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This is Stuart England The Civil Wars
episode two point one hundred and seven,

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as hot as they can suffer it. On the thirteenth of October sixteen fifty

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nine, the complex at Westminster played
host to an armed standoff. The night

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before, Parliament had voted to reorganize
England's army. Charles Fleetwood was removed as

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Commander in Chief and numerous high ranking
officers were purged. Authority over the army

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passed to a seven man commission dominated
by dedicated rumpers like Thomas Scott, Edmund

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Ludlow and most of all, Arthur
Hasselrigg. But while parliamentary supremacists like Hasselrigg

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considered the House of Commons to be
the final voice on such matters, not

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everyone in the army agreed. When
the new commission called on troops to defend

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Westminster against a possible coup, only
a handful of soldiers showed up. Neither

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did the London militia rally to the
cause of the rump Since the summer,

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Parliament had been trying to cultivate these
cities militia as a rival military force to

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the army, but popular sentiment within
London was not sympathetic to the rump.

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Just two weeks earlier, Parliament's attempt
to extend the tenure of its ally,

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Lord Mayor John Ireton had failed in
the face of popular protests. In the

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dispute between the army and the rump, the people of London stood more or

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less aloof neither side seemed likely to
deliver the free Parliament that was increasingly seen

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as the only path out of England's
perpetual turmoil. As Parliament assembled its defense

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force overnight, the army leaders they
sought to protect themselves from gathered their own

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troops. John Lambert, the hero
of the recent counterinsurgency and one of the

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men targeted by Parliament's purge, took
command. Hasserig claimed that Lambert was the

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mastermind behind yet another army coup,
and as his troops surrounded the Westminster Complex

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in the early hours of the thirteenth, it seemed like a hard charge to

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refute. Had Hasserigg sniffed out a
dastardly army plot or had he merely delivered

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a self fulfilling prophecy. The tenth
standoff that followed offered little in the way

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of clarity. What's curious about the
confrontation is that both major players, Hasselerigg

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and Lambert, seemed to have acted
counterintuitively. Hasselerigg remained defiant even as his

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poultry military forces melted away over the
course of the day. Meanwhile, Lambert,

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who seemed to hold the dominant position
at Westminster, didn't simply seize control

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of government as you would expect of
a man leading a coup. There is

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more going on here than a simple
fight over power. Hasselerigg's intransigence is perhaps

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the most explicable on the surface.
On multiple occasions in the build up to

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the confrontation, Hasserigg was given opportunities
to de escalate or compromise with army leaders,

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especially Charles Fleetwood, and yet he
continued to go out of his way

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to provoke the armymen. The folly
of that policy became apparent on the thirteenth

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of October, when the men with
guns chose loyalty to their commanders over hastily

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passed parliamentary resolutions. But that outcome
was thoroughly predictable. Why at hasselrigg Force

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day confrontation he was almost guaranteed to
lose? That question becomes even more perplexing

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when you consider that it was a
mistake Hasserig had made before. In sixteen

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fifty three, despite repeated warnings from
officers, he had pushed Parliament towards a

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confrontation with the army, which led
to Oliver Cromwell storming into Westminster and shutting

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the rump down. After patiently waiting
six years for return to politics, why

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would Hassig immediately make the same choice
that had left him banished in the first

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place. One answer might be Hasserigg's
ideology and character. No one could question

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the man's principles, the key one
being the absolute supremacy of the people as

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represented in the House of Commons.
Well, you could question why his principles

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directed him to put absolute authority in
this House of Commons rather than a new

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one which would be more representative of
the people. But to keep things simple

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for now, Hasseigg was devoted to
the idea that Parliament, not army officers,

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ruled England. From this perspective,
Hasserigg is an uncompromising idealocke. He

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provoked the army because he had no
other choice. They demanded to say in

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governance, and in Hasselrigg's world that
was impossible. A constitution that sacrificed its

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fundamental principles was no constitution at all. Of course, the other side of

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the coin is that Hasserigg was simply
a stubborn stubborn man, which would explain

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why he had always clashed with the
consummate pragmatist Oliver Cromwell. But there's another

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explanation for Hasselerigg's defiance, one that
doesn't rely on psychological analysis. In the

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hours before the arms standoff, debate
at Westminster centered around the impending army coup

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and the need to prepare for a
violent confrontation. But just as influential on

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the course that confrontation would take was
a private note hasselrig received during the course

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of the day. It came via
courier directly from George Monk, the commander

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of the army in Scotland. The
contents of that letter are crucial to understanding

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Hasselrigg's decision making in the hours and
days that followed, which means its past

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time we visit Scotland and get to
know this shadowy figure who's been lurking in

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the background of the story for the
past few episodes. Who was George Monk

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and what was he up to.
Monk's role in the events of sixteen fifty

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nine sixteen sixty have long bred speculation
among contemporaries historians, in large part because

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there's very little evidence to go on. The general kept his cards close to

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his chest. It's a testament to
Monk's cagunists that nearly everyone thought they could

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win him over to their side.
Monk's name was included in the Derby petition.

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He was one of the officers the
soldiers demanded to be immune from any

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parliamentary purge. Meanwhile, Arthur Hesselrigg
made sure to include Monk in the seven

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man commission to run the Army that
Parliament created in October, and finally,

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Royalist agents continually reached out to Monk
in this period, hopeful that an alliance

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could be struck. The ambiguity surrounding
Monk's intentions have led some to see him

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as an unprincipled mercenary. Rather than
making a stand, he held out for

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the most personally advantageous outcome. Certainly
you can frame his career in those terms.

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As you may recall, Monk entered
our narrative fighting for the crown first

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in Ireland, then briefly in England. It was only after he was captured

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by Parliamentary forces at the Battle of
Nantwich that Monk changed his allegiances. But

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that explanation is too neat. Changing
sides in the sixteen forties or sixteen fifties

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was not necessarily evidence of opportunism or
self interest, Considering how many factions were

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vying for power, and how quickly
what those factions stood for could change,

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Being constant in both your principles and
your partisan loyalties was more or less impossible.

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A more satisfactory explanation of Monk's actions
in sixteen fifty nine and sixteen sixty

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requires a deeper investigation of his politics. In a sense, Monk shared a

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lot in common with Oliver Cromwell.
The thread that ran throughout his political life

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was pragmatism, but not in the
narrow sense of following the path of least

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resistance in the short term. Like
Cromwell, Monk elevated practical politics to its

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own kind of ideology. Neither man
was all that interested in the details of

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abstract political theory, nor were they
wedded to a particular constitutional model. They

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were interested in outcomes, not process. What was the best way to deliver

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political stability without sacrificing some core principles, in Cromwell's case, independent religious conscience.

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In other words, the calculations Monk
was making in sixteen fifty nine weren't

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necessarily working out how he would personally
benefit from events, though of course those

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kinds of considerations were never entirely absent. Rather, Monk was trying to determine

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which course was best for England.
Historian Richard Hutton argues that Monk wasn't interested

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in any particular political settlement so much
as he sought a disciplined and united England.

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From his perspective, abstractions like Hausarregg's
absolute supremacy of the House of Commons

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or the good old cause of the
New Model Army were irrelevant. What mattered

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was what the future of England would
look like in the hands of the various

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factions, and in sixteen fifty nine, more than any other time in our

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story, those potential English futures were
changing by the day. Perhaps most of

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all, Monk refused to commit himself
because he didn't really like any of the

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options on offer. The current Parliament
was hardly a firm basis for legitimacy,

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Hauserwigg's claims of representative government rang hollow
when the rump only represented a tiny minority

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of England. Meanwhile, army coups
could perhaps be forgiven if they brought stability,

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But the standoff in October looked like
the second one of the year.

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It was clear that the army men
had no real plan aside from clinging to

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power, and finally, Monk had
little desire to simply reopen a third Civil

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War by backing the Stewart exile.
So instead of intervening, Monk sat back

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in Scotland, carefully husbanding the most
cohesive army in Britain, and waited for

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the least of three evils to emerge, Which leads us to that message Hasserig

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received on the twelfth of October,
just before he decided to precipitate parliament standoff

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with the army. In it,
Monk made his most definitive statement yet in

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the current dispute between Parliament and the
army. Monk assured Hasselig Scotland's army stood

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with Parliament. It's likely that by
this point Monk had identified the army as

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the major threat to political stability There's
little evidence that he had much confidence in

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the leaders of the Rump, like
Hasselig, but it was perhaps conceivable that

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the current parliament offered a way to
move forward with at least a shred of

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legitimacy, ideally by dissolving itself and
holding fresh elections. More army coups would

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only whittle away what legitimacy of the
regime still held, throwing England into chaos.

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Stirred by Monk's show of support,
Hasselerigg was unfazed by the sight of

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John Lambert's men surrounding Westminster. The
Rump may have lost the battle to mobili

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soldiers in the capital, but Lambert's
national position was just as precarious as parliaments.

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The result was a confrontation where Lambert
held all these short term military cards

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but was keenly aware of his weak
political position in the long term. Meanwhile,

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Hasserigg, confident that he had Monk
and Scotland on his side, refused

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to budge. Even when the Rump's
bodyguards started defecting to Lambert's camp in large

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numbers. Hasselrig held firm. In
a sense, the die hard Rumper had

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a good read on the situation.
Lambert and the other army men had the

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power to simply shut down Parliament,
but they were hesitant to use it.

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For forty eight hours, the two
sides engaged in an awkward, fruitless negotiation.

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Hassel Rigg refused to concede anything,
and Lambert hesitated to simply occupy Westminster.

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Really, Lambert was in the same
position his old ally, Oliver Cromwell,

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had been in the past. It
was clear that the rump had to

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go, but the general had no
real plan for what will come next.

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Cromwell had at least been confident in
the army's control over England, and so

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had been able to indulge in experiments
like the Nominated Assembly or Lambert's own instrument

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of government. But now Lambert was
keenly aware of the weakness of his position.

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The only path forward he could see
was re establishing some kind of cooperation

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with Parliament, albeit on his terms. Hasselrig's defiance had him flummixed. Finally,

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Lambert and the other officers decided that
they had to move forward without Parliament.

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On the fifteenth of October, the
Army formally proclaimed the Parliament dissolved,

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as well as its associated Council of
State, a new executive body, the

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Committee of Safety, took over,
populated by ten armymen. In any chronological

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list of the governing bodies of England, this was a fairly neat transition.

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The Rump was once again crossed out
and the Committee of Safety written in its

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place. But the reality was far
more complex than that. For one thing,

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Parliament's Council of State continued meeting in
private despite the Army's declaration. In

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fact, Lambert and his ally were
still eager to draw some legitimacy from the

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now officially defunct Parliament. Negotiations to
poach counselors were ongoing, and by the

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twenty fifth of October the new regime
had won over some key defections. Henry

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Vane, who had been growing closer
to John Lambert in recent weeks, joined

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the Committee of Safety, as did
Bulstrode Whitelock, Westminster's resident constitutionalist. The

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most significant defection was Edmund Ludlow,
a committed Republican and longtime ally of Arthur

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Hesselrigg. None of these men were
especially enthusiastic about the quasi government they were

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joining. Vane saw the Army as
the best hope for his radical religious agenda.

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Whitelock wasn't a fan of illegal army
coups, but hoped to steer the

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generals towards a constitutional settlement, as
he had done with Oliver Cromwell, and

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Ludlow likely saw Hesselrigg's Rump as a
lost cause. In other words, even

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after the Committee of Safety dissolved the
Rump, England's new rulers still saw Parliament

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as playing an important role in legitimizing
their government. But more importantly, all

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this talk of new governments, who
was taking place within a smaller and smaller

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circle. The Committee of Safety claimed
to be the government of England, but

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the evidence that could actually whield that
kind of power was thin on the ground.

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For instance, the court system saw
a little reason to recognize the coup.

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Half the judges at Westminster closed up
shop after the coup. Their commissions

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came through Parliament, not this unconstitutional
Committee of Safety, and those who stayed

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at their posts were hardly any more
cooperative. They looked to the twentieth of

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November as the day when their parliamentary
mandated terms came to an end. If

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there was no Parliament in session at
that time, to renew their commissions,

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they'd stopped their work as well.
London wasn't very cooperative either. Neither the

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rump nor the army had been especially
popular in the city, and it quickly

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became apparent that the Committee of Safety
could expect neither loans nor tax revenue from

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that quarter. On hearing news of
the coup, London's apprentices immediately began petitioning

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for free elections and a new parliament. The story was the same in the

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provinces. JP's postponed or suspended quarter
sessions until the status of parliament was clarified.

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In many counties, local organizations followed
the lead of London and declared tax

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strikes on the size or assessment until
parliament was restored. In some instances,

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soldiers were able to collect taxes by
force, but it was impossible to execute

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such measures on a national scale,
and besides, that kind of work sapped

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the morale of the men. Some
officers who ordered their men to forcibly collect

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taxes reported threats of mutinies or even
physical violence against them personally. When the

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story of the sixteen fifty nine coup
is told from the perspective of John Lambert

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and Arthur Hesselrigg. You get the
sense of history repeating itself. Almost from

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the second the Civil War ended in
sixteen forty six, English political life was

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defined by a series of coups,
the dueling coups of Independent and Presbyterian factions

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in sixteen forty seven, the Purge
of sixteen forty eight, and Cromwell's shuddering

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of the Rump in sixteen fifty three. This one, in sixteen fifty nine

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followed the same script and even had
some of the same actors, most notably

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Arthur Hesselrigg, reprising his role from
six years earlier. But if you take

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a step back from the arms stand
off at Westminster, sixteen fifty nine was

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entirely different. Whether the Rump's shadow
Council of State or the Committee of Safe

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he one out was virtually irrelevant if
neither could exercise control over England. Parliament

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got its legitimacy from the people,
and the army drived its power from the

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taxes that fed its troops. Both
of those sources of power could be cut

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off if the people of England simply
refused to cooperate. Historians have long debated

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why, after more than a decade
of at least tacitly supporting various regimes,

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England withdrew its support for this latest
one. Some have pointed to a rising

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fear of religious radicalism which coalesced around
the Quaker movement. The Quakers presented a

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unique danger to English society. On
the one hand, they seemed to reject

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all forms of hierarchy, whether spiritual
or material, and on the other they

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were far better organized than any of
the radical groups that had come before.

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These weren't individual crackpots spouting nonsense on
street corners. This was a well organized

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group that rather confusingly, sought to
implement anarchy throughout society. Some suspected that

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the Army coup was actually a Quaker
coup in disguise. For the conspiratorially inclined,

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there were dots out there to connect. In September, the Rump had

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released to James Naylor, the radical
Quaker who'd been condemned by Parliament in sixteen

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fifty seven. Henry Vane was seen
as the driving force behind this reversal of

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parliamentary policy. Vain had long advocated
for virtually absolute toleration in religion. In

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fact, in early October, just
days before the coup, Vain presented to

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Parliament a motion calling for full toleration
for all religious sects. The motion was

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defeated thanks to Hassagan as allies.
The setback was part of a longer series

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of battles that drove Vain to abandon
the Rump for the Committee of Safety.

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As we've seen, but rumors world
that Vain wasn't just a defector. He

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and his Quaker friends were the puppet
masters behind the coup. The end game

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was for Henry Vane to be declared
king of a dystopian England marked by the

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absolute anarchy the Quakers dreamed of.
There's little evidence of a Quaker conspiracy at

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the heart of the Army coup,
but paranoia about Quakers in the fall of

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sixteen fifty nine was widespread throughout England. In London and elsewhere, Quaker owned

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shops were attacked, especially on Sundays, when God fearing businesses ought to be

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closed. Fear of Quakers and their
potential involvement in the Army coup almost certainly

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played a role in the widespread rejection
of the Committee of Safety as a legitimate

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body of government. But the crucial
difference in sixteen fifty nine was that England

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had had enough. There was no
confidence that this latest coup bring any kind

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of stability to the nation. Each
successive coup had alienated another segment of the

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population, to the point that Lambert
and Haselrig were fighting over the loyalty of

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a minuscule collection of interests. The
rest of England had no desire to participate

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in that process. In fact,
people were questioning the future direction of the

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nation like never before, not just
idealogs, but men and women who had

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previously been willing to accept a Cromwellian
or Republican regime so long as it delivered

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peace and stability. Perhaps Cromwell could
have delivered that kind of pragmatic margain,

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but since his death, his would
be successors had shown no ability whatsoever to

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rule England. While the Committee of
Safety tried to convince England of its authority

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in October and November sixteen fifty nine, completely different visions of England's future sprang

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up all over, especially in London. The variety of models and ideas being

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discussed is an indication of how the
path of perpetual army coups was widely seen

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as a dead end. But The
proliferation of free wheeling political discussions was also

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an indication of how deficient the Committee
of Safety was as a government. In

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the absence of any kind of effective
censorship regime, discourse had never been freer.

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Which sounds like a lead into a
section on political philosophy, but you

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know, high struggle with complex,
abstract ideas, so instead, I'll steer

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us towards a more tangible aspect of
these philosophical debates. Because the sharing of

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new ideas wasn't just fueled by the
uncertain political climate. It was also fueled

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by a new miracle drink, coffee. I've long wanted to make a commodity

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a central focus of the podcast.
I suppose we sort of did that with

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coal and fuel more generally a while
back, but I've always regretted not spending

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more time with tobacco exploring why it
played such an important role in the politics

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and economics of Transatlantic English history.
So to make up for that, we'll

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turn to coffee. Its story brings
together some disparate threads. This podcast has

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thrown up international trade, public health, and emerging consumer society, and the

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development of a modern civil society where
an informed public takes an active role in

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politics. Coffee emerged from the highlands
of Ethiopia, but took off as a

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commercially cultivated and traded commodity on the
other side of the Red Sea on the

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Arabian Peninsula in the fifteenth century.
Initially, production was localized to modern day

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Yemen, and it was primarily used
at nearby Sufi monasteries to aid in spiritual

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contemplation. In the fifteen thirties,
the Ottoman Empire sees control of Yemen part

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of a deliberate policy of expanding Turkish
influence in the Indian Ocean to counter the

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sudden appearance of Portuguese traders. In
fact, coffee became an important element of

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the empire's pivot to the south.
The development of the new commodity somewhat offset

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the European intrusion into the lucrative spice
trade of the East, but in many

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ways the Ottomans found coffee to be
a frustrating product. The problem had to

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do with local politics, as we've
seen in North Africa. Outside of its

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Turkish heartland, the Ottoman Empire tended
to work through local powerbrokers. On paper,

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these men were loyal to estambul but
in practical terms, the exercise of

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power required sensitivity to local interests.
The situation in Yemen was further complicated by

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the fact that while the Ottomans had
a strong presence along the coast, they

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had little political influence in the interior, where the coffee was actually grown.

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Extracting value out of Yemeni coffee was
therefore a constant struggle of local diplomacy and

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imperial power politics. This instability culminated
in the rise of an independent state in

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Yemen run by the Zadie of the
Interior Highlands. In a series of conflicts

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between fifteen ninety seven and sixteen thirty
eight, the Zadis pushed the Ottomans entirely

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out of Yemen. With the exit
of the Ottomans, European traders quickly descended

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on the port of Mocha, the
world's largest and virtually only wholesale market for

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the new miracle drink coffee. The
first reference to coffee in any English source

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comes from a letter written by a
Levant Company merchant in Aleppo in sixteen hundred.

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He reported that the locals were obsessed
with the stuff. They drank it

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as hot as they can suffer it. Ten years later, coffee made an

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appearance in a widely read travelock written
by George Sandus, the younger brother of

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Edmund Sandis, the great disruptor of
James's reign. George spent two years traveling

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through Turkey, Syria, and Egypt
and published an account of his voyage.

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He noted that coffee was a ubiquitous
presence throughout the Eastern Mediterranean. However,

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Sandis was thoroughly befuddled by its popularity. He described the drink as black as

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soot and tasting not much unlike it. Sandus's account was widely read and spruct

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an interest in the Levant. In
fact, an English trade boom was about

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to kick off there, but coffee
didn't play much of a role in that

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process. Sandus and other commentators tended
to compare coffee to ale and found the

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drink lacking. Perhaps more importantly,
coffee became associated with the Turk, which

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in England meant on the one hand, vicious tyranny and on the other a

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kind of asiatic effeminacy. The Levant
company treated coffee as an exotic curiosity,

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but not a product worth importing to
England in any great quantities. But if

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coffee wasn't considered viable for the English
market, that didn't mean it didn't have

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value. The first English merchants the
season the new opportunity were the Levant Company's

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cousins in the East India Company.
As was often the case in the early

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history of the company, it was
Thomas Rowe who led the charge. You

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may remember him as the ambassador to
the Mughal Court in the sixteen tens,

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who was so important in getting the
East India Company off the ground. One

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of Roe's suggestions to the East India
Company was to build local trade networks within

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Asia rather than focusing solely on long
haul trade between England and India, and

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coffee was a great place to start. As early at sixteen seventeen, Roe

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urged the company to make Mocha a
key strategic base. The Yemedyport was useful

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as a base of resupply for ships
coming from Africa before completing the final run

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to India itself. But more importantly, coffee was emerging as a major commodity

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in the Indian Ocean. Consumption was
exploding in Persia and India. The company

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was slow to follow Row's advice,
but by the sixteen thirties, English merchants

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were making good money shipping coffee out
of mocha. Not all of them were

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East India company men, though.
The interlopers who spread into the Asian market

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around that time had a nose for
profit and were naturally drawn to the exploding

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coffee market. By the late sixteen
fifties, the English were some of the

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most active coffee merchants in the world. England itself, however, accounted for

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a very little of their sales.
In fact, probably the only coffee drinkers

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in England were to Levant or East
Indie company men, who had picked up

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the habit while in the East.
As there was no retail market in London,

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they had to get their fixed through
personal deliveries from friends who still did

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business in Asia. The missing ingredient
was the development of an English consumer base.

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Instrumental in that process was a group
of inquisitive and unconventional thinkers we've met

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before, the intellectual circle surrounding Samuel
Hartleb. As we've seen before in this

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podcast, English intellectuals had a long
running interest in the Arab world. The

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Universities Oxford especially had dedicated programs for
the study of Arabic to better understand the

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oldest available translations of ancient Greek and
Latin texts, and in the process of

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brushing up on their Arabic scholars continually
came across references to this wonder drink coffee.

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Of course, for the majority of
students who saw Arabic as a means

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to an end a greater understanding of
Christian scripture, these references to coffee were

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of little interest, but a handful
of scholars were curious to learn more.

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Some of them were physicians who wanted
to know more about the many physical and

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psychological effects of the drink that the
Arabic authors described. Some were just generally

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curious, seeking exotic knowledge for its
own sake. Samuel Hartlib and Robert Boyle

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were especially fascinated by coffee. Like
other Englishmen, they used ale as a

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point of comparison. But while previous
reviewers like George Sandis had found coffee bitterly

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deficient in terms of taste, Heartlib
and Boil focus more on its mental and

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physical effects. From that perspective,
coffee seemed to be the superior drink.

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It wasn't as dangerous as alcohol.
There weren't any stories of drunken brawls in

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the Arabic texts. If anything,
coffee improved social discourse. It fostered civil

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and sober conduct, the perfect lubricant
for the kind of interactions successful business and

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politics were required. And if coffee
didn't produce violent drunks the way liquor did,

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it didn't seem to produce lecherous drunks
either. In fact, it was

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commonly assumed that coffee was a kind
of anti aphrodisiac. Some speculated that the

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drink could even lead to impotence.
That was hardly a selling point, but

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the more moderate take on coffee struck
a favorable contrast of chocolate, another exotic

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00:24:11.559 --> 00:24:15.000
drink that was coming on the market
that was closely tied to lustful impulses.

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As with standard procedure for the heartlib
Circle, plans were immediately drawn up to

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unleash the power of the new drink. The man for the job was John

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Beale, the group's expert on orchards
and agriculture. More generally, he suggested

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that plantations could be established in New
England, Virginia and Jamaica. This would

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be more cost effective than bringing coffee
from Mocha or through Turkish middlemen. Beale

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discounted the concerns that coffee was a
temperamental plant and wouldn't grow anywhere outside of

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Yemen. That was clearly misinformation spread
by Yemeny farmers looking to protect their monopoly.

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Like many of the schemes cooked up
by Heartlib and his friends, this

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one never got off the ground.
Coffee seeds were closely guarded and it was

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illegal to carry them out of Yemen, and for the moment, the English

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market for coffee was confined to a
few eccentric scholars and a handful of addicts

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in the Levant Company. The first
step towards an English coffee market was therefore

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a tentative. In sixteen fifty,
the Angel Inn in Oxford became the first

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00:25:10.400 --> 00:25:15.920
establishment in England to sell coffee.
It's clientele almost exclusively consisted of the oddballs

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who had been turned on to coffee
by Arabic texts. It's likely that coffee

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00:25:18.680 --> 00:25:22.640
could only be procured irregularly from private
contracts in one of the trading companies.

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Gatherings at the Angel were probably more
like a social club experimenting with straight coffee

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00:25:27.279 --> 00:25:32.839
beans that had come across, rather
than men patronizing a business. Coffee as

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00:25:32.839 --> 00:25:37.519
a commercial enterprise came a bit later, and unsurprisingly emerged in London. The

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00:25:37.599 --> 00:25:41.200
key driver in the city was Daniel
Edwards, a Levant Company man who had

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just returned home from a decade long
stint in Turkey. Edwards had been stationed

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in Smyrna on the Aegean coast.
As you might recall, Smyrna had played

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host to a kind of civil war
within the Levant Company. Rival factions loyal

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to either Parliament or the Crown battled
for control over the Ottoman trade. Smyrna

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was usually the base for whichever faction
had been pushed out of the capital.

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At his stembul Edwards had sided with
Parliament the clear winners. By the time

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he'd returned to England in sixteen fifty
two. Like many other Levant companymen,

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he had picked up a taste for
coffee during his stay in the East.

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By one estimate, Smirna housed more
than forty coffee houses. Edwards found it

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00:26:15.960 --> 00:26:19.559
impossible to give up coffee and kept
a strategic reserve in his London home,

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supplied through his contacts in the East, and maintaining his stockpile was a constant

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battle. Edwards himself drank as much
as nine cups a day and provided his

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00:26:29.359 --> 00:26:32.440
guests with as much coffee as they
could drink. In fact, he had

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brought back a coffee specialist as a
servant, Pascal Rose, a Greek Man

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00:26:36.400 --> 00:26:40.599
who had acted as his translator and
personal assistant in Smyrna. Edwards found that

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00:26:40.599 --> 00:26:42.599
his friends were as enthralled by the
drink as he was, and quickly saw

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00:26:42.680 --> 00:26:48.680
business opportunity. With his connections to
coffee suppliers and Rose's expertise in producing a

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00:26:48.720 --> 00:26:52.880
good cup, they could take London
by storm. With financial backing from Edwards,

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00:26:52.039 --> 00:26:56.720
Rose set up a stall by Saint
Michael's Parish Church just outside the Royal

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00:26:56.759 --> 00:27:00.960
Exchange. The choice of location was
no accident. Edwards and Rose identified merchants

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00:27:00.960 --> 00:27:04.799
as their primary customers. Some of
them would already be familiar with coffee through

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00:27:04.839 --> 00:27:08.960
their international connections, and the drink
stimulating properties were a perfect match for the

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00:27:10.000 --> 00:27:14.880
frenetic deal making they went on at
the Exchange. Within days, churchwardens were

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00:27:14.880 --> 00:27:18.720
complaining that talkative merchants were disrupting services
and generally making a nuisance of themselves leaning

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00:27:18.759 --> 00:27:23.519
on the church walls. Luckily for
the churchmen, Rose's operation very quickly outgrew

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00:27:23.559 --> 00:27:29.240
his little stall. The Greek entrepreneur
found more partners and established a more permanent

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00:27:29.240 --> 00:27:33.640
coffee house. He even inspired imitators
the beginnings of London's coffee culture, but

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00:27:33.759 --> 00:27:40.160
initial progress was slow, partly because
coffee hawkers like Rose faced stiff resistance from

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00:27:40.240 --> 00:27:45.319
London's traditional purveyors of refreshment. The
city's ale housekeepers were well organized and formed

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00:27:45.359 --> 00:27:48.240
an influential lobbying group. Coffee houses
were a potential threat to their business,

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00:27:48.359 --> 00:27:52.680
and so found few friends at Guildhall. But a larger problem was that supply

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00:27:52.839 --> 00:27:57.359
remained irregular and expensive. The East
India Company, which had direct access to

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00:27:57.400 --> 00:28:02.279
the main wholesale market of Mocha,
was in disarray. As we've seen in

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00:28:02.279 --> 00:28:04.960
the middle of the sixteen fifties,
the company's new leadership was struggling badly.

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00:28:06.480 --> 00:28:10.640
Only after a massive reorganization in sixteen
fifty seven was the company able to take

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00:28:10.640 --> 00:28:14.480
advantage of the growing market for coffee
in London. It was only in the

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00:28:14.480 --> 00:28:18.519
summer and fall of sixteen fifty nine
that the conditions finally aligned for coffee to

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00:28:18.599 --> 00:28:22.119
hit the mainstream. Trading companies were
now bringing beans into London on regular shipments,

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00:28:22.200 --> 00:28:26.799
and the chaotic politics of the past
few months created the perfect atmosphere for

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a caffeinated frenzy of discussions on England's
future. At the leading edge of this

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marriage between coffee and politics was a
partnership between James Harrington and Henry Neville.

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Harrington we've met before. He was
the political philosopher who published The Commonwealth of

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Oceania three years earlier, the first
truly Republican vision of England's past, present

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in future. Henry Neville had similarly
Republican inclinations, which had got him purged

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with the rest of the Rumpers in
sixteen fifty three. But where Rumpers like

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Arthur Hasserig rarely went beyond a fairly
simplistic claim that the House of Commons was

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the sole representative of the people,
Neville the larger consequences of Republican ideology.

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This had often gotten him into trouble. For instance, he was accused of

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being an atheist, largely because he
claimed there was little difference between the Bible

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and the Koran. Practically speaking,
the morality they espoused was fairly similar.

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Neville's goal was to build a society
based on equitable laws, not blind adherence

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to religious dogma or traditionalist political ideologies. In the Protectorate elections of sixteen fifty

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nine, Neville returned to Parliament.
Then, when the rump was restored,

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he won a seat on the Council
of State. But the idealistic take on

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Republicanism that he and his friend Harrington
espoused was drowned out by the power politics

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of Arthur Hesselrigg and the Army Grandees. As England once again hurtled towards Civil

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War, Nevill's attention drifted away from
Westminster or Whitehall and towards a new project

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he and Harrington were working on.
Its initial iteration in the summer of sixteen

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fifty nine was the Commonwealth Club,
a society for the discussion of political ideas

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that met regularly at a tavern and
common garden run by the old leveler John

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Wildman. The deal was to get
together the finest Republican minds in England away

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from the hot house of Westminster and
draw up a workable constitution. This time

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their work would be insulated from the
conniving and factional in fighting that had undermined

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every previous attempt. In October,
as an army coup once again threatened England,

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Harrington and Neville moved their operation from
the fashionable West End to the center

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of the action, right outside the
Westminster complex. The new location was the

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Turk's Head, where a proprietor named
Miles ran a coffeehouse within sight of Westminster

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Home. Harrington and Neville also changed
the name of their group to the Road

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A Club and advertised their meetings as
an attempt to fashion a model of a

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free state or equal commonwealth. Harrington
published pamphlets outlining the topics to be discussed

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in a daily schedule and invited interested
parties to come debate, prepared with written

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proposals. Borrowing from the original Oxford
coffee house clubs, Harrington described the club

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as a free and open academy unto
all comers, though in reality there was

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a membership fee of eighteen pence and
men deemed unfit could be turned away.

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Harrington also warned and potential members in
advance that this academy is to be governed

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according to the rules of good breeding
or civil conversation. Members sat at a

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large circular table with a gap in
the medal for Miles to distribute coffee at

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00:31:11.160 --> 00:31:14.799
the end of each night. When
everyone had had their say on the day's

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00:31:14.839 --> 00:31:18.920
resolution, a ballot box was passed
around to collect votes. A twenty six

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00:31:18.000 --> 00:31:21.759
year old Samuel Peeps, who was
just beginning to record the events of his

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00:31:21.799 --> 00:31:26.359
life in a diary, attended often
drawn by the admiral discourse and exceeding good

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00:31:26.440 --> 00:31:29.960
argument, and he wasn't the only
one. The Turk's head was crammed just

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about every night with visiting intellectuals like
William Petty, the man behind the Great

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00:31:33.880 --> 00:31:37.200
Irish Survey, or spectators looking to
hear a good debate. In many ways,

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the Road of Clubs set the model
for political associations and corresponding societies in

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00:31:41.119 --> 00:31:45.119
the future. In fact, coffeehouse
clubs would soon move into all aspects of

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English life. Imitators of the Road
of Club entered the fields of news,

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00:31:49.200 --> 00:31:52.039
finance, the stock exchange, and, most famously, in the case of

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00:31:52.119 --> 00:31:56.920
Lloyd's Coffeehouse insurance. There's also a
connection to be drawn between the rules of

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debate and association Harrington drew Up and
the Royal Society of London for Improving Natural

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00:32:01.519 --> 00:32:06.960
Knowledge, the great intellectual institution of
the Restoration period, founded almost exactly a

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00:32:07.039 --> 00:32:09.400
year after the Road a Club,
but to return to a current narrative.

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00:32:09.519 --> 00:32:14.319
The Road to Club had no official
sanction from any government authority. But really,

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in the fall of sixteen fifty nine, it wasn't clear that England had

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a government authority. It was just
as likely that the future of England would

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be determined at the Turk Set as
it would by the increasingly irrelevant Committee of

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00:32:23.440 --> 00:32:29.039
Safety. John Lambert and Charles Fleetwood
had managed to close down the Rump and

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set up their own government, but
whether that government could actually do any governing

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00:32:32.079 --> 00:32:36.920
was very much in doubt. The
army regime seemed powerless to stop men from

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planning new constitutions in the coffee houses
of London. The courts and national administrative

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00:32:40.400 --> 00:32:44.079
system had grown to a halt,
and worst of all, the Committee of

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Safety had no long term plan for
how to continue paying the soldiers. The

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00:32:47.039 --> 00:32:52.079
taxes coming into the treasury had slowed
to a trickle. The Committee of Safety

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faced a troubling question, what happens
to an army coup when the army disappears?

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Next time they'll get their answer delivered
by the only man in Britain who

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commanded a well paid, loyal army, George Monk

