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This is Stuart England The Civil Wars
Episode two point one hundred and nine.

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A free Parliament. On the thirtieth
of December sixteen fifty nine, Thomas Fairfax

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visited Murston Moore, the wild meadow
outside of York where he had won his

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most famous victory fifteen years earlier.
He was likely in a contemplative mood,

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not just because of the memories the
old battlefield threw up, but also because

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of why he had returned. Fairfax
was joined by almost two thousand men.

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They were drawn to Murston Moore that
day through a mixture of frustration at the

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months of chaos produced by the coops
and counter coops at Westminster, and the

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personal reputation and charisma of Thomas Fairfax, one of the few war heroes left

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who was untainted by the grubby politics
of the day. How Fairfax intended to

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solve England's predicament wasn't exactly clear.
The rallying cry that had brought out the

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crowd consisted of a vague call for
a free and open parliament. Fairfax carefully

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avoided making any claims, but what
kind of settlement that parliament would or should

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produce? Some took comfort in the
idea of a free parliament as a panacea

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for all of England's troubles. As
you may recall, a similar attitude had

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accompanied the short Parliament of sixteen forty
the first after eleven years of Charles the

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First's personal rule. The initial long
parliament elections were more than twenty years in

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the past, and it was hoped
that a parliament renewed through its connection to

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the people would magically erase the resentments
and divisions that had taken hold of England.

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But other software Fax's ambiguity in more
strategic terms, Since sixteen forty nine,

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the leaders of the Commonwealth had tried
just about every constitutional arrangement imaginable.

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They had all failed. The only
option left was to go back to what

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had worked in the past monarchy.
But to openly call for the return of

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the Stuarts would be politically explosive and
just lead to yet more rounds of civil

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war. From this perspective, those
who called for a free parliament were Royalists

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in all but name. England would
have to be gradually guided towards that inevitable

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solution. For now, the name
of the king could not be spoken.

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Men like Fairfax had to rely on
carefully coded language. However, cynically want

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to be about the campaigned for a
free parliament in the winter of sixteen fifty

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nine sixteen sixty. It's clear that
the message resonated with the people of England.

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The regime run out of the Committee
of Safety, had totally failed to

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deliver anything resembling a free parliament,
and so was disintegrating in the face of

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universal popular opposition. Over Christmas,
the torch passed to the newly restored Rump

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Parliament. But while this transfer of
power was widely celebrated as a step in

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the right direction, the Rump men
faced close scrutiny. England's current condition was

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as much their fault as it was
the doing of the army men who had

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just been displaced. Would the Rump, in its third try, finally lead

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England towards salvation. The answer to
that question would in some sense be determined

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by the men who followed Thomas Fairfax
to Marston Moore. At the end,

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news from London took time to reach
the North, so events in Yorkshire were

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a bit out of date. The
enemies that Fairfax and his followers sought to

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neutralize were the Armies, of the
Committee of Safety the provisional Government, Charles

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Fleetwood, surrendered a few days earlier. But as we saw a last episode,

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Fleetwood had acted without consulting his ally
John Lambert, who commanded the majority

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of the regime soldiers in the North. The Committee of Safety might be dead

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in London, but it was alive
and well and well armed in the North.

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If Lambert could score a decisive victory, he might easily turn south with

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overwhelming force and restore military rule.
Fairfax's goal was to prevent that outcome.

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His rising just outside York was meant
to compliment the army George Monk had assembled

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on the Scottish border. By distracting
Lambert and drawing defectors away from his armies,

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Fairfax hoped to clear the path from
Monk to march into England. Ideally,

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it would be a bloodless victory against
a regime it was already collapsing from

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within. The original plan was her
Fairfax to initiate the Yorkshire Rising on the

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first of January, time to coincide
with Monk's army crossing the border. But

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in the days leading up to the
New year, word got out and Lambert's

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forces moved to respond, Robert Lilburn, the general who had been holding the

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North for the Committee of Safety since
its inception, rushed to York to suppress

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the rising. Fairfax therefore moved up
to start date so his network of allies

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wouldn't be disrupted by preemptive arrests.
The result was yet another standoff. Lilburn

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held York while Fairfax assembled his insurrection
outside the city's walls, but it was

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clear that Lambert and Lilburn were fast
losing control of the situation. A significant

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number of Fairfax's followers were defectors from
Lilburn's garrison and that of John Lambert's army

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stationed at nearby Rippon. The people
of York sided with Fairfax as well,

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making life very uncomfortable for Liliburn's garrison. Lilburn's only hope was that Lambert could

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bring his much larger army to York
and relieve his beleaguered troops, but despite

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being just twenty miles away, Lambert
was paralyzed, partly because he wasn't sure

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which threat was greater, fairfaxes Workshire
rising or Monk's invading army, which had

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crossed into England as scheduled on New
Year's Day. But Lambert faced even bigger

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problems than indecision. His men hadn't
been paid in weeks, and for the

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average soldier, Monk and Fairfax were
hardly enemies. The army camp at Rippon

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was racked by defections and desertions,
and was in no condition to march anywhere,

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either to York or the Scottish border. On the second of January,

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Lilburn accepted reality and surrendered York to
Fairfax. Lambert's army simply dissolved. The

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Committee of Safety had been defeated politically
a few days earlier in Westminster, and

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now it was annihilated militarily in Yorkshire. On the eleventh of January, Monk

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rode into York and enjoyed the hospitality
of Thomas Fairfax. Their victory was all

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the sweeter for having been, as
planned bloodless. At Westminster, the newly

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restored rump was uncertain how to view
these northern developments. The elimination of John

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Lambert's army was welcome news. It
had been entirely possible that the general would

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have marched south to reverse Charles Fleetwood's
capitulation. Restoring the Committee of Safety by

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military but in a sense, Monk
had merely replaced Lambert as the leader of

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an army capable of exercising power independently
from Westminster. Sure, Monk had publicly

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expressed support for the Rump, and
as recently as the twenty ninth of December

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had pledged to follow directives from Parliament, but three days later he crossed the

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border into England without anyone's authorization.
Arthur Hasselrigg tried to put the best face

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on affairs, inviting Monk to come
to London to help sort out England's future,

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but as one historians noted, this
was a bit like a man ordering

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his dog to do what it was
already in the process of doing. More

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indicative of the Rump's anxieties was the
decision to send a delegation to join Monk's

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march. Nominally this was to coordinate
their actions, but in reality the delegation,

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led by Hasselrigg's close ally Thomas Scott, was intended to monitor the General

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and keep a close eye on his
actions. After his stay in York,

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Monk continued south at a leisurely pace, stopping in Leicester almost two weeks later.

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There on the twenty third of January, he offered the Rump and other

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public reassurance of his intentions. A
restoration of the Stewart monarchy was impossible.

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Monk explained England could never return to
a single established church, and the confiscation

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of church, crown and Royalist property
couldn't be reversed. Too many powerful men

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had invested too much in the redistribution
of land. Any attempt to untie those

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knots would just lead to more civil
war. But Monk's pronouncements were hardly reassuring

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for rumtmen like Casselig. This was
far from a full throated defense of the

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principles behind the current regime. Monk's
argument was practical rather than ideological. In

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fact, the less trusting men at
Westminster thought they detected a troubling subtext in

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Monk's words. While on the surface
he claimed that royalism was a dead end,

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his announcement could be seen as a
roadmap, laying out the problems any

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Stewart restoration would have to solve.
Monk's actual intentions at this juncture are impossible

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to determine, but it was obvious
to everyone that a restoration of the monarchy

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was at least on the table.
It's likely that Monk saw monarchy as a

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plausible option, perhaps England's best option
at this point, but that was not

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something he could openly admit, mostly
because the men of his army had dedicated

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their lives to a war against monarchy. Monk's officers were personally loyal to him,

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but there were lines they would not
cross for their general, at least

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for now. If Monk had decided
on the restoration of the Stuarts by this

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point, or at least that it
was a real option worth pursuing, he

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realized that it involved a delicate balancing
act. The men who had affested interest

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in the status quo, the guys
who benefited from the reorganization of the Church

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and England's lands that Monk referenced at
Leicester, they were the ones who had

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to be convinced it was the only
way to achieve the restoration of the Stuarts

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without setting off another round of civil
war. Now, before getting into how

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Monk proposed to lead England's Commonwealth men
back to the world of monarchy, it's

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worth dwelling on why the General increasingly
saw the Stuarts as the answer to the

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nation's problems. We've already approached this
from the perspective of Monk's political views.

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More than anything, he prioritized England's
national unity and power, and since the

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death of Oliver Cromwell, the various
permutations of non monarchical rule had failed miserably

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on those scores. But why had
the Stewards suddenly emerged as a viable alternative.

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Monk was responding to a widespread popular
movement within England. The people were

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calling for a restoration, and Monk
felt it was a call that the nation's

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leaders could not afford to ignore,
but of crucial importance at this early juncture

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in the opening months of sixteen sixty
The restoration the people were calling for was

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not a restoration of the monarchy,
at least not directly. Rather, the

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demand, repeated all across the country, was for the restoration of a free

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parliament. As I mentioned earlier in
sixteen forty, when Charles the First called

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for the first parliamentary elections in more
than a decade, there was an outpouring

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of optimism about what parliaments could achieve. The power of parliaments to unite the

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people of England to their king and
solve the nation's problems took on an almost

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mythical dimension, while in sixteen sixty
it had almost been twenty years since England's

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on nationwide elections to a parliament unrestricted
by purges or tests of political loyalty,

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and the long parliament those elections produced
had not been truly representative of England ever

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since the Royalist MP's abandoned Westminster in
sixteen forty two. In other words,

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the suffering England had gone through over
the past eighteen years was not the absence

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of a king, but the absence
of a free parliament. As historian Blair

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Warden puts it, the restoration was
the restoration of parliament before it was the

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restoration of the king. The key
advantage the free Parliament movement provided is that

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it allowed for Royalists and Presbyterians to
adopt a common language. Since his earliest

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sixteen forty six, the Presbyterians and
Royalists had attempted to build an alliance that

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would neutralize the more dangerous elements thrown
up by the Civil War, but their

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efforts were constantly undermined by distrust and
irreconcilable differences on matters of the church or

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constitutional politics. After the Civil War. When the Presbyterians tried to pin Charles

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the First down on a compromise settlement, he repeatedly frustrated them with delays and

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equivocations. When Charles the Second invaded
England in sixteen fifty one, many Presbyterians

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stood aloof Horrified by the hardcore royalists, the exiled king surrounded himself with.

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Subsequent years, Royalist and Presbyterian insurgents
within England were often at loggerheads. When

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one group rose up in rebellion,
the others stood aside or sometimes actively undermined

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the effort. But the popular calls
for a free parliament, fueled by frustration

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and the coups and countercoups at Westminster, provided a bridge for the Royalist Presbyterian

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divine. In a sense, George
Booth had seen the opportunity first. His

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uprising in sixteen fifty nine had not
called for a return of the Stuarts or

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a specific religious or constitutional settlement.
Instead, Booth claimed to be fighting for

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a free parliament. What that parliament
decided to do about England's troubles was its

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own business. In effect, this
was an ideology all its own, a

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parliament that was truly representative of England
and truly free could not fail to deliver

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peace and stability. Seizing on the
opportunity, Presbyterian and Royalist leaders agreed to

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join the chorus calling for a free
parliament. Both sides agreed to avoid getting

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into too much detail about what system
a free parliament might impose. Royalists downplayed

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the role of the king in any
future settlement and merely argued that they would

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support as legitimate whatever a free parliament
decided. Presbyterians followed suit, proclaiming the

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legitimizing power of a free parliament while
avoiding any detailed plans for a decentralized Calvinist

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Church or constitutional constraints on the king. Even men who had been more recently

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tossed aside by the turmoil in the
capital through their support behind a free parliament.

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Roger Boyle, the die hard Cromwellian, remained opposed to the monarchy,

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but he conceded, whatever such a
parliament shall enact, we shall actively or

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passively obey. Richard Norton, an
MP who had been purged in sixteen forty

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eight, claimed that if a free
parliament decided to invite the Turk to Whitehall

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to rule over England, he would
recognize the decision as lawful and legitimate.

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For the Royalists, it was a
dramatic shift in tactics for those who still

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remembered the outbreak of the Civil War
eighteen years earlier. It was an odd

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twist of fate that victory might finally
come in the form of a popular campaign

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for a free parliament, or,
as Blair Warden puts it, royalist leaders,

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having failed to beat parliamentarianism, joined
it. But for one Royalist this

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was the outcome he had long predicted
for years. Edward Hyde had insisted that

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the restoration of the monarchy could only
come about by English means, not via

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Scottish, Irish or continental military power. A popular call for a free parliament

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may not have been exactly how Hyde
drew it up, but he urged Charles

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to see this as the greatest opportunity
the Steward cause had seen since the Civil

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War. Guided by Hyde, Charles
made his own, carefully calibrated contribution to

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the free parliament movement from exile.
The King announced that he would treat a

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fully free parliament as a partner in
governance, taking its resolutions very seriously,

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but he meticulously avoided, saying that
he would be legally bound by the advice

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of such a parliament. Emboldened by
the adoption of the language of a free

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parliament by leading Presbyterians, Royalists,
and even some independence like Roger Boyle,

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the movement only grew as Monk marched
towards London. When the restored Rump sent

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commissioners into the provinces to oversee the
collection of the assessment, they met sullen

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resistance. The Rump may have been
an improvement on the military rule of the

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Committee of Safety, but it wasn't
a free parliament, the only institution capable

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of authorizing tax collection. Late January
saw tax strikes or other disturbances in Bristol,

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Gloucester, Canterbury and several other towns. The Apprentices of Exeter took to

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the streets, demanding a free parliament, or at the very least a return

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of the members who had been purged
in sixteen forty eight. In Kent,

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Royalists and Presbyterians joined together in protests
calling for the return of the purged members.

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They were suppressed and their leaders arrested
by soldiers loyal to the Rump,

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But in Northamptonshire, the authorities were
powerless to stop the leading gentlemen of the

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county from banning together to call for
a free parliament. Once assembled. They

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even sent out delegates to the neighboring
counties to organize the movement there. A

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similar organization emerged out of the gentry
in Cornwall too. This had a spiraling

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effect in the countryside. The more
tax collections were obstructed, the less money

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the Rump had to pay its soldiers, and desperate or undiscipline soldiers only fueled

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greater resentments against the Rump. Some
units, forcibly requisitioned food from civilians,

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others were billeted in people's homes to
save money, one of the grievances that

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had sparked the civil war against the
Stuarts, But the biggest threat face in

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the Rump came much closer to home
in London. Resistance in the city had

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played an important role in the collapse
of the Committee of Safety, and although

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some leaders in London's government were sympathetic
to the Rump, for the apprentices who

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had led the protests, hassel Riggs
purged House of Commons was a far cry

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from the free parliament they had demanded. In fact, by this point the

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calls for a free Parliament coming from
London were growing more and more indistinguishable from

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a call for restored Stuart Manrchy.
The apprentices in particular had come to see

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traditional politics as the only path forward. While their fathers were remembered the sixteen

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thirties as a time of royal tyranny
and loudie and repression, many young men

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had never known anything but turmoil and
revolution. The mythology of centuries of stability

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provided by the partnership between the King
and Parliament exerted a powerful draw or.

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As historian Blair puts up, what
did that generation know of monarchy except that

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under it the nation had not endured
what had come to suffer without it.

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With the Rump's military resources in disarray, the regime didn't have any confidence that

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it could impose its will in the
city. But the military situation in London

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was about to change. As tensions
between Westminster and the city grew more heated.

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In late January and early February,
George Monk's army finally came into view.

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The fragile Rump regime was in the
midst of an existential crisis, the

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outcome of which would entirely depend on
Monk. As Monk neared London at the

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beginning of February sixteen sixty, his
plan of action was likely taking a more

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coherent shape. Although it's impossible for
historians to uncover firm evidence on the general's

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plans, informed speculation allows us to
paint a rough picture. By this point,

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the only long term path to stability
was a freely elected parliament that would

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almost certainly deliver some form of restored
monarchy. Beginning with that assumption, Monk's

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goal was to find a way to
bring that about with the minimum amount of

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turmoil in the immediate term. Monk
therefore had to maintain several distinct, even

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contradictory balancing acts. First, he
wanted to avoid any kind of royalist triumphalism.

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The restoration of the monarchy could not
take the form of some kind of

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affirmation of the divine right of kings. That would only re energize the forces

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that had sparked the civil war in
the first place. Second, Monk had

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to bring his own officers over to
his line of thinking. His men trusted

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him, but almost by definition they
were adamantly opposed to the monarchy. Some

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00:17:26.960 --> 00:17:29.920
would never be convinced to accept the
return of the king on any terms.

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The trick was to convince a critical
mass of his officers that there was no

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other viable option. Until that was
achieved, Monk couldn't risk any outward sign

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that he supported a restoration. Third, Monk needed the support of London.

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Since the death of Oliver Cromwell,
no regime had enjoyed the unambiguous support of

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the city, and it showed Arthur
Hasselrigg had been cheered in the streets when

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he restored the rump, but that
popularity was conditional on continued progress towards a

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free parliament. The people of London
had already seen too many politicians who offered

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promises but few results. If Monk
wanted to oversee England's return to normalcy,

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he'd have to be convincing. The
final group Monk worried about were the members

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of the Long Parliament who had been
purged in sixteen forty eight. That's because

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at this point the only legitimate path
to a free parliament seemed to be the

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return of those excluded members. They
had the numbers to swamp Hastlerig and his

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allies and do what the rumpers had
always refused to, dissolved their session and

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call for new elections. But in
order for the plan to work, Monk

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00:18:29.319 --> 00:18:32.960
had to be sure that the returning
members followed the script. They knew as

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well as anyone that a free Parliament
would likely mean the return of the Stewards.

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Would they really have the stomach for
him? When combined, the disparate

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elements of Monk's plan created a cumulative
challenge. Not only did Monk have to

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somehow upend the Republic without alienating his
men or handing England over to hardline royalists,

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but he had to do so while
winning the support of London and convincing

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a host of exiled Presbyterian MP's to
dance to his tune. Some of these

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groups had mutually exclusive goals and expectations, so Monk couldn't afford to be too

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explicit about his intentions. He had
to rely on multiple groups to read between

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the lines and for events to subtly
reshape opinions in real time. Luckily,

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Monk enjoyed a significant degree of leverage. The rump regime was losing control of

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England, especially London, and Monk's
army was the only instrument capable of holding

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things together. The general took full
advantage. Before entering London, Monk paused

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his march at Saint Albans and delivered
a set of conditions to Westminster. He

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demanded a thorough reorganization of the army, not only the dispersal of all units

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but his own, from the area
around London, but also the wholesale transfer

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of officers to new units. The
goal was to break the close ties between

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officers and men, limiting the ability
of any other commander to organize military or

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political power. Hasselag attempted to haggle, but Monk refused to budge. In

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light of the uncertain loyalties of so
many army units, it was imperative that

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London and Westminster be guarded by men
who could be trusted. In effect,

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00:19:57.599 --> 00:20:03.240
Monk was demanding him monopoly on military
power in the capital. While Parliament debated

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Monk's terms, a perfectly timed example
of how they had no choice emerged in

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00:20:07.240 --> 00:20:11.160
London. The Common Council, replenished
by elections just weeks earlier, formally called

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00:20:11.200 --> 00:20:15.519
for the return of excluded members to
Parliament free elections in a reorganization of the

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00:20:15.559 --> 00:20:19.319
London militia, taking authority away from
Westminster and putting it in the hands of

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the municipal government. The Rump quite
accurately read this as a challenge to its

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00:20:25.160 --> 00:20:30.200
legitimacy as a parliament Hasselrig used his
nominal authority over the military to order troops

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into the city to bring the Common
Council to heal. The result was a

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00:20:33.319 --> 00:20:38.240
disaster. The Common Council was not
intimidated, and the apprentices openly mocked the

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00:20:38.279 --> 00:20:42.720
soldiers. Even worse, the soldiers
themselves didn't seem all that willing to carry

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00:20:42.720 --> 00:20:47.559
out Parliament's orders. Many of them
hadn't been paid in months, and morale

288
00:20:47.680 --> 00:20:52.240
was rock bottom. London continued to
be defiant the handful of allies the Rump

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00:20:52.279 --> 00:20:55.759
did have in the city, like
the former mayor John Ireton, discovered nooses

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00:20:55.799 --> 00:21:00.720
laid outside their doors an ominous warning. Over two thousand soldiers in the London

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00:21:00.759 --> 00:21:03.680
area mutinied, mainly due to lack
of pay. Some called for a free

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00:21:03.720 --> 00:21:07.400
parliament, others for the return of
the King, John Lambert or anyone who

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00:21:07.400 --> 00:21:11.160
would give them regular pay. The
handful of officers who were vocally loyal to

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00:21:11.200 --> 00:21:15.039
the Rump received death threats from their
men. By the second of February,

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00:21:15.119 --> 00:21:18.680
the Rump was desperate enough to send
a midnight courier to Saint Albans, begging

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00:21:18.759 --> 00:21:23.519
Monk to enter the city immediately.
A somewhat self satisfied General Monk received the

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00:21:23.559 --> 00:21:26.839
summons, then went back to sleep
he could complete the first phase of his

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00:21:26.920 --> 00:21:32.000
plan. The following day. On
the third of February, Monk led five

299
00:21:32.000 --> 00:21:36.000
thousand, eight hundred men into Westminster. Neither the Rump nor the people of

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00:21:36.039 --> 00:21:38.000
London, nor for that matter,
his own men. Knew his intentions,

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00:21:38.640 --> 00:21:44.079
but militarily speaking, the General now
had a monopoly over both Westminster and London.

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00:21:44.920 --> 00:21:48.039
Three days later, Monk addressed Parliament. He brushed aside house rats demand

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00:21:48.039 --> 00:21:52.000
that he formally take his position on
the Commission overseeing the military. Although not

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00:21:52.119 --> 00:21:57.640
explicitly challenging the Rump's authority, Monk
would continue to operate independently. Monk also

305
00:21:57.640 --> 00:22:00.920
rejected demands that he swears the new
oath of office the Rump had drafted.

306
00:22:02.279 --> 00:22:06.160
Some couldn't help, but note that
the oath Monk was refusing included a pledge

307
00:22:06.160 --> 00:22:11.160
to never support the restoration of the
stewards Monk explained his refusal in more practical

308
00:22:11.240 --> 00:22:15.319
terms, however, Parliament should stop
wasting its time on the endless reworking of

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00:22:15.319 --> 00:22:19.799
oaths and focus on re establishing peace
and stability in England. Monk's performance was

310
00:22:19.839 --> 00:22:23.559
carefully calibrated. He seemed to leave
the door open for a restoration of the

311
00:22:23.559 --> 00:22:29.119
monarchy, but studiously avoided contradicting his
earlier claims that he would never support one.

312
00:22:29.599 --> 00:22:33.279
He also showed a willingness to defy
Rump leaders like Hasselring to their faces,

313
00:22:33.480 --> 00:22:37.640
but remained confident that this wouldn't spark
a confrontation. The Rump needed him

314
00:22:37.640 --> 00:22:41.920
to subdue London and everyone knew it. Hasselrig fumed but remained silent. But

315
00:22:42.079 --> 00:22:47.000
just as importantly, Monk had not
challenged the Rump's authority. He had merely

316
00:22:47.079 --> 00:22:51.200
offered advice. Whatever happened next would
be the Rump's choice, and the Rump's

317
00:22:51.200 --> 00:22:55.759
responsibility, not his. Monk already
had his eye on the second phase of

318
00:22:55.759 --> 00:23:02.000
his operation, London. The city
provided both opportunities and dangers. Popular sentiment

319
00:23:02.039 --> 00:23:04.160
on the streets of London and in
the Common Council was pushing for a free

320
00:23:04.160 --> 00:23:08.599
Parliament, an outcome Monk now regarded
as the solution to England's problems. But

321
00:23:08.720 --> 00:23:12.039
whereas some in London may have been
willing to achieve that goal through a popular

322
00:23:12.119 --> 00:23:18.000
uprising, Monk was more circumspect.
The only way to hold legitimate elections was

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00:23:18.039 --> 00:23:21.559
for them to be sanctioned by Parliament, even in the rump's current form,

324
00:23:21.839 --> 00:23:26.240
or once the excluded members returned.
Monk therefore faced a challenge how to maintain

325
00:23:26.279 --> 00:23:30.599
the confidence of the Rump until a
legal dissolution could be secured without alienating the

326
00:23:30.640 --> 00:23:34.720
people of London or his own officers. It was perhaps the most delicate balancing

327
00:23:34.759 --> 00:23:40.039
act of Monk's whole months long operation, and the General didn't have much time

328
00:23:40.079 --> 00:23:42.559
to come up with a solution.
Two days after his audience at Westminster,

329
00:23:42.880 --> 00:23:48.559
London's Common Council took its most provocative
action yet. In a lengthy session on

330
00:23:48.559 --> 00:23:52.079
the eighth of February, the Council
debated whether or not the current Parliament had

331
00:23:52.119 --> 00:23:55.480
the legal authority to collect taxes in
the city. This, of course,

332
00:23:55.559 --> 00:23:59.160
was a direct challenge to the Rump's
authority, but it also posed a serious

333
00:23:59.160 --> 00:24:03.160
threat in immediate practical terms without financial
support from London in the form of taxes

334
00:24:03.279 --> 00:24:08.400
or loans. The National government could
not long survive. The conflict between Westminster

335
00:24:08.440 --> 00:24:12.599
and London had reached its breaking point. The Rump issued orders to General Monk

336
00:24:14.039 --> 00:24:18.200
march into London, arrests the leaders
of the Brewing Insurrection, dissolved the Common

337
00:24:18.200 --> 00:24:22.559
Council, and destroy the gates and
other fortifications that any future rebels might use

338
00:24:22.640 --> 00:24:26.119
to defend the city. These directives
put Monk in an awkward position. If

339
00:24:26.119 --> 00:24:30.240
he carried them out, he'd have
difficulty winning the support of London in any

340
00:24:30.240 --> 00:24:33.160
future settlement. What's more, even
if he bowed to Parliament's demands, many

341
00:24:33.200 --> 00:24:37.480
of his men might not. They
had not marched all this way just to

342
00:24:37.480 --> 00:24:41.400
be the goon squad for an unrepresentative
Rump, as it suppressed a popular movement

343
00:24:41.519 --> 00:24:45.200
calling for free parliaments. But if
Monk refused, it had most likely set

344
00:24:45.240 --> 00:24:48.079
off a confrontation with the Rump that
he wasn't yet prepared for. In fact,

345
00:24:48.079 --> 00:24:52.559
Hasserig may have deliberately constructed the orders
as a kind of test, was

346
00:24:52.640 --> 00:24:56.440
Monk with them or against them,
pulled in multiple directions at once. Monk's

347
00:24:56.480 --> 00:25:02.039
response was typically opaque. Monk did
marches men into London, that day and

348
00:25:02.160 --> 00:25:06.519
arrested nine of the eleven men the
Rump had identified as ringleaders. When Hasselric

349
00:25:06.559 --> 00:25:10.599
heard the news, he celebrated,
proclaiming all is our own. He will

350
00:25:10.640 --> 00:25:14.559
be honest. But as the day
dragged on, it became clear that Monk

351
00:25:14.599 --> 00:25:18.720
had only partially completed his mission.
Despite the arrests, he did not dissolve

352
00:25:18.759 --> 00:25:22.400
the Common Council, nor did he
destroy London's defensive capabilities, as Parliament had

353
00:25:22.400 --> 00:25:26.720
demanded. The next day, the
tenth of February, Hassig's joy turned to

354
00:25:26.759 --> 00:25:32.559
fury. Monk hadn't passed the test
after all. The Rump began drawing up

355
00:25:32.559 --> 00:25:37.000
a new test for the General.
Westminster demanded the Monk recognized Parliament's seven man

356
00:25:37.119 --> 00:25:40.920
Army Commission, in effect surrendering the
de facto control of the Army that the

357
00:25:40.960 --> 00:25:45.400
General currently enjoyed. Monk himself was
one of the seven men on the commission,

358
00:25:45.480 --> 00:25:48.720
but there was little doubt that true
power would lie with Hasselrig. As

359
00:25:48.759 --> 00:25:52.559
if to prove that point, Hasseig
opposed all attempts to entice Monk with softer

360
00:25:52.720 --> 00:25:56.640
terms, an amendment that made Monk's
presence on commission meetings a necessity for a

361
00:25:56.680 --> 00:26:00.720
quorum to be reached was rejected,
the general would get no special favors.

362
00:26:00.480 --> 00:26:06.279
While the Rump prepared its loyalty tests, Monk conferred with his officers. Several

363
00:26:06.279 --> 00:26:08.680
expressed their discomfort with the work they've
been asked to do in London. Some

364
00:26:08.839 --> 00:26:12.359
even threatened to resign if Monk continued
to follow such orders from the Rump.

365
00:26:14.079 --> 00:26:18.079
Whatever Monk's original timetable, if he
had one, the pressure from his officers

366
00:26:18.160 --> 00:26:22.240
forced him to move immediately. The
following morning, the eleventh, he assembled

367
00:26:22.279 --> 00:26:26.000
his officers and showed them a letter
to Parliament he had drafted overnight. It

368
00:26:26.119 --> 00:26:29.279
denounced the use of the army to
suppress the people of London, naming it

369
00:26:29.279 --> 00:26:33.279
a grievance. Then came the real
bombshell. Monk's letters set an ultimatum before

370
00:26:33.279 --> 00:26:37.359
the Rump either dissolve itself an issue
writs for free elections by the seventeenth of

371
00:26:37.400 --> 00:26:41.440
February, six days away, or
else it was the point of no return

372
00:26:41.559 --> 00:26:47.000
everyone had been waiting for. Monk
traveled to Guildhall and before a packed Common

373
00:26:47.039 --> 00:26:49.960
Council declared that he and his men
were standing with the city. One way

374
00:26:51.039 --> 00:26:55.759
or another, there would be free
elections soon the celebrations began almost immediately.

375
00:26:56.240 --> 00:27:00.279
Not since Prince Charles returned from Madrid
in sixteen twenty three had the city seeing

376
00:27:00.319 --> 00:27:03.319
such an outpouring of joy and relief. For months, the concept of free

377
00:27:03.319 --> 00:27:07.400
elections had taken on any kind of
magical property, the ability to resolve all

378
00:27:07.440 --> 00:27:11.599
of England's problems, and now finally
someone with the power to make it happen

379
00:27:11.880 --> 00:27:17.319
was actually doing something. In one
day, Monks secured for himself the support

380
00:27:17.319 --> 00:27:21.119
of both London and his officers.
He even succeeded in his other goal of

381
00:27:21.160 --> 00:27:25.680
tempering the enthusiasm of diehard Royalists.
While all this was going on, Edward

382
00:27:25.759 --> 00:27:30.079
Massey was in Bristol trying to turn
the free Parliament movement there into an avowidly

383
00:27:30.160 --> 00:27:33.680
Royalist insurrection. He was having some
success, too, building on the frustration

384
00:27:33.720 --> 00:27:37.359
many felt that the lack of progress
towards their goal, But when news of

385
00:27:37.400 --> 00:27:42.359
Monk's ultimatum reached Bristol, Massey's campaign
fell apart. The grievances he had been

386
00:27:42.400 --> 00:27:48.640
exploiting simply disappeared overnight. The mood
in the city changed from frustration to optimism.

387
00:27:48.200 --> 00:27:52.119
Under Monk's watchful eye. Parliament might
fix itself. There was no longer

388
00:27:52.160 --> 00:27:56.240
any need to resort to the violent
insurrection. Royalist agents like Edward Massey called

389
00:27:56.240 --> 00:28:02.559
for. The only ingredient in Monk's
rest that remained uncertain was Parliament itself.

390
00:28:03.000 --> 00:28:07.400
How would Westminster react to his ultimatum? Perhaps predictably, Arthur Hasselrig ignored the

391
00:28:07.440 --> 00:28:11.720
General's demands. He had stood up
to Oliver Cromwell without compromising on his principles.

392
00:28:11.880 --> 00:28:15.279
He wasn't about to bow to George
Monk. There were signs of wavering

393
00:28:15.319 --> 00:28:21.000
elsewhere in Parliament, though, While
officially ignoring Monk's ultimatum, the rump quietly

394
00:28:21.000 --> 00:28:25.400
began discussing its dissolution and fresh elections, but this by no means meant the

395
00:28:25.440 --> 00:28:29.559
Rump was caving. Westminster did turn
to the issue of elections, however,

396
00:28:29.599 --> 00:28:33.799
the free part of the equation was
noticeably absent from debate. The writs they

397
00:28:33.880 --> 00:28:38.240
drafted laid out a narrowly restricted electorate. Those barred from voting included anyone whose

398
00:28:38.279 --> 00:28:41.720
land had been sequestered by the state
and their sons, as well as anyone

399
00:28:41.759 --> 00:28:45.720
who had advocated for a single Chief
magistrate since sixteen forty eight or refused the

400
00:28:45.839 --> 00:28:52.599
various oathes of office Parliament had produced. These terms not only disenfranchised Royalists or

401
00:28:52.640 --> 00:28:56.680
even suspected Royalists, but they could
also be applied to Cromwellians who had argued

402
00:28:56.680 --> 00:29:00.839
for the Lord Protector as a kind
of chief magistrate. Meanwhile, Monk himself

403
00:29:00.880 --> 00:29:03.119
had recently refused to take the Rump's
new oath of office, a fact that

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00:29:03.200 --> 00:29:07.559
was not lost on either him or
the men drawing up the rents. The

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00:29:07.640 --> 00:29:10.880
Rump might be speeding up its timetable
for elections, but it was not even

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00:29:10.920 --> 00:29:15.240
bothering to meet Monk halfway. This
had the potential to upset Monk's game plan.

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00:29:15.920 --> 00:29:18.680
Free elections imposed at gunpoint by an
army was not the legal path to

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00:29:18.759 --> 00:29:23.400
stability. Monk hadn't mind. Luckily, the General had one more card to

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00:29:23.440 --> 00:29:27.200
play. You may recall that earlier
I said Monk required the aid of four

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00:29:27.200 --> 00:29:30.880
distinct groups to pull off his plan. So far, he had succeeded in

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00:29:30.880 --> 00:29:34.720
winning over three of them, his
officers London and the Royalists, who were

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00:29:34.720 --> 00:29:38.160
now willing to take their chances in
free elections rather than risk another insurrection.

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00:29:40.119 --> 00:29:42.200
The final group were the MPs,
who had been excluded by the purge of

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00:29:42.200 --> 00:29:47.559
sixteen forty eight. They were the
secret ingredient capable of overcoming the likes of

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00:29:47.599 --> 00:29:51.279
Hasselag in the rump. In a
sense, Monk reversed the role the army

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00:29:51.279 --> 00:29:53.680
had played in sixteen forty eight.
Back then, these soldiers had used their

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00:29:53.680 --> 00:29:57.960
power to execute an illegal purge of
the nation's representatives. Now, just over

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00:29:59.000 --> 00:30:02.279
eleven years later, the army would
be used to enforce the return of those

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00:30:02.359 --> 00:30:06.599
MPs to the seats that were theirs
by legal right. In the days after

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00:30:06.680 --> 00:30:08.960
Monk issued his ultimatum, he barely
paid any attention at all to the Rump.

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00:30:10.440 --> 00:30:14.640
Their resistance was thoroughly predictable, and
Monk had no intention of compromising or

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00:30:14.680 --> 00:30:18.359
haggling with him. Instead, the
General arraigned several meetings with the excluded members

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00:30:18.519 --> 00:30:23.000
even before the deadline of the seventeenth
of February. Monk's goal was to ensure

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00:30:23.039 --> 00:30:26.359
that the men who had been purged
in sixteen forty eight, mostly Presbyterians,

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00:30:26.599 --> 00:30:30.799
followed his script once they were restored. Monk was aware that many of them

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00:30:30.839 --> 00:30:33.640
had been working towards a treaty with
the late Charles the First when they were

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00:30:33.640 --> 00:30:37.160
purged. In fact, that was
part of the reason for the purge in

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00:30:37.160 --> 00:30:41.240
the first place. He also knew
that more recently a group of Presbyterians had

429
00:30:41.279 --> 00:30:44.839
been in contact with the exiled king
and had even been involved in the uprisings

430
00:30:44.839 --> 00:30:48.960
of the previous year. Monk warned
the excluded members that he would not reinstate

431
00:30:48.000 --> 00:30:52.599
them just so they could complete that
work and restore the Stuart Marchie. He

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00:30:52.680 --> 00:30:56.440
wasn't denying the possibility of a restoration, but it could only come after fresh

433
00:30:56.440 --> 00:31:00.480
elections. The job of the excluded
members was simple. They were there to

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00:31:00.480 --> 00:31:03.480
march into Westminster and do what the
rump had repeatedly refused to do, dissolved

435
00:31:03.480 --> 00:31:08.279
the long Parliament and call for new
elections unfettered by partisan restrictions. On the

436
00:31:08.319 --> 00:31:11.720
morning of the twenty first of February, four days after the deadline had passed,

437
00:31:12.119 --> 00:31:17.200
Monk gathered seventy three of the excluded
members at Whitehall. He reminded them

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00:31:17.200 --> 00:31:19.920
of their responsibility to England. They
were to take their seats and vote to

439
00:31:19.920 --> 00:31:23.680
dissolve the session as quickly as possible. Monk even provided them with a date

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00:31:23.680 --> 00:31:27.000
for the new parliament to open,
the twentieth of April, two months away.

441
00:31:27.680 --> 00:31:32.319
When the assembled members agreed, Monk
escorted them on a brisk walk to

442
00:31:32.359 --> 00:31:37.559
the Palace of Westminster. There they
surprised and outnumbered the rumpmen. True to

443
00:31:37.640 --> 00:31:41.839
form, the excluded members wasted no
time using their majority to reshape the government.

444
00:31:41.359 --> 00:31:45.680
A new Council of State was elected, from which Rumper leaders like Arthur

445
00:31:45.720 --> 00:31:49.480
Hassig were excluded. Stepping in as
President of the new Council was Arthur Annesley,

446
00:31:49.720 --> 00:31:53.319
the son of Lord mount Norris,
the new English administrator who Thomas Wentworth

447
00:31:53.319 --> 00:31:56.599
had one sentenced to be executed,
and himself an MP who had been purged

448
00:31:56.599 --> 00:32:01.480
in sixteen forty eight. Annesley's view
of politics and the current crisis closely aligned

449
00:32:01.519 --> 00:32:07.200
with Monks, likely the reason he
was selected. The newly revitalized Parliament also

450
00:32:07.279 --> 00:32:12.279
set about reorganizing England's military hierarchy.
Monk was named both Commander in Chief of

451
00:32:12.319 --> 00:32:15.920
the Land Forces and General at Sea, a rank he had once held during

452
00:32:15.920 --> 00:32:20.240
the Dutch warm Monks shared overall command
of the navy with Edward Montagu, no

453
00:32:20.359 --> 00:32:22.400
friend of the Rump and a man
we've already seen in contact with the exiled

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00:32:22.480 --> 00:32:28.079
Royalist camp. Parliament also issued new
commissions to reliable men in the provinces to

455
00:32:28.079 --> 00:32:32.119
secure control over the county militias.
Generally, these appointments favored the traditional county

456
00:32:32.119 --> 00:32:37.720
elite over Republican ideal lucks. The
most obvious indication of the change came in

457
00:32:37.799 --> 00:32:40.359
Cheshire, where one of the militia
commissions was given to George Booth, the

458
00:32:40.400 --> 00:32:44.599
man who had led an uprising against
the state less than a year earlier.

459
00:32:45.319 --> 00:32:49.240
Now free from his incarceration in the
Tower of London, Booth helped prepare his

460
00:32:49.279 --> 00:32:52.960
home county for elections, which was
the culmination of all this state consolidation by

461
00:32:52.960 --> 00:32:58.880
the previously excluded now included members.
Free elections, which had been on the

462
00:32:58.880 --> 00:33:01.079
lips of men and women through England
for almost a year, were finally a

463
00:33:01.119 --> 00:33:06.519
reality. Ritz went out for a
new session to gather in April. The

464
00:33:06.680 --> 00:33:09.839
news spark celebrations even greater than the
ones that greeted monks speech at Guildhall less

465
00:33:09.839 --> 00:33:15.240
than two weeks earlier. Samuel Peeps, who began recording a diary that January,

466
00:33:15.519 --> 00:33:19.480
noted that the boys in London streets
stopped saying kiss my ars and replaced

467
00:33:19.519 --> 00:33:22.960
the phrase with kiss my Parliament,
a cheeky reference to the demise of the

468
00:33:22.039 --> 00:33:25.759
Rump. Although I've framed the events
of this episode as a kind of master

469
00:33:25.839 --> 00:33:30.480
plan engineered by George Monk, its
important highlight the popular reaction the fall of

470
00:33:30.519 --> 00:33:35.960
the rump and the promise of a
free parliament produced. Monk harnessed the spirit

471
00:33:36.000 --> 00:33:38.759
of the moment, but his options
were also constrained by it. The decision

472
00:33:38.799 --> 00:33:43.640
he made that England's future lay with
a free parliament and most likely a restored

473
00:33:43.680 --> 00:33:46.799
monarchy, was motivated by his recognition
that it was the only acceptable outcome for

474
00:33:46.839 --> 00:33:52.039
an increasing number of men and women. That dynamic of Monk harnessing popular enthusiasm

475
00:33:52.079 --> 00:33:55.880
but also being restrained by it,
only became more obvious in these celebrations of

476
00:33:55.880 --> 00:34:00.559
February and March, because while the
free Parliament movement had proved tremendously effective in

477
00:34:00.680 --> 00:34:06.640
uniting a broad spectrum from London apprentices
to exiled royalist aristocrats, the time was

478
00:34:06.680 --> 00:34:09.719
fast approaching when the concept of a
free parliament would have to move from abstract

479
00:34:09.719 --> 00:34:15.960
ideal to a body of men tasked
with producing a grand constitutional settlement. Next

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00:34:15.000 --> 00:34:16.400
night, we begin that process.

