objective,

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and that's caused enormous damage. And
they don't seem to even understand what

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they're doing, because what is the
first thing that Marxist governments do completely control

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the press. They don't realize they're
digging their own grade, and they're sort

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of what Vladimir Lenin referred to as
useful idiots. And I'm just hopeful that

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at some point some of the younger
journalists will come to their senses and recognize

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that they've been giving a tremendous responsibility
and the press, and they should use

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it in an effective way for the
people, not against the people. And

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the New York Times just this week
was freaking out about Schedule F, which

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is one of the many policy proposals
that the conservative movement has put together,

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targeting Schedule F. And you were
overseeing a lot of people that potentially would

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be affected by a proposal like that
in the Trump administration. But at the

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same time, you know, as
you write in this book, this is

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a culture war, and you know
these are dire times, desperate times,

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and what do you think about conservative
policies that might target the vast federal bureaucracy.

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Are those essential to conservatives winning the
culture war? Do things like schedule

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F really have to happen in order
to win that battle? Well, we

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need to recognize that the government is
very bloated and very centralized. It's problematic.

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I think that all the federal agencies
reside in Washington, d C.

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And there's a certain political persuasion that
exists in the Washington area. Son of

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federal employees and of the executive branch
employees are people with a washing and DC

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type mentality. That's wrong, and
it's very difficult to remove people who aren't

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doing an effective job for the people. I can tell you that from what

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I've seen, And we need to
be thinking about the government. The president

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actually does have the ability to remove
large swaths of people. Can't necessarily pick

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on an individual, but you can
remove large groups of people, and we

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ought to be thinking about how to
do that effectively and shift people around and

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maybe move some of the federal agencies
to other parts of the country so that

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it's more reflective of the entire country
rather than just a particular ideology. And

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that's actually such an interesting point because
I also wanted to ask about how much

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policy because so much of what you
write about in this book face family.

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These are things that can arratives have
often looked at us outside the realm of

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the policy sphere. These are things
that are come from parents, come from

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grandparents, come from your church,
and all of that. And there's some

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conservatives who are very interested in,
for example, what vicor Orbon has done

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in Hungry and encouraging people to have
children, encouraging people to have families.

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There's talk of a child tax credit, there's child tax credit in the Trump

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tax bill. But what role does
policy play? Is there a serious,

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robust role for conservative policy in sort
of we're scoring American culture. If so,

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what things could be looked at,
Well, we certainly don't want to

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legislate morality. But you look at
some of the policies that exist currently,

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such as if you're getting a house
the housing subsidy and you get a raise,

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you have to report that so that
your rent can go up. Well,

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that's not a whole lot of incentive
to climb the ladder. Or if

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you bring someone else into your house
hold with an income, you have to

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report that so your rent can go
up. These are things that are deleterious

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when it comes to family formation,
and we can certainly get rid of those

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things and do things that encourage family
formation. You know, you look at

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the statistics and even you know,
Brookings institutions, some of the more liberal

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leaning places will readily admit that the
data shows that if you have traditional family

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mother, father, and children,
the outcome for the children is considerably better

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than with some of these alternative forms. But there's a big push now for

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the alternative forms. Hollywood in particular, ridicules the traditional family and you know,

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holds up alternative lifestyles and sexuality as
the thing that you should be desirous

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of and if you can become a
victim, wow, you hit the gold

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nugget. So you know, this
is just something. It's a real cultural

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or something that we have to understand. Something you have to realize that we

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have to participate in it. We
can't be observers because you cannot be the

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land of the free if you're not
the home of the brave, and you

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can't be afraid of what people are
going to do to you. You have

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to get out there and fight.
They will do bad things. So if

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you just sit there and let them, I'm wondering if you've been surprised to

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see some of the polling. I
personally have been shocked to see some of

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the polling of black voters, in
particular moving away from Biden, but not

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just moving away from Biden, also
then moving towards Donald Trump. Donald Trump's

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numbers among Black Americans are higher than
just about any Republican in recent memory,

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Republican presidential candidate in recent memory.
Have you been surprised with that, doctor

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Carson, And to what do you
attribute it? If you've seen those numbers

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and think they really reflect shifting sentiments
among black voters. I've not been particular

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surprised, because you know, when
I was a secretary, there were a

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number of celebrations I would call them
at the White House where we had hundreds

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of black, particularly young black people, and they were just over the top

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enthusiastic about Donald Trump. So of
course you didn't hear about that on CNN.

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You didn't hear about that in the
MSNBC. They would never have put

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anything like that on television. But
you know, black people are just like

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everybody else. They have eyes and
ears and a brain, and they can

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see that when Trump was there,
they were much better off. Their wages

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were higher, there was less unemployment. You know, efforts were made to

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bring into line the sentences for various
types of infractions so that it was not

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unfair to one group and fair to
another group. HBC used didn't have to

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come begging every year. Opportunity zones
encourage the flow of capital and too dilapidated

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areas, And it wasn't just federal
money, it was private money. And

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people saw that they were just much
better off. They had money to buy

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food, buy gas for their cars. And also, the thing about Trump

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that's appealing is you don't have to
wonder what he's thinking. You know,

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you know what he's thinking immediately,
and you know he says what he feels.

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And people find that refreshing, particularly
when you're a traditional politician. Yeah,

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I'm even creous about that because I
would imagine, just based on experience

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in the workplace, that it makes
life a lot easier in meetings, it

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makes life a lot easier in general
when the president is direct like that exactly,

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And I hope it encourages other people
to just start being straightforward. Also,

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they try to say that he's very
divisive and hateful, but it's listening

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to Biden. That's where you see
all the hate. You know, the

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mega this and the mega that needs
a people that are come. You don't

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hear that coming out of Trump's Now. He talks about specific individuals who cause

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problems, but you know, he
doesn't categorize the large groups of people that

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way. Are they? Is all
the lawfair against Donald Trump? Would you

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consider that part of the broader culture
war? Because when people think of culture

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war, you know, they think
about things like protecting life from the pro

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abortion side. They think about,
you know, things like sex and gender

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and marriage and family and faith.
But this lawfair is it seems because maybe

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it's because we're so polarized right now, but against Donald Trump, it seems

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like it does come from a place
of just cultural disdain for him. What

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do you think about that, doctor
Carson, Well, you know they know

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that Donald Trump has been there before. He knows where the dead bodies are,

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and you know, he knows where
the rottenness is, and he's going

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to do what he can do,
not necessarily against individuals, but to create

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a more trustworthy and sanitory environment than
the government. So their very existence,

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the existence of the administrative state,
is threatened by him. And also he

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just won't buy into all the traditional
power grabbing issues that politicians have been into.

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You know, most of them have
come in made a lot of money.

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He, on the other hand,
has lost a lot of mind.

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He was already as famous as anybody
can be, so he didn't need the

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thing. He actually wanted to do
something for the United States. And I

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remember in an interview with Oprah about
thirty years ago, she said, Donald,

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would you ever run for president?
He said, I would have no

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desire to do anything like that.
The country was going off a cliff,

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and it was going off a cliff. And if he hadn't won in twenty

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sixteen and Hillary won, and she'd
gotten three Supreme Court picks plus set of

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federal judges pick, we've been gone
already. Do you feel like Donald Trump

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understands the severity of the culture War? I mean, somebody who was early

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to endorse gay marriage and gay rights, although now is definitely you know,

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Betsy de Voss's Education secretary, who
took some really necessary steps when it came

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to Title nine. Are you confident
that a second Trump term, and maybe

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you've spoken with him about some of
the stuff, a second Trump term would

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truly carry the banner of the cause
that you write about in this book,

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Winning the Culture War. Yeah.
Well, you know, he's more about

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allowing people to live the lives that
they want to live and not have fair

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with you know, it's not so
much that he's pro gay merrit as he

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is let people do what they want
to do, and I'm not going to

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interfere as a government official. And
I think that's a very reasonable type of

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position to take. You. I
find my basis for my opposition to gay

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marriage in my belief system, which
I find in the Bible, states very

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clearly that God considers those things an
abomination. But it doesn't mean that I

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have to go after those people.
Just means that it's not something that I

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would necessarily be pushing. Sure,
yeah, absolutely. Do you think the

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Republican Party? Sometimes it seems like
the Republican Party is stuck in the past,

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it doesn't quite get these issues yet. And in other times it seems

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like the Republican Party is totally on
board with, you know, fighting the

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cultural war, Winning the Culture War. What's your assessment of the GOP,

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Doctor Carson, do you feel like
Republican leaders across the country, especially in

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Washington, are ready to fight this, understand the gravity of fighting this,

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or do you wish you do?
You still wish you saw a little bit

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more from them. I would like
to see a lot more from them.

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No, the Republicans don't understand the
power of unity. You've got to learn

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how to put your little pet peeve
aside and work together. That's what the

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Democrats have done very effectively. You
know, they don't all agree, but

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when it comes to important votes,
important things, they stick together like glue,

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and it gives them a great deal
more power. The Republicans have got

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to understand that if we don't stick
together and we allow the leftists to prevail,

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they are going to arrange things in
such a way that you will never

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be able to gain power again.
That is their objective. That's why they

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treat Donald Trump the way they do, and that's why they will treat everybody

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else that way if they have power
and the ability to do so. Fairness

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justice means nothing to them because they
see themselves as righteous and just like the

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jihadist, if you're the righteous the
others are infidels and you can do anything

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you want to them. Did you
leave Washington You're doing so much work right

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now. Did you leave Washington optimistic
about the future? Did you leave Washington

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disenchanted? I mean, you came
into Washington understanding all of the problems with

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the way our government is running.
You understood the problems in our culture,

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but having sort of seen it from
the inside, were you more or less

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hopeful by the time you left the
administration? And even just as you've thought

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about thought back down that whole experience. In the year since leaving, I'm

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an materrnial optimist. And you know, although it wasn't necessarily always fun working

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in that cesspool, I saw a
lot of things that encouraged me. You

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know. For instance, there was
a group of twenty young people from Ohio

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who had aged out of foster care, and they told us about what was

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going on with twenty thousand aging out
of foster care every year, a quarter

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of them ending up homeless, a
larger amount of that ending up in even

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worse situations than being homeless. And
you know, we got together with the

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careers, the politicals and their careers
together and formulated the Foster used the Independence

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program and we're giving out grants in
less than four months. People say the

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government can't do things. When we
work together, it's amazing what we can

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do. So I'm optimistic that with
the right kind of leadership and people being

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truly informed, the American people don't
know that they're being played like pawns on

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a pawn game. They don't realize
that. Are you familiar with the Congressional

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record of January tenth, nineteen sixty
three. I don't think I am,

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doctor Garson. Go look it up. Congressman Herlong from Florida ran into the

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Congressional record the forty five goals of
Communism in America and how we've fundamentally changed

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this into a different type of society, and as things like gaining control of

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the educational system, the teacher unions
so that you could indoctrinate the kids,

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the media. There was a big
emphasis on the media and on Hollywood so

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that you could and intimate people's opinions
and minds, making sexual perversion normal and

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healthy, destroying the nuclear family,
particularly the relationship between parents and children.

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I mean, the list goes on
and on. It's very impressive. This

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is over sixty years ago. A
lot of people think what we're seeing is

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of recent origin. This has been
a long term plan, and it's the

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reason that Kushchev said to Eisenhower sixty
years ago, your grandchildren's children will live

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under our system. You know,
we think we won the Cold War,

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but they are long term planners,
and we have to recognize that we're being

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played, and particularly the division in
our society on the basis of race,

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age, income, gender, politics, religion, dividing us on every area

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so that you can weaken us and
be able to I think there's a tendency

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of many to a one world type
government. What stands in the way of

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that the United States of America and
what we stand for. And you can't

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take us down militarily, but you
can take us down from inside. And

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I think this is a long term
plan and it's being executed very well,

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and it will succeed unless we understand
what's going on and stand against it.

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I wonder your thoughts on this question
of secularization and how important it is to

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these overall trends of our culture kind
of crumbling in front of us. Why

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did or why is secular leftism taking
route you know, why is it that

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Marxists, as you say, are
having success changing the course of American society

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and culture. Even as you say, you know, there's so many people

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around the country who vote based on
their economic interests, who vote based on

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common sense, and who still are
still have common sense in the United States.

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Why is it that so many of
these secular progressive policies have found success

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in some of the American people and
across so many of our institutions. It's

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called indoctrination. And if you go
back and look at that Congressional record,

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there's a significant amountment about getting God
out of everything, getting God out of

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our schools, out of our daily
lives. Because Marxism does not succeed unless

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the people look to the government as
their savior. You certainly don't want anything

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competing with that. And you look
at our Judeo Christian values and the things

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that they taught us, like love
your neighbor, not hate your neighbor,

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of cancer your neighbor, if they
have a different yard sign, you can

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see those things. They're antithetical to
each other. So they've been working on

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it for a long time, utilizing
the media, utilizing Hoghwood. Those are

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sort of their great, big tools
to make people conform. And again,

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the reason I wrote this book is
I want people to see what the forces

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are and what they're trying to do. And a lot of times that people

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can actually visualize their enemy, they
become much more effective in their fight against

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it, Doctor Carson, Is there
a particular founder, one of the founding

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fathers you find yourself gravitating towards for
their particular wisdom any more than the others

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these days? Are there any books
that you find yourself pouring through as you

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reflect on these issues most well?
I think one of the heroic figures for

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me never became the president, but
incredibly wise was Benjamin Franklin. You know,

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he was an inventor, he was
a writer. He used a pseudonym

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so that he wouldn't be found out. But he had such a great amount

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of perspective. And during the last
Continental Congressional meeting, when the whole thing

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was about to dissolve, he stood
up in front of the whole assembly.

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He was eighty one years old,
and he said, gentlemen, stop,

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let's get down on our knees and
let's seek wisdom from the all mighty.

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And they all knelt down and prayed, and they stopped squabbling and they put

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together our constitution. That kind of
leadership, that kind of wisdom, just

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amazing, and I'm glad we shared
the same first name. Doctor Ben Carson

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is the founder and chairman of the
American Cornerstone Institute and the author of the

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new book The Perilous Fight, Overcoming
Our Culture's War on the American Family.

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Doctor Carson, thank you so much
for your time. It's been a pleasure.

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Thank you so much. You've been
listening to another edition of The Federalist

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Radio Hour. I'm Emily Kashinski,
culture editor here at The Federalist. We

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will be back soon with more.
Until then, be the lovers of freedom

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and anxious for the fray. I
heard the fame boy ser reason, and

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then it faded away.
