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I don't have to hello and welcome to

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the Texas Tribune trip Cast for June
sixteenth, twenty twenty three. My name's

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Matthew Watkins, Managing editor for the
Tribune. This week, we're going to

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talk about Texas Republicans and why they
can't seem to get a lot these days.

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In the past month, we've had
the Attorney General call for the resignation

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of the House Speaker, the Republican
led House impeaching that attorney General, the

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Lieutenant governor calling a property tax plan
supported by the governor and the state's leading

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conservative think tank a joke and a
fantasy, and accusing the House Speaker of

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pushing a plan to relate it to
property taxes that would boost his own financial

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interests. This week, Governor Greg
Abbott has vetoed eight bills. Seven of

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those were authored by Republicans. Most
have been vetoed because Abbott explicitly stated he's

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mad at the Republicans for not passing
a property tax bill. The House voted

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unanimously to expel a Republican member of
the legislature this last month in Congress,

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the US rep Hip Roy has helped
lead a mutiny against the Republican House Speaker.

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Oh and I guess maybe we should
also bring out that one of our

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panelists for this show reported last year
that Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick tried to recruit

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Rick Perry to run against Abbott ahead
of the twenty twenty two elections. That

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same story talked about associates of Donald
Trump telling people close to Ken Paxton,

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the Attorney General, and Agriculture Commissioner
Sid Miller that Patrick had worked to undermine

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Trump's support for them. So it's
a big pot mess in the Republican Party

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these days. They're winning elections but
fighting with each other. Here to talk

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about that dynamic today is Mark Davis, a conservative radio host for Dallas's six

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sixty am The Answer and a frequent
interviewer of the state's top Republican officials.

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Hey, Mark, thanks for joining
us. Matt you pleasure to be here.

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Thank you. And we've also got
Patrick's VTech our politics reporter back again.

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Hey Patrick, Hey, thanks for
having me, Thanks for joining us.

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All right, so let's talk about
impeachment first. On Tuesday, the

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sin is expected to vote on its
rules for the upcoming impeachment trial. Paxton's

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attorneys and supporters have waged a public
push to get rules favorable to Paxton,

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and we've seen some geo parties,
county level parties calling for essentially throwing the

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charges out against Paxton. Mark Tony
Busby, Paxiston's lead attorney, appeared on

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your show yesterday Thursday. Can you
tell us a little bit about the case

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he made to you on this issue. Sure. It's interesting because anytime you

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have an adversarial situation that's about to
play out, whether in a courtroom or

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sometimes in an impeachment, there might
be some wiggle rooms, some gray area,

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some nuance. There is precisely none
here. The house managers, through

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their celebrity attorneys, mister Harden,
mister de Garren, they have said,

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when when we lay this out for
you, you can look at those articles

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of impeachment, it's ten times worse. And up against that, mister Buzby

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says, not just we're going to
go at this case by case or count

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by count. He says that every
single one of them is intellectually vacant,

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that Paxton is innocent of absolutely every
thing, and that he will and that

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he will prove it. So now
there's going to be an odd and interesting

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vacuum because, as you mentioned,
next week, Senate will offer up some

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framework of rules through which this will
all happen. But it's a good two

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months before any of this plays out, so it'll be interesting to see what

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kind of lobbying in the court of
public opinion will will spring forth. As

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for mister Busby, he is not
shy. He not only points to the

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articles of impeachment as vapid and threadbare, he looks at the motivation of this

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entire thing as a political assassination and
seeks to besmirch it at that level before

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he even opens his mouth in the
Senate. Cham Yeah, no one has

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ever accused Tony Buzby of being shy, that is for sure. Patrick.

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You got your hands on a letter
from the House impeachment managers kind of seemed

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like in response to some of this
kind of public posture by Buzzby, they

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are doing their own sort of p
string. Can you kind of sum up

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the case that they are making to
the Senate leadership. Sure, and it

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should be said, you know,
for maybe folks that have been falling this

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um. You know, there's a
lot of anticipation building for these rules because

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the Constitution and state law really are
silent on what the rules like, what

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the parameters of the rules have to
be. So that gives a lot of

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power to the Senate to devise the
rules of procedure for this trial. And

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so the memo that you just mentioned
from the House Impeachment Managers appeared to be

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a response to what Buzzby has been
saying on Mark Show and in other media

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outlets recently. One of the big
things he's been emphasizing is that he would

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like a rule from the Senate that
basically allows the Senators to uh, you

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know, dismiss these articles or maybe
some of them, maybe all of them,

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but basically before they get to a
real trial. You know, he's

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saying it's similar to what would probably
formally known as a summary procedure, which

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is basically taking all the evidence captured
up into this point and just having the

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Senate vote on that before proceeding with
any further investigation or evidence vetting or motions.

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So that's the main thing that he
seems to be pushing, and he's

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warning very vocally that if there isn't
a mechanism for that, these senators could

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be in for a pretty painstaking process. You know, he's talked about how

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they've identified i think sixty six witnesses. You know, he said there's obviously

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going to be thousands of pages of
documents. This could take up to a

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year. And so his message to
the Senate, I think has been pretty

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clear in some of these media appearances, which is, if you don't you

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know, if we have to move
to a real trial, we're confident,

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but you guys better be ready for
what an actual real trial looks like on

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twenty articles of impeachment. And so
the memo that you mentioned from the House

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Impeachment Managers was sent yesterday Thursday to
the Senate Rules Committee, and it basically

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tried to rebut Buzzby instead that you
know, suggested that he's pushing for a

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quote sham trial, and you know, pointing to the two previous impeachment trials

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that we've had, you know,
back in nineteen seventeen and I think in

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the nineteen seventies, the house managers
offered up i think seventeen different rules that

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they basically said they want in this
trial. And those rules include everything from

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um, you know, having cameras
there, having frequently published transcripts. They

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also, you know, point out
that in past impeachment trials there have been

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rules related to recusal. Obviously a
lot of folks want to know if Ken

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Paxson's wife, who's a state Senator, Angela Paxson, would recuse herself in

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a trial. So I mean there's
a lot of posturing going on as these

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rules are being devised. Yeah,
you know, the threat of having to

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be in Austin for a year for
a trial, I think is one that

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might since the yeah, yeah exactly, all right, Mark helped me kind

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of way the politics of this,
I mean, we are definitely seeing,

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um from you know, the Paxson
segment of the gop um a push to

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you know, make kind of quickly
get past this effort and you know,

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an idea of um, you know, really pushing the argument that this is

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driven by Democrats that this is,
you know, driven by the liberal House

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and things like that. How much
is that push do you think, Wayne

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on the people who will make these
rules and the people who will ultimately in

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the Senate, you know, have
the future of Paxson's time and office in

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their hands. As the senators look
at this rules framework that they will craft

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next week. Patrick's mentioned of the
of the summary judgment framework is exactly what

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Buzzby wants. As in a court
and let us say twelve times, as

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you guys have mentioned in prior tribes
that I've been glad to work my way

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through. This is not a court
of law. This is a completely political

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environment. I mean, yes,
you still might have witnesses, you still

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have evidence, you still have a
decision to be made, etc. Someone

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presides like a judge, that's Stan
Patrick. But it is a purely political

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environment and within that realm, these
senators. Maybe the first thing that they'll

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have to weigh if they get this
is the chance to simply say, you

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know what, we're throwing this out
on its face. But what Buzzby told

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me was that he would like for
a rule to be crafted or the thirty

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one senators before we even get to
the months or possibly almost a year of

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excruciating trial activity in Austin, as
a judge would do. Lawyers would perhaps

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smile for a summary judgment, which
for the uninitiated essentially says we're asking for

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ruling that says this doesn't even meet
the bar for going to trial. It

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is something that deserves to be tossed
for lack of merit. There's no promise

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to that would happen in It might
not be the smartest optics in the world

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if it did. Even if there
are Republican senators who would say right now

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that they probably intend to equit.
That's even the tournament, and they do

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not intend to eject Paxson from office, they have to think long and hard

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about what it will look like to
toss this thing out on its ear without

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even having the trial. The positive
the grassroots would love it. You know

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this, this got exactly what it
wanted. It wasn't worth the paper it

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was written on. But to the
mushy middle, to independence, to whatever

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they might say, hmm, what
did they fear from a trial? So

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avoid steps taken to avoid the trial
are not without risk, right right,

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Patrick? You know we we we
started this conversation, or I started this

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conversation with a kind of rundown of
the very complicated politics of the Republican Party

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in Texas. Right now, can
you kind of set the picture for us

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of what can Paxson's relationship with the
Senate has been and is over these last

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few years. I mean, I
know he used to serve of course his

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wife is a member of that Senate, But what is that dynamic there and

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how might that play into this?
Yeah, that's a good question. As

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you pointed out, he has some
very direct ties to the Senate. Of

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course his wife serves there. You
know, I think there are probably some

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other state senators that he's more personally
friendly with, so you have to take

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that into consideration. There were some
state senators, a couple state senators who

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got involved in his re election campaign
last year against him. I believe Senator

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Charles Schwartner from Georgetown endorsed George P. Bush, who was running against Ken

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Paxton in the primary. Last year. You had another senator who was a

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House member at the time, May's
Middleton, who was a top donor to

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Matt Krouse when he ran against Ken
Paxton in the primary, and then Louie

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Gomert when Matt Krouse dropped out and
Louie Gobert ran again Paxixton in the primary.

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So some of these guys have you
know, more unique personal political history

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with Paxxton. We shouldn't, of
course, we shouldn't just assume because they

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opposed him in a political campaign that
they are necessarily inclined to um, you

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know, oppose him in a Senate
trial. We should certainly give them the

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benefit of the doubt. But you
know, that's of course political history that

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is worth noting when it comes to
the lieutenant governor, who doesn't have a

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vote in the trial, but acts
as the judge in the trial. The

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lieutenant governor, you know, ultimately
did endorse Paxton for reelection in his primary

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runoff last year. Uh, you
know, there was a little bit of

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question beforehand how committed Patrick was or
how interested Patrick wasn't seeing Ken Paxton make

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it through that primary. But Patrick, you know, you mentioned are reporting

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at the time. But Patrick seemed
to put that to bed when he formally

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got behind Paxton in the runoff.
And so, you know, those are

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just some of the political relationships that
that may come into play here. Mark

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I wonder if what you think about, if what's going on with President Trump

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right now affects this in any way. You know, Trump of course spoke

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out against the idea of impeachment the
morning of impeachment in the House. He

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is of course now otherwise occupied,
you know, dealing with his own legal

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issues, and I don't know how
closely he'll be paying attention to this trial

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or this case. And also I
don't know how much what's going on in

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Florida right now sucks up the kind
of oxygen around this. Do you think

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there is a Trump element to this
issue, to this debate over the next

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few months. People pay attention to
the news, and they notice things happening,

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and sometimes there are things that harmonize, there are things that seem to

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be traveling on parallel tracks. Without
regard to the merit of either of these

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observations, I can say that the
largely conservative listenership that I have is of

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a mind that Trump is being persecuted
politically, that even if there are some

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things he should have done with those
stupid documents, that having this rise to

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the level of this indictment is insane
and it's a politicized witch hunted down there.

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So there's note number one, the
note that sings in harmony here.

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For Texas conservatives, they take a
look at what's happening to Paxman, and

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they view a phenomenon that is similar. They take a look at a Texas

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house where sixty I believe it was
right, sixty Republicans found a reason to

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impeach him. And of these sixty, how many of them have been spending

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the previous weeks or months or years
decrying the horrible ethics of Ken Paxton.

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The answer is virtually none of them. And yet all of a sudden day

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feeling throws a hissy fit over the
three point five million dollars ettlement doesn't want

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to pay it, and all of
a sudden we get a forty eight hour

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impeachment rush. You can't not notice
that. It doesn't mean you have to

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buy into it and presume that it's
exactly the same phenomenon one involving Trump,

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one involving Paxton. But there are
certain shared characteristics noticed by many. Yeah,

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so let's just fly forward in the
hypothetical world. Let's say, in

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you know, early September, the
Senate votes to remove Ken Paxton from office.

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On that you know, Tuesday Morning
Show or whatever. How angry are

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your listeners at the Senate for doing
this or are they angry? Okay,

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the short answer is they likely will
be. There's only one thing that will

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prevent you know, flaming torches in
the street metaphorically speaking, and that is

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it because perfectly phrased question, because
let's say it is September. It's kind

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of funny though, that'll be a
brief trial, won't it, Because I

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have started on August, Judia,
Please God let it be September rather than

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you know, July of twenty four. There's only one thing that will quell

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the kind of righteous indignation that what
you describe would would yield. And that

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is if the trial, which we
will all hang on with bated breath,

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if the house managers and the attorneys
do such a compelling job of painting a

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picture of corruption, mouthfeasance, and
abuse of office that even the Paxton fan

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base has a percentage that says,
wow, we love Ken, but that

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was bad. So what's the likelihood
of that happening? I don't know.

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As you guys in past Tribe casts
have observed, there's very little in this

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that hasn't been swirling around in the
ether for in some cases with the securities

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broad stuffs. It's twenty fifteen.
This is all. I mean, I

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don't want to call all of it
old news, but the fact of the

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matter is that some of the things
in the articles of impeachment have worked their

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way through the Texas court system and
yielded nothing. The whistleblowers, oh,

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these whistleblowers who were so up in
arms about something, they took their complaints

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right to the FBI. FBI investigated
it once again yielded nothing. And the

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voters throughout this entire process have ruled
on two occasions that they overwhelmingly want Ken

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Paxton to be the attorney General.
So it's going to have to be a

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crazy turn of events in that trial
to have the Paxton fan base say grudgingly

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that his ejection was deserved. So, Patrick, what are you watching for

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on Tuesday? Well, first of
all, I'm just watching to see how

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these rules are proposed, if it's
going to even be a public proceeding,

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Like we reported in our story today, I mean, there's just not a

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lot of not a lot known about
this rule. Committee rules, committees,

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deliberations, you know, we know
the member on the committee. We don't

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know if they've met, We don't
know, you know, what the contours

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of their conversations have been like.
And so I'll be just watching Tuesday to

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see how we learn about what the
proposed rules are. And I should note

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in the resolution that the Senate pass
that creates this rules process, it just

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said they have to present the rules
on Tuesday to the full Senate. It

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didn't say they necessarily have to vote
on them. So I'll just be watching

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some of the basic things on Tuesday, like, you know, will we

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get a public view of the rules, will they be voted on, because

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you know, once they're voted on, that effectively friggers the decision by Dan

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Patrick to pick a trial start date
sometime between then and August twenty eight.

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So I'll just watching the basic things, all right. Let's pause for a

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240
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out more at Texas twenty thirty six
dot org. Okay, now, let's

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look at the other thing that's been
causing a lot of fighting among the Republicans

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this week. Property taxes. It
another week has passed without much visible progress

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on reaching a compromise between the House
and the Senate. You know, the

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two competing proposals, as listeners of
this show will know, is whether the

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House or whether the Legislature should spend
all of the money that they've set aside

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for property tax reduction on essentially compressing
lowering property tax rates, or whether some

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of that money should be pulled aside
to specifically target homeowners and increase their savings

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from property taxes is a little bit
more than other property owners in the state.

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The A dramatic action we've seen around
this this week is Abbot's vetos,

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which I mentioned earlier in the show, where he vetoed I think eight bills

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this week, seven of which by
Republicans signing. In his veto note,

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you know, this bill is not
as important as property taxes, and we

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can reconsider this idea once property taxes
are past. Patrick, what's the strategy

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Here's what's Abbot hoping to accomplish with
this well big picture that you know,

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as we've discussed before as an almost
academic matter, the governor, you know,

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often finds himself wanting for tools at
his disposal to influence the legislative process,

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right, I mean, you know, it's not a position that has

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a lot of ways of influencing the
legislative process formally other than just using the

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bully pulpit. So he's trying to
leverage the one tool, you know,

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one of the few tools he has
at this point, which is the threat

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of a veto. He can buy
Sunday, he has to either sign or

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veto bills or if he doesn't sign
them, they still become law. So

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he's trying to leverage one of the
few, you know, formal tools at

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his disposal would try to influence the
legislative process. At this point, he's

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trying to wield the threat of a
veto and the following through a vetoing some

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bills to try to coax a compromise
out of the House and Senate on property

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taxes, something that I think is
politically you know, going on. At

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the same time, here is he
he has seemed in recent days to cool

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on his allegiance to the House in
this standoff. We saw the House immediately

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pass what he wanted in his special
session call. He came out that that

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evening and said, the House did
what I want it. Senate needs to

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get this to my desk and we
can all go home, basically. And

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in recent days he's been far less
firmly on the House's side as it has

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instead been calling for a House Senate
compromise, and is you know, in

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my view of it, kind of
been leaving the House out to dry after

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firmly siding with them early on.
And so you know, I think he's

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he's had some political missteps in this
and probably the past week or so here

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and now you know, we're obviously
at the point where he's trying to threaten

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and take drastic measures by be doing
bills. All right, Mark, I

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did a temperature check with you on
impeachment. Now I'm going to do one

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on property taxes. What's the what's
the feeling of the listeners on homestead exemptions,

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compression things like that? Is that
something that there's a lot of debate

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over? Is there is that something
that even the average texting understands the okay,

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define average, but define average that
that's going to be probably not giving

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credit, especially to the kind listenership
that graces me every day paying attention to

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the issues up to a certain point. What's the overarching sentiment is how arcane

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so much of this is. I
know, deep in the weeds, it

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really does matter issues of compression of
what benefits homeowners versus what benefits This is

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the shades of difference between what Patrick
and the Senate might want in abbot and

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the House might want. But above
the din of all of that is a

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clarion call from just about every listener
I have, not all of them.

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Republican is guys, pull your heads
out and do something. Texas for years

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has gotten away with this reputation as
a low tax state, a tax haven,

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which in some ways we are.
We don't have state income tax,

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but property taxes are brutal here.
They're absolutely punitive, and ultimately, I

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think most listeners and most average Texans
are very bottom line oriented. I don't

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think that there'll be a lot of
people up in arms when one idea prevails

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over the other. They just would
say, for God's sake, give us

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some form of relief. Yeah.
Yeah, I was gonna say, I

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feel like, you know, not
that I'm having necessarily having these conversations with

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these Texans every single day, but
I gotta imagine at this point the average

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Texan just frustrated that there's there's no
progress. And I feel like to the

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average maybe Republican leading voter, they're
willing to stomach some intra party sniping on

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social issues and things where there may
not be Republican unanimity across the board.

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But I think it seems like a
damaging appearance that Texas Republicans can't find compromise

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on issues where they're generally united even
which kind of leads to my big picture

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question that I wanted to ask Mark, is just what is going on with

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They're Republican leaders in Texas right now, why can they not get along on

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anything? Okay, this will be
by its nature simplistic, but it works

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as an overall model. Within the
Republican Party. You can say there are

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factions that are what you might call
the grassroots, the staunch conservatives, the

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Trumpian pack stone on in. You
know that everybody knows what I'm talking about.

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There's also the slice of the Republican
pie that is a little more establishment

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might have liked McCain and Paul Ryan
over Trump, might like Dave Feelan over

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00:25:15.400 --> 00:25:23.640
anyone of Dan Patrick's Senate Republicans as
a group, we are used to doing

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ideological battle with the left, with
liberals, with Democrats. That's baked into

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our daily lives, and there is
a certain almost comfort zone to that.

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It's like, well, we're on
the right, they're on the left.

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Let's settle up, let's see what
we gotta do. But within the Republican

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Party there is a passion and a
sharpness to this that exists for the following

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reason. The Republican Party since twenty
fifteen, when Trump and Melania came down,

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that escalator has largely been taken over
by a kind of a bold,

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unapologetic, grassroots populist conservatism which has
proven in enormously popular in the country,

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in the Republican America and in Republican
Taxas. This has driven establishment moderate Republicans

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absolutely insane. They can't believe that
there go along to get along three yards

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00:26:15.839 --> 00:26:19.000
on a cloud of dust, give
us ten years will solve this. No

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longer finds favor with the public.
So to wrap up my really long answer.

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What we have here as a battle
for what direction the party is going

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to take, And in the Paxton
battle itself is completely emblematic of this.

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Dade Feeland and Ken Paxton hold each
other in abysmally low regard, and it's

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mostly because of the dichotomy that I've
just mentioned. Ken Paxton represents everything that

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Speaker Feeland thinks is extreme and unsavory
about those Trumpian Republicans, and Dade Feeland

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represents to Ken Paxton everything that is
squishy and moderate and weak. And so

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as that battle takes place, that
somebody's going to win, somebody's gonna lose.

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Not that not that the Republican Party
will unanimously reflect either one or the

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other, but lately the victories have
been racked up by the more conservative side

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of Republican taxes, and I don't
see that changing in the near future.

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00:27:22.839 --> 00:27:27.519
Patrick do agree with that. I
mean, there is definitely some ideological components

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to this, and the House versus
Senate fights, you know, date back

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00:27:33.640 --> 00:27:38.119
for years. And I also got
to think that there's some personalities here right,

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Like, really, what you need
is someone to just come in and

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00:27:41.319 --> 00:27:44.880
try to take the temperature down and
say, hey, look, we're all

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Republicans, we all like tax cuts. This shouldn't be that hard if we

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00:27:49.920 --> 00:27:53.079
can just be nice to each other
for a week. No one seems to

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be doing that right now. Patrick, Yeah, I think Mark did a

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good job of explaining how this fits
into the broader Republican ecosystem right now.

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So maybe I'll address the three big
personalities that play here and why it's maybe

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different than past sessions, the big
three, the governor, the Lieutenant governor,

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the House Speaker. You know,
it's it's in my belief that the

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three of them entered this legislative cycle
with more individual self adsuredness and the feeling

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of an individual mandate than previously.
And we just came off of a statewide

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reelection cycle where the two statewide officials
in that group, Dan Patrick and Greg

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Abbott won by probably better than expected
margins, I think at least ten points

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each. So, you know,
each of those statewide officials came into this

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legislative cycle, you know, fresh
off of the feeling of an overwhelming mandate

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00:28:44.279 --> 00:28:48.160
by the voters of Texas. And
then you have Dave feeling in his second

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session as speaker, really starting you
know, going into this session starting to

358
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hit his stride, I think,
and having a lot more confidence after his

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first session. I mean, he
was able to get reelected as Speaker by

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with only a few, you know, a few dissenting votes. And then,

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you know, in addition to that
feeling of each of them having such

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a strong mandate individually, we saw
them start charting priorities that below the top

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two or three issues were kind of
divergent. Um. You know, obviously

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they all agreed, all three of
us want property tax, really sure,

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all three of us want to secure
the border. But you saw Abbot and

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Patrick and feeling take ownership individually of
priorities that weren't always in alignment with one.

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Another great example this at least going
into the session, was Patrick's overwhelming

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emphasis on the grid, which for
the longest time, even Abbott couldn't,

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you know, come out and say, we still need to, you know,

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reform the grid. You had feeling
start prioritizing, uh, you know,

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bills that were pretty far off politically
from what Abbot and Patrick have been

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00:29:48.680 --> 00:29:52.440
championing over the years. You know, whether it was you know, some

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of the healthcare related bills, criminal
justice reform related bills, and So that's

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just to say it was kind of
a two stage process going into this legislative

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session, where we saw each three
of these guys feel more of a mandate

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than ever before for their agenda from
the voters of Texas. And then we

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saw them chart out priorities that beyond
those first two or three issues really started

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clashing, and so I think that
set them up on a bit of a

379
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collision course this session in a way
that we haven't seen before. Yeah,

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market's interesting. You know, when
I when I came to the Tribune,

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the fights between the House and Senate
were over things like the bathroom bill,

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and you know, poverty taxes were
sailing through. And now we're seeing you

383
00:30:32.079 --> 00:30:37.559
know, the more socially conservative things
the you know, related to LGBTQ issues

384
00:30:37.599 --> 00:30:41.480
and things like that getting through fairly
easily, but fighting over the property taxes.

385
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It's it's interesting to see how the
shifts have have happened here in these

386
00:30:48.039 --> 00:30:51.599
last few years. It is and
I think the one thing that can be

387
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for somebody that's covered stuff as much
as you have and has been on the

388
00:30:53.559 --> 00:30:59.599
beat as long as Patrick has,
one thing that can always be reliably counted

389
00:30:59.680 --> 00:31:07.400
upon is the power of the public
will to nudge the prevailing results in a

390
00:31:07.400 --> 00:31:12.599
certain direction. The gender wars SB
fourteen and fifteen, gender stuff in women's

391
00:31:12.599 --> 00:31:18.680
sports, and stopping the various procedures
for minors. This was something dan Patrick

392
00:31:18.759 --> 00:31:23.799
felt very very strongly about that Dade
feeling absolutely did not feel strongly about at

393
00:31:23.880 --> 00:31:32.759
all, and Governor Abbott wanted to
feel exactly as strongly as would benefit him

394
00:31:32.799 --> 00:31:36.559
politically. He told me, and
that sounds unkind I don't mean it to

395
00:31:36.599 --> 00:31:40.559
me. I was having conversation because
I'm very energized by such things. And

396
00:31:40.559 --> 00:31:42.160
I'd have him on the show,
maybe like a year ago, and he

397
00:31:42.200 --> 00:31:45.160
said, listen, I think and
just Indian just drove him crazy. That

398
00:31:45.200 --> 00:31:48.839
every day to Santis would do something
and get huge applause for it and everybody

399
00:31:48.880 --> 00:31:52.279
would look at him go well.
And he told me one point on one

400
00:31:52.279 --> 00:31:55.440
of those occasions, he said,
I'm going to do something, Mark,

401
00:31:55.640 --> 00:31:57.519
I'm gonna do something like it in
the coming days. It'll be just the

402
00:31:57.599 --> 00:32:01.880
same as a state that these procedures. And what it was is some stupid

403
00:32:02.000 --> 00:32:07.160
letter from the Department of Family the
Services Health Family Services that essentially says we

404
00:32:07.240 --> 00:32:10.519
consider this to be child abused.
Well, what a lovely conceptual thing to

405
00:32:10.559 --> 00:32:15.039
do, but it was a far
cry from actually having a law that says

406
00:32:15.359 --> 00:32:19.759
we don't do this. So the
governor took a look at the temperature and

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wisely, I believe, said this
is a bill that I will sign,

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and he did. All right.
Well, we will see how public opinion

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drives the action on impeachment and on
property taxes in these in these coming weeks.

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Thank you, Mark really enjoyed the
conversation. Thank you Pasture joining us,

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00:32:39.640 --> 00:32:43.640
and thank you to our producer Justin. We'll talk to y'all next week

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00:32:43.720 --> 00:32:53.920
that you just have to join us
in Houston June twenty second for the last

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00:32:53.960 --> 00:33:00.000
event in our continuing series dedicated to
recapping the twenty twenty three legislative session.

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00:33:00.440 --> 00:33:05.400
Learn more an RSVP at Texas Tribune
dot org. Slash Events

