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We're back with another edition of The
Federalist for Radio Hour. I'm Emily Jashinsky,

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culture editor here at the Federalist.
As always, you can email the

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show at radio at the Federalist dot
com, follow us on ex at fdr

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LST. Make sure to subscribe wherever
you download your podcasts, and of course

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to the premium version of the Federalist
dot com as well. Today we are

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joined by Jay Richards. He is
the director of the Device Center for Life,

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Religion, and Family at the Heritage
Foundation. He's also a Senior Fellow

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over at the Discovery Institute and is
the co author of the new book Fight

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the Good Fight, How an Alliance
of Faith and Reason Can Win the Culture

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War. He wrote that book with
James Robinson. Jay, thanks for joining

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the show. Brings me with you. Yes, so, could you tell

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us a little bit about the background
story of this book. What made you

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want to write Fight the Good Fight. It's a sort of practical book,

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was it, Jay, Yeah,
practically exactly right. Well, James Robson

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and I said, just a little
background on this. I'm basically a Catholic

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academic that was taught at teaching a
Catholic you for many years been at Heritage

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about three years and my friend James
Robson, this is a guy that did

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evangelistic crusades at Billy Graham in the
nineteen seventies and for the last twenty years

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has had a show on Christian TV
with his beautiful wife Betty, and we

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just connected weirdly in coincidentally about thirteen
years ago and ended up writing a book

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together called Indivisible, making the case
for why economic and social conservatism ought to

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go together. Anybody's old enough to
remember the debate when Barack Obama won the

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presidency in two thousand and eight.
The sort of story on the right afterwards

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was that, well, we got
to just get rid of all this social

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conservative stuff talking about that. So
we just thought that's a bad idea.

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And so that's why I wrote this
book together in twenty twelve, and it

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ended up getting a lot of attention
because that was kind of a hot topic

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at the time, and James wanted
to say so I would just reissue Indivisible

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with some updates, and then I
looked at it. I thought, it's

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a different universe. It's on twenty
twelve anymore. We got to do a

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completely different book, and so that's
actually what started this, but we wanted

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it to be really practical so that
it covers lots of issues that they say

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in conservatives going to need to be
conversant in from trade and the environment in

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China to marriage and family and life. But it's also it reflects a discovery

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that I've made, honestly just since
getting involved in the gender ideology fight at

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the Heritage Foundation. I mean,
I've been involved in these kind of culture

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and politics debates for a long time, and on almost all the issues that

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I've been involved with before, or
the people that I was working with are

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sort of like me, you know, I Joe that if you're involved in

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the pro life movement or you're involved
in the debate over marriage, it looks

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kind of like the Heritage Foundation internship
pool, right. The gender ideology fight

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is just nothing like that. Yeah, there's lots of social conservatives, but

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there's also just lots of parents of
no particular political or religious persuasion that have

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been activated in the last two or
three years. There are lesbian groups that

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are involved because they're mad because there's
boys in girls sports and in women's bathrooms.

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They're atheist, evolutionary biologists who believe
that biology is real and don't buy

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this kind of gender ideology. Whoy. This is a completely different constituency of

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people that I've for found myself in, and what I've discovered is that actually

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we have a lot in common,
even though until recently a lot of the

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people that are involved in this fight
would have thought of themselves as very much

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on the left and not culture warriors
and definitely not cultural conservatives. And so

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that's this idea of an alliance of
faith and reason that we're in a different

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moment in which sort of mainstream culture, the commanding heights of culture are.

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They're not just hostile to the concerns
of conservatives, they're hostile to public reason

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itself. They're fundamentally irrational, and
in a crisis moment like that, there's

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an opportunity for people that might never
have thought of themselves as allies to come

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together. Okay, So there's a
lot of interesting points to kind of get

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through there, Jay, because I
wanted to ask, Actually, it's fascinating

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you were talking about maybe reissuing that
Obama era book, because one of the

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things that's happened in the years since
people started reconsidering the emergent conservative consensus after

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Obama was elected. A lot of
people think the twenty twelve Republican Autopsy and

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everything that it prescribed. But one
of the things that's happened is is fusionism

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itself. And there's a nerdy conversation
within the conservative movement. But this idea

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that you're tying fiscal conservatism, national
defense, and social conservatism together, and

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that is the sort of essential fabric
of the conservative movement that has come under

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fire, particularly because of the tension
between social conservatism and fiscal conservatism. Can

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you speak a little bit to how
you deal with that in the book and

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as you've been thinking about these issues
in some ways, Emily, I think

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of what I'm just calling this alliance
of faith and reason as what follows,

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you know, let's say the kind
of conservative consensus or coalition that formed after

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World War Two and worked really,
really well to win the Cold War.

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It did a really good job of
that, and I still think any serious

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conservatism happen to integrate economic wisdom.
We don't just get to jettison the law

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of supply and demand or something like
that because it doesn't poll well. It's

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the same time, there's a particular
type of radical libertarianism that just sees the

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only political good is everybody getting to
do what they want to do, which

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actually is a really bad political philosophy. And so you've got to find some

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way of kind of integrating these things. And my own view is, of

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course, I mean, at the
moment, the right is just the source

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of a great deal of ferment.
This book that James Jobson I wrote together

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is a book written by two Christians
that think the Christian faith has something very

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specific to say about our life together
and about politics at the same time.

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We don't think, as speaking as
a Catholic, I don't think integralism is

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a great idea. I don't think
that we're going to get a Catholic confessional

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state anytime soon. Evangelicals, we're
not talking about Christian nationalism, and I'm

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not quite sure what anybody means by
that, but we just thought, okay,

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look, I actually everything the Founder's
thought about this stuff is more or

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less and are you right? The
free exercise of religion involves being able to

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freely exercise your religion not just in
worship in church, but also to let

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it affect your politics. That doesn't
mean you're going to establish the nice and

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creed and force everybody to adhere to
it. And so I just think there's

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actually a whole lot that can be
resuscitated and retained of the American experiment,

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and it's not dead yet. That's
sort of my worry among my fellow Christians

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that are sort of you know,
new on the right is that they sort

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of think, Okay, well,
the American airman's loss, let's sort of

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see what the next thing is.
Now, what the next thing is a

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different kind of conservative coalition? And
that's still actually just now being built.

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So interesting. And one of the
reasons that's interesting is that again emergent conservative

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consensus after President Obama, former President
Obama was elected and Rodney lost the nomination,

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you know, sort of like conservatives
made peace with what your Mazzoni has

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since described as the privatization of virtue. And I'm so curious based on this

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book, Jay, some of the
ways you think conservatives can persuade the people

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that you've come into contact with,
and the gender ideology, the anti gender

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ideology movement, Yeah, and some
of these new coalitions that you've described,

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how can Americans become comfortable again?
And even looking back to the Founders,

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who have some great quotes on this, on you know, an unprivatizing virtue,

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making virtual you a sort of public
a public experience. Again. Well,

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and so this is it's funny because
if you look at the Founders,

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the Founders believed, you, though
they're generally, you know, kind of

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various forms of orthodox and heterodox Protestant, for the most part, they still

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believed in natural reason and the natural
law. So they believed that certain moral

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truths, like the truth that you
shouldn't torture people for the fun of it,

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or you shouldn't torment children for the
fun of it, right, that

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that's knowable by reason without revelation.
The modernity, though, you know,

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in the twentieth century, sort of
constricts reason and says, well, moral

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truths are just purely the result of
revelation. That's crazy. Even if you're

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an atheist, you know that murder
is wrong. You surely know that better

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than you know any claim from science
or history. And so for religious folks,

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we got to get used to knowing
how do you make public moral arguments

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explicitly moral arguments, without making arguments
that are based on sectarianism or special revelation.

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Because that tends to be what we
Christians often do. We said we

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if I'm going to make a moral
case in the public square, that means

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I'm going to make a biblical case
if you're an evangelical, or I'm going

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to appeal to the Church fathers if
you're Catholic. No, there are moral

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truths accessible by reason that can be
the basis for our policy claims. I

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mean, the truth matter is any
public policy you advocate, you think it

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ought to be implemented, and if
you say ah, that is that is

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the force of a kind of moral
conviction. And so I just think that's

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what's sort of unfortunate is that the
very people Americans that ought best to be

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able to do this have either not
known how to do it or have been

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sort of afraid to do it.
But we're at a moment when I mean,

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look, what is one of the
most basic deliverances of natural reason that

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is absolutely universal at every time and
place in history and every religion and every

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culture, is that there are males
and females that they're out there, right.

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This isn't something you impose they're just
boys and there's girls. Everyone knows

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the correctly right and now yes,
and yet that's apparently this is an outrageous

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claim that might get us pulled from
YouTube. I mean, that's how far

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gone we are. And in a
situation like that, this is different notice

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from saying, okay, well,
if you really study embryology, you will

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discover that human life begins at fertilization. That's true, but also very few

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people have access to fertilization right.
Very few people have access to a direct

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inspection of embryology. Everybody has access
to male and female. Now the commanding

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heights of culture deny that we are
in a different political and cultural situation than

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we have ever been in before.
That's scary, but I think it's also

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sort of opportunity because we're getting to
see, oh, you know, there

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are these intellect, actual trains of
thought that are about to drive our civilization

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off a ravine. And now almost
everybody has to see it, so that

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parents that were engated in communities in
Florida that weren't worried about all this culture

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work stuff suddenly realize if I don't
take charge of my child's education, they're

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going to be removing body parts before
they're eighteen. And I was talking to

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another guest on the show recently about
what we've seen come out of Europe.

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And you're obviously very very familiar with
what happened with Tavistock in the UK and

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what happened at the what's happened at
some of the Scandinavian gender clinics where you

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have sort of these concentrated samples.
You know, everyone goes through the socialized

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healthcare system in these countries, which
actually gives us an interesting window, and

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we've seen a reversal in their cultures
in these in those countries, and I

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would argue, you know, we're
starting to see at least something of a

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reversal here if you're looking at polling
all of that. So the first part

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of that question, Jay would be
do you agree with that? And be

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what can you know people fighting the
good fight here in the States maybe even

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learn from that. Yeah, you're
exactly right. I mean, if there's

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one benefit to having a centralized healthcare
system is that you have all the data

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housed somewhere. So in the case
of Tavistock in the UK, I mean,

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this was the one pediatric gender clinic
in the country and they noticed that

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from two thousand and nine to twenty
nineteen, there was a forty four hundred

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percent increase in the number of kids
that were being referred to their clinic with

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gender dysphoria. That's expensive if you
start giving them cross sex hormones and puberty

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blockers and you know, to say
nothing of surgery. So they had a

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kind of economic motivation to actually look, Okay, what's the evidence that this

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actually helps kids? So we do
this the same thing in Sweden, now,

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Norway and Denmark and Finland, all
countries, and no one thinks these

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are sort of right wing religious countries, but they did have access to the

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empirical data and they were open to
it. Now, I don't have a

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good explanation for why woke craziness seems
to be seems to have gone to seed

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more in the United States than a
lot of these left wing countries. I

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just don't have a good account of
that. But there's no doubt about the

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fact that these kind of what we
call woke ideology. It just seems to

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be its most extreme in the United
States. I think the pediatric gender clinics

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before states close all of these,
I think they'll probably quit operating literally and

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figuratively on kids because of civil suits. I think they're going to get just

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sued into oblivion by lawyers that are
representing the de transitioners. And so that's

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how I think it's going to end, and it'll end in five years.

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With the pediatric medicine, we still
have to fight this toxic ideology and the

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culture and in schools which tells kids
that they could be born in the wrong

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body and if they're uncomfortable with their
body, they should change it. That's

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a completely insane and toxic idea that's
going to be a fight of a generation.

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I actually think the gender medicine fight. The virtues of our system is

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that it's fairly easy to sue doctors, and so for good or for real,

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I think that's the way that part
is going to end. So many

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people have talked to in this space, and you're such a leader in the

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space, and thank God for the
Heritage Foundation and all of your work being

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a leader in this space. It's
been absolutely critical. But one of the

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things I hear so oftener that I
want to I'm just curious about is why

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did we sort of miss this on
the right. I don't think we did

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miss it. I think on the
right, actually people were sort of ringing

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the alarm bells forever, saying this
is going to happen, This is going

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to happen. Although even as I
talked to so many people who are doing

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great work in the space, they
say, you know, ten years ago,

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I never thought that it would have
gone this far, this fast.

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So Jay, my question is sort
of about that, you know, looking

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ahead at how this can be fought. I feel like kind of dissecting what

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already happened is really intructive to figuring
out how to fight it in the future.

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It really is, and I think
it's actually a perfect storm. So

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part of this was just a coalitional
pivot on the left. If you think

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about the human rights campaign over here, a couple of miles from from Hair

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in twenty fifteen, o Bergofel happened. They had spent years trying to get

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marriage laws and states that said marriages
between a man and a woman overturned.

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The Supreme Court did forum in twenty
fifteen, and so you might say,

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okay, well that you guys are
sort of done here, right, go

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ahead and do something else. They
didn't do that. They already had a

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plan in place to pivot to so
called trans issue and their donors more or

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less did the same thing as well, and there are some little I mean,

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it sounds like a bad James Bond
screenplay, but there are a few

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trans billionaires that have helped fund this, so that that's part of the story

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of what happened sort of in the
left wing coalition is a pivot to this

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issue very quickly. But I honestly, I don't think it could have happened

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nearly as quickly as it has if
it weren't for the technological capacity for ideas

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to spread at the speed of light. And I'm talking about social media networks,

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I'm talking about broadband connectivity and smartphones. I mean, the worst ideas

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in the world. Until two thousand
and seven, it can only spread at

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a certain speed. But after two
thousand and seven, that's the year that

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the iPhone was first introduced. Within
a few years, it was possible for

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an idea to spread basically across the
planet simultaneously. And so that's why when

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we study the kids that get sucked
into this gender cult, what we discover

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is they very often are turned on
to it initially by some social media influencer

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that they are following, and then
if they happened to me in a school

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that's also giving them the conceptual categories
in the curriculum. They're just absolute sitting

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ducks. So it's almost tempting to
say, Wow, this thing had to

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be orchestrated from above. There was
a little of that, but I honestly

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think it was just as kind of
spontaneous. It's like the first time we

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had the technology logical capacity for bad
ideas to spread. That's I think this

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is just when all this happened.
I think we saw the same thing with

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the lockdowns during COVID. It wouldn't
have been possible to lock everyone down on

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the planet prior to twenty twenty because
that's the first pandemic we had in which

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we had access to kind of information
as a disease vector, which is what

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we have now. Yeah, that's
really interesting. Again back to the conversation

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about fusionism and how some of these
corporations, and again Heritage has been really

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good in the space, how some
of these tech platforms or massive corporations and

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actually, you know, another thing
that you guys have been great about is

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big pharmas and in this space,
Jake, can you talk about that,

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But also in that context of conservatives, limited government conservatives should be thinking about

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the I guess, the economic rights
of some of these big corporations absolutely.

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I mean, here's long story short. You know, I've got a book

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that came out originally in two thousand
and nine called Money Greeting God, which

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was really just an attempt to respond
to religious Americans that were still believing clueless

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things about socialism. And they have
the same dumb thoughts that people had the

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nineteen eighties before the Soviet Union collapsed. That was a concern right, Soviet

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communism and nationalization of industry, that
was a concern up until the collapse of

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the Soviet Union. That is not
the main thing I'm worried about now.

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Barack Obama did not want to collectivize
the farms. What we actually have,

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the danger we have is a weird
kind of blob in which you have a

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fusion, a fusionism of the corporate
realm, the administrative, a regulatory state,

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and a nonprofit sector, which is
often forgotten, so that instead of

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thinking of these as sort of independent
social spheres, which you've got a nonprofit

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sector, you've got the corporate for
profit sector, and you've got government.

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You get a fusion of these things, a weird kind of collusive blob.

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So that really what we're dealing with, our kind of chief adversary is a

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type of corporatism. And it's complicated
because it's tough, because how do you

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separate this when you have a system
in which the regulators of corporations go on

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to be the lobbyists for the very
corporations that they were regulating, or they

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go on to be on the board
of the corporation. I mean, this

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is what happens in this town.
And it's a much more difficult problem to

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solve. But the first order of
business is to understand that's what we're dealing

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with. We're dealing with kind of
a corporatist blob, and it has a

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particular characteristic in the US. And
then that's why you're dealing with in China

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too. China is not the Soviet
Union under Stalinism or in stalin it's a

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kind of fascism in which the state
is much larger and is and controls the

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corporations. In the US, it's
not always clear to me who's on top

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and who's on bottom. Is it
the corporation, is it in the case

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of pharma. Is it the big
pharma companies or is it the regulators in

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the case of pharma. Do you
have another component that haven't even mentioned,

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which is the media. The media
are completely bought and sold by the pharma

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companies because they're able to advertise this
stuff, and so they're terrified to actually

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expose it. That's just more complicated
saying, look, all those spheres you

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thought were separate, the elites in
those spheres, they're all working together.

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That's more complicated than the kind of
cleanness of Soviet Communism, which was kind

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of easy to point out and identify. And what can Americans do? What

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are some of the most powerful things
Americans can do to fight the good fight?

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Jane. Maybe in people's individual lives, maybe in their corporate lives.

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I don't mean that sort of literal
corporate, but in the sense that they're

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part of groups, whether it's a
church group, civic group, whatever it

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is. What are some of the
most powerful things people can do? I

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mean, the first thing is to
realize that we can win this, because

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what I financially is that almost everyone
on the run. It sort of feels

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like, Okay, there's just nothing
that can be done. The reality is

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if you look on the issues now
that the Biden administration has sort of committed

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itself complete insanity, and immigration,
which we haven't talked about it just a

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completely open border on our southern border, and then just the madness of gender

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ideology we've got. Depending on the
poll, between seventy and eighty and ninety

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percent of the public is with us
on these things. And that's across political

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dem graphics. And so the reality
is this is only this. This stuff

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can only persist if the vast majority
of Americans with common sense don't learn to

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work together. And unfortunately, what
we would rather do is snipe at each

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other. I mean you've seen it. You're on X right, I mean,

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Catholics and Evangelicals will snipe at each
other. Right, Why are we

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spending our time on this? You
know, we've got a bigger fish to

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fry, And so, honestly,
one we can win this. The other

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side is completely insane. What they
believe is contrary to reality, and we

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can fight back and we can win. Individuals that know what they're doing,

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like Chris Rufo, you know,
actually freak people out on the other side.

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And so I think half the battle
is just realizing we can win if

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we learn to work together on these
things. And what does that mean for

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you know, Republican candidates and obviously
I mean this, and you know it

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could mean the same thing for Democratic
candidates. You know, what does this

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look like translated into the kind of
everyday politics, into campaigns? You know,

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there have been some interesting campaigns run
with the gender issue, for example,

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with critical race theory starting to get
a factor into them. How should

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people and again actually that even applies
to people on the center and on the

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left who have had to push back
on some of this stuff, how should

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that translate politically? Well, it
should translate into somewhat different coalitions coming together.

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Now. I'm look, I am
a convinced conservative, and so I

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think liberals are wrong on things.
But I also welcome any leftist or liberal

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who shows moral courage and maybe even
puts their career at risk in order to

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defend you know, defend women's bathrooms. They're on the right, they're on

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the right side on that issue.
And what I have found is that there's

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a kind of epistemic crisis that happens. I mean, imagine you're on the

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left in California and all of your
friends, your whole social you know circle

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that you trust in your whole adult
life, suddenly seems to believe that it's

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actually a good idea to give kids
sterilizing drugs and hormones to help them.

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And you realize that's crazy and evil. But all of your friends don't see

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this. That precipitates a crisis.
It's not just that, Oh well,

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I have this one policy disagreement.
I can tell you what happens because I

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know lots of these people. I
say, my word, I could have

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thought that too, but I don't. I wonder what else my friends are

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wrong about, because if they're wrong
about this, maybe they're wrong about other

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things. Oh wait, maybe I'm
wrong about some stuff. Oh no,

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where did these ideas come from?
I wonder if I need to rethink.

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God, this is how this goes. And so you can get lots of

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people now this is not true.
Even four years ago, they refer to

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themselves as refugees. They'll say,
well, I was always, yeah,

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a big leftist, but I've been
abandoned by my Democratic friends, and I'm

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trying to figure out what to do. They're in Flox and they're in lux

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00:24:00,319 --> 00:24:03,799
in a way that's different from Okay, I disagree with this particular environmental policy.

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When you're talking about human nature and
pre detecting children, that's the kind

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of stuff that changes people's political affiliations. It can even change their worldview.

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And so that's I mean, that's
the kind of key message to this book

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is that that's what's happening. And
so we need a game plan and a

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playbook for what kinds of arguments we
need to make. And that's it's what

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we try to do in the book, in you know, very short chapters.

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Okay, here's a way to frame
this argument. I even have a

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we haven't have chapter on marriage.
Look, I think natural marriage is true

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marriage. But you're making those arguments
with someone that you're already with on the

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gender ideology fight. They're going to
hear you in a different way than if

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you had been making the same argument
in twenty ten when they just thought you

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were evil and hate good people.
Yeah, that's fascinating. How do you

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think of the without being too interniceen
here, but how do you think of

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00:24:57,160 --> 00:25:02,000
the You mentioned the RUFO approach that
I mean, he's been profiled in the

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New Yorker. He really has become
the sort of face of the conservative I

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don't want to say backlash, I
should say a position. But it's also

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not even just conservative. I mean
he's really been able to reach people,

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you know, Californians for example,
or absolutely in school districts, you know,

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center school districts, even blue school
districts. You know, you've had

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so much experience in the conservative movement, and Chris really, you know,

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says he's he's shaken up the approach. He feels like the approach was stayed.

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Can you talk a little bit about
that, Jay, Well, it

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00:25:33,480 --> 00:25:37,559
was stayed, But what is I
mean Chris has thought this stuff was winnable,

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right, I mean he's just thought, Okay, this is kind of

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silly. And I mean anyone that's
in Washington knows that there's a kind of

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00:25:42,680 --> 00:25:48,480
yeah, there's there's a type of
country club conservatism which doesn't really want to

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win, right. It wants a
place at the table, it wants to

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be the you know, it's happy
to be the controlled opposition. Chris knew

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that that was wrong. He also, I think he recognized early on that

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we're in a different moment, and
we really are in a different moment.

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I'm just not just Chris I mean, he himself, you know, moved

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from the left to the right slowly. But people like Brett Weinstein, the

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biologist that was at Evergreen State right. That is just some amazing insights that

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Tucker Carlson interviews. I think that
the kind of simplistic way in which we

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were dividing up the country left and
right, these things don't quite hold anymore.

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When I think about Brett Weinstein,
who was very much on the far

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left in a sense, teaching it
a far left kind of experimental school,

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and then the woke ideologues wanted to
impose upon him a racialist ideology that he

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disagreed with. What's happening is that
those people have been alienated by their compatriots

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on the left. And I think
for conservatives the question is, okay,

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how do we bring them in.
It's not a matter of okay, let's

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compromise all the stuff we disagree with. How do we create a coalition that

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can and should include them, but
that allows us to still maintain our integrity

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and continue with our conservative political views, which is I think what we have

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to do. This isn't a matter
of let's find, you know, kind

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of sort of neutral middle ground that's
neither here nor there. It's a different

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kind of coalition in which you've got
a bunch of people that are fighting for

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reality, social reality, biological reality, and then people who've given up on

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it. That's kind of a different
framework than just thinking some people want the

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government to be big and some people
want the government to be small. Yeah,

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00:27:37,599 --> 00:27:41,119
that is a great point. The
book once again is called Fight the

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00:27:41,160 --> 00:27:45,920
Good Fight, How an Alliance of
faith and reason can Win the Culture War.

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00:27:47,200 --> 00:27:49,279
That book was out February thirteen,
so you can get your copy now.

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00:27:49,319 --> 00:27:52,960
We've been talking to Jay Richards and
Jay, we appreciate your time and

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00:27:53,039 --> 00:27:56,240
all of your work so very much, my pleasure, so good to be

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with you. You've been listening to
another edition of The Federalist for a radio

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00:28:00,559 --> 00:28:03,440
hour. I Emily Kashinsky, Culture, I Regulate the Federals. We'll be

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back soon with more. Until then, he lovers of freedom and anxious for the Fray
