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This is Stuart England The Civil Wars
Episode two point one hundred and five booths

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uprising. Last episode, we saw
England's political leaders officially run out of ideas

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as they revived the Rump Parliament that
had been discredited six years earlier. In

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fact, there was a strong sense
of deja vous back in sixteen fifty three.

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The Rump had been mired in an
ideological trap of its own creation.

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The legitimacy of the regime rested on
the supremacy of Parliament as a representative institution,

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but as currently constituted, the purged
body was an especially representative of England's

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people, and the only way to
make it so fresh elections would almost assuredly

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destroy the existing government. Almost exactly
the same scenario played out in the summer

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of sixteen fifty nine. John Lambert
presented the Rump with a new constitutional model

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that could take effect the second they
voted to dissolve themselves and hold new elections,

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but Arthur Hasselrigan's allies refused. They
had no alternative to offer, only

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a stubborn resistance to give up their
power. But politics often rewards those who

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obstruct and delay with no real plan
other than to buy time. At the

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beginning of August, events outside London
and Westminster conspired to unite the divided regime,

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albeit briefly. Constitutional disputes were quickly
forgotten amid reports of yet another Royalist

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insurrection. Though while this was technically
a Royalist uprising in the sense that its

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success would have led to the restoration
of the Stuart monarchy, within the realm

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of civil war labels, it's probably
more accurate to call it a Presbyterian uprising.

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Many of the men involved had been
parliamentary leaders in the First Civil War,

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for instance William Waller and Edward Massey, the Hero of Gloucester. Meanwhile,

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the Sealed Knot, the secret society
that was supposed to be working towards

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the restoration in England, refused to
participate and even oppose the operation. Partly,

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this reluctance was due to poor morale. Through bitter experience, the men

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of the Sealed Knot had learned that
success was unlikely. The regime's intelligence apparatus

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was simply too powerful, and if
another rebellion failed, they would likely be

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the ones to pay with their heads. But the top level royalists were also

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opposed to the planned insuraction. On
principle, men like Waller and Massey were

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responsible for the defeat of the king
in the First Civil War, how could

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they be trusted? And more importantly, what kind of restoration would this be

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if it was engineered by Presbyterians.
There was also the slightly less principled question

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of who the restored King's closest advisors
would be. The Royalist aristocracy had little

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interest in sharing influence with a bunch
of common born ex rebels. On the

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one hand, the men of the
Sealed Knot didn't think the uprising would succeed,

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and on the other they feared it
would. With the veteran plotters of

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the Sealed Knots standing aside, it
fell to a group of former parliamentary army

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officers to plan things. Some like
Edbart Massey had spent time on the continent

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within Royalist excel circles. Others like
Waller, remained in England but had been

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watched suspiciously by the Commonwealth and Protectorate
regimes for years. Through consultation with exiled

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Royalists and their own observations of the
previous unsuccessful Royalist risings, they developed new

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strategies concentrating a rising in one place
seemed like too much of a risk.

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If the regime's army could focus on
a single threat, there was little hope

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of success. But coordinating multiple risings
all across the country posed a challenge too.

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The more complex the communication network,
the more likely it was to be

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infiltrated by the government. The answer
was a decentralized, highly flexible series of

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cells all across England. Regional commanders
were given wide ranging autonomy to organize local

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movements. The Royalist exiles bought into
this approach, most especially Charles himself.

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In fact, the commissions that he
gave to regional leaders to rise up in

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his name were remarkably flexible. It
was left up to local commanders whether to

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even mention the King's name and their
rallying cries. They had the option of

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merely rising up in the name of
the church. The goal was to swamp

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the regime with a deluge of rebellions, each custom designed to appeal to a

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regional audience. The progress of the
movement would depend on how Westminster reacted.

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For instance, there was no designated
nerve center to the rebellion. There were

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hopes that Bristol or East Anglia might
provide the most fertile ground for the uprising,

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but the army couldn't be everywhere at
once. If those regional movements were

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suppressed, momentum would grow elsewhere.
The germ of the plan developed in the

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spring of sixteen fifty nine, as
Presbyterians and exiled Royalists quietly exchanged notes across

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the English Channel. But for all
this strategizing, there was little indication that

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the uprisings would enjoy the crucial ingredient
needed for success, popular support. That

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began to change as Richard Cromwell's protectorate
regime crumbled in April events we tracked last

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episode. The new regime that emerged, a partnership between the old rump and

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the army, had even less legitimacy
than the old one. Now is the

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time to strike before Hassle, Rigg, Fleetwood, Lambert or someone else consolidated

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control over the state. But political
instability at the top was nothing new,

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and it hadn't paved the way for
the success of ending the other uprisings in

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the past decade. If there was
a difference in sixteen fifty nine, it

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came in the form of a near
hysterical fear of Quakers that was sweeping across

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England. Although a relatively minuscule group, the Quakers had a tremendous national presence.

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James Naylor's prominent role in the Second
Protectorate Parliament had raised the profile of

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the movement. The punishment that the
Quaker leader received further polarized the nation.

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For some, it was a necessary
curb on religious successes, but for others

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it was a betrayal of the good
Old Cause, the defense of religious freedoms

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that had defined the Civil War.
The overthrow of the Protectorate two and a

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half years later appeared to reverse the
Nailor decision. After all, the men

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who had destroyed the Cromwellian regime,
the rumpers and army officers, did so

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in the name of the good Old
Cause, using the same language that Naylor's

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defenders had for Quakers. This raised
the possibility that the new regime would bring

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toleration or even usher in a new
religious order. They would end the reign

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of organized churches. For those who
thought the Quakers and their ideas were dangerous,

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this was an all arming prospect.
For years, Cromwell had talked a

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big game. When it came to
radical religious renewal, but as a socially

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conservative statesman, he kept a tight
rein on truly revolutionary change. Now unmoored

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from Cromwellian restraint, there was no
limit to the damaged radicals could do.

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Quakers were a convenient stand in for
the larger radical movement, a lightning rod

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to focus the collective anxieties of the
nation. Of course, the Quakers weren't

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shy about drawing attention to themselves.
There was even a triumphalist streak to Quaker

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rhetoric as they celebrated the fall of
the Cromwellian regime that had persecuted them.

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George Fox, one of the key
founders of the movement, published a new

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track, fifty nine Particulars for the
Regulating of Things. In effect, it

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was an outline of the role the
Quakers could play in the new regime.

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Their model of decentralized religious belief would
replace the old Church of England structure,

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which Fox claimed still lived on even
in loosely federated congregational churches. But more

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alarming than Fox's revolutionary take on church
infrastructure were his economic proposals. Quam had

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emerged out of the impoverished rural communities
of the North, and had always retained

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its egalitarian message, not just in
terms of religious hierarchies, but in terms

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of property and wealth too. Fox
called upon the new government to implement a

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program or property redistribution to provide for
the poor nothing less than the confiscation of

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the estates of great men. The
problem was the leaders of the new regime,

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Arthur Hesselrigg, John Lambert or Charles
Fleetwood, were no more radical revolutionaries

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than Oliver Cromwell had been. The
Good Old Cause had been a usefully vague

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rallying cry to depose Richard Cromwell,
but it by no means committed these men

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to remake England into some kind of
Quaker utopia. One of the regime's first

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acts was to reassure the English public
that they were not intent on religious revolution.

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On the twenty first of May,
four days before Richard Cromwell formally resigned

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as Lord Protector, the rump Parliament
clarified the nation's rules on religion. As

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in the Protectorate, all those who
accepted Christ as their savior and Scripture as

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their guide would be free to practice
their faith. Furthermore, the state would

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continue supporting clergy through the collection of
ties, though englishmen and women were free

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to attend independent churches if they wished. But if Westminster hoped that this would

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calm the situation, they were quickly
proven wrong. Quakers and other radicals were

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frustrated by the rejection of their program, though likely not surprised, they had

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come to expect struggle as the necessary
precursor to final salvation. Instead, the

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Quakers redoubled their efforts. In June, they presented Westminster with a mass petition,

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a large proportion of the signatures coming
from the North. It demanded that

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the Rump immediately end the collection of
tithes and enact a significant reform of the

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law to benefit the common people rather
than the wealthy elite and their lawyers.

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Hesitant to alienate radical opinion, especially
since many in the army believed in a

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version of the Good Old Cause that
resembled that of the Quakers, the Rump

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hesitated. Historian Barry Ray argues that
this was the worst of both worlds.

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Westminster succeeded only in terrifying Presbyterians while
merely wedding radical appetites. More radical demands

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followed fellow travelers who had been purged
from offices in the state or the army

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had to be restored. Sensing that
the fate of the nation or perhaps the

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world, hung in the balance,
Quakers and other radicals became avid volunteers in

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militias or the army. Pacifism one
of the core principles of the later Quaker

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movement had yet to be firmly established. Taking up arms in defense of a

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radical revolution seemed not only justified but
obligatory. Inevitably, Quaker enthusiasms broked a

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backlash. Historians referred to this counter
movement as Presbyterian, though that is more

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a label of convenience than anything else. Here were not so much talking about

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a movement for a particular kind of
Calvinist church, but a more generalized sense

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that radical religion posed a threat to
the social order. That, of course,

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had always been attention within the parliamentary
cause, even while the Civil War

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was still raging. But the collapse
of Cromwellian restraint, the liberal use of

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the Good Old Cause as a rallying
cry, and the emergence of the Quakers

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as a coherent stand in for the
whole host of radical boogeymen created a conservative

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Presbyterian volition that was broader than ever
before. Men and women who in the

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past had grudgingly accepted the radical ideas
coming from the Capitol now sensed that a

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line was about to be crossed.
Where previously Oliver Cromwell and his protectorate regime

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had stood as a plausible break on
excessive radicalism. The new powers that be

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seemed either too weak to defend the
social order or all too willing to further

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their own interests by partnering with the
forces of anarchy. The atmosphere was further

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poisoned by unsubstantiated rumors. There were
reports that the army in Ireland had been

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infiltrated by Quakers and that it had
executed a coup in Dublin. Within days,

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landings were expected all across the West. It was an odd echo of

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the paranois that swept across England after
the Irish Rebellion of sixteen forty one,

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only this time the invaders coming from
Ireland weren't Catholic, but radical Protestants.

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Tension continued to build into the summer. In June, a mob broke up

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a Quaker meeting on Vine Street in
London, assaulting many of those assembled.

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In Kent, a man threw a
dead cat into a Quaker meeting hall,

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then released his hounds, eating a
scene of chaos and mayhem. On the

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fourteenth of July, in Tiverton,
a town in Devon, the alarm was

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raised, words spread of a Quaker
and fifth Monarchist plot to break into holmes

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that very night and slit the throats
of all those who rejected their false religion.

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Well, it's impossible to say with
any degree of certainty. These incidents

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were likely a mixture of spontaneous paranoia
among the populace and an organized campaign of

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intimidation orchestrated by local officials. Royalist
sympathizers also did their part to stoke fears

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of a Quaker coup, though really
they were adding fuel to an already blazing

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fire. But despite my argument here
that this uprising was different, that the

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regime in power was weaker than ever
before and the wider population more willing to

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support insurrection, the opening moves played
out in a fairly familiar pattern. The

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Great Spymaster John Thurlow had been ejected
from office as a Cromwellian loyalist, but

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his successor, Thomas Scott, inherited
an impressive intelligence network. Of course,

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as you may recall, Scott was
both Thurlough's predecessor and successor. He had

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been Chief Intel's officer in the first
iteration of the rump regime earlier in the

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decade. Scott got word of the
uprisings before the designated start date, the

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first of August. A series of
coordinated arrests throughout England spread confusion among the

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ranks of the plotters. The Seal
Knot didn't help things by sending out messages

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calling off the whole operation, since
they weren't involved in the planning or organization.

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They weren't exactly authorized to do so, but the resulting confusion was a

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useful pretext to stay away for those
who worried that it was a lost cause.

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Local leaders in Kent and Sussex found
that no one appeared at their designated

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gathering points, that is, except
for the government officials who came to arrest

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them. In Oxford, the local
rising was to be led by Henry Carey,

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Viscount Falkland, the son of the
Falkland who was Charles the first Secretary

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of State early in the Civil War, but he was arrested before his followers

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could assemble. Edward Massey hoped to
stage an insurrection at Gloucester, the sight

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of his heroics during the Civil War, but when several of his deputies were

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arrested, he fled the country rather
than risk getting caught in the net.

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Risings were also disrupted in Cornwall,
which had long been a potential Royalist base.

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The key man there was John Grenville, the son of the Cornish hero

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Bevel Grenville, who had been killed
in the Civil War. John had fought

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alongside his father, despite being just
fourteen years old at the time, and

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continued to support the Royalist cause late
in the war. When the Prince of

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Wales, the future Charles the Second, fled into Cornwall, John Grenville became

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a close companion and member of the
Prince's bed chamber. They were both teenagers

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whose families had been devastated by the
war. When the Prince had to abandon

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England altogether, Grenville stayed in royal
service, commanding the exiled garrison on the

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Cilly Isles off the coast of Cornwall. From there, Royalist raiders were able

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to pillage local shipping until Robert Blake
captured the islands in sixteen fifty one.

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Since then, Grenville had been an
active member of the Royalist exile community,

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but retained his links to Cornwall.
Even more importantly, though Grenville's mother,

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Grace, was a cousin of George
Monk, the overall commander in Scotland,

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Charles himself had commissioned Grenville to reach
out to the General and see whether he

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might use his Scottish army to intervene
on behalf of the Royalist cause. This

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wasn't as unlikely as it sounded.
Monk's political loyalties were far from clear.

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Although weeks earlier he had ignored Richard
Cromwell's please to save the Protectorate, he

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hadn't exactly given the new rump a
full vote of confidence. It was one

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of the many signs that the regime
was in a more precarious position than any

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of its predecessors that the lines of
communication between Grenville and Monk remained open even

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after the Cornishment was briefly arrested in
August. But Monk was too cagy a

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politician to get involved in a failed
insurrection. As Grenville's arrest would suggest,

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the uprising in Cornwall was rather easily
suppressed, as well. Monk's Scottish Army

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held back, but he remained poised
to be an influential figure in the near

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future. There was one place,
however, where the uniform pattern of arrests

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and suppression was broken. In the
county of Cheshire, just across the border

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from North Wales, a well organized
insurrection emerged. The reasons that the uprising

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was successful in Cheshire are partly to
do with happenstance and partly to do with

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local conditions there So an examination of
the county will be duly beneficial. On

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the one hand, Cheshire was much
like several other counties across England. The

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motivations that drove a critical mass of
its population to rise up were also avid

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and elsewhere. Studying Cheshire gives us
a degree of insight into local attitudes more

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generally. On the other hand,
on some level, Cheshire was different.

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The conditions for insurrection may have existed
in other county's too, but what sequences

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of events and decisions made the rising
there succeed at least initially, where others

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failed. We've made a couple brief
stops in Cheshire so far in the podcast,

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most notably, the county played host
to the Nantwich Campaign in the winter

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of sixteen forty three forty four.
As you may recall, that was when

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the Royalists tried to make the most
of the ceasefire with the Irish rebels,

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troops no longer needed in Ireland moved
across the Irish Sea and landed in Wales

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and the west of England. As
it happened, George Monk was among those

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soldiers coming over from Ireland. At
Nantowitch, he fought for the King,

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but eventually changed sides after being captured
there. In terms of Cheshire politics,

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though, the key player during the
war years was William Brereton, the commander

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of parliamentary forces in the county.
He only made a few scattered appearances in

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our national narrative of the conflict,
but the Civil War was in many ways

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a series of local wars, and
in the Northwest of England, no one

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was more responsible for Parliament's victory than
Brereton. Brereton's service in the war was

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well rewarded. He had already been
a prominent figure in Cheshire before the war,

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but during and after the conflict he
accumulated new estates that made him the

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most influential figure in the county.
Like most parliamentarians, Brereton was a devout

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Puritan. Through the course of the
war he moved to a congregationalist position within

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the larger independent movement. This prevented
him from being targeted by the Purges of

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sixteen forty eight. But really Brereton
didn't involve himself in postwar politics. Although

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appointed to the court that tried and
condemned the king, he, like Thomas

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00:16:48.759 --> 00:16:52.679
Fairfax, didn't participate in the proceedings, nor did he take up an offered

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position in the Council of State.
Instead, Brereton withdrew from public life and

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enjoyed his private status as the leading
man of Cheshire. That and much else

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00:17:00.360 --> 00:17:04.119
in Cheshire began to change with the
creation of the Major General system in sixteen

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fifty five. Cheshire fell under the
jurisdiction of Major General Charles Worsley, who

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oversaw the counties of Cheshire, Lancashire
and Staffshire in the northwest. Unlike Brereton

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and his gentry friends, Worsley was
the son of a Manchester cloth merchant.

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During the war, he built a
reputation for prowess in the battlefield, but

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also for ruthless manipulation of the state's
power to confiscate land. Through the Lancashire

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County Committee, Worsley managed the sequestration
of huge tracts of Royalist property. Now,

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to be fair to Worsley, Lancashire
had a significant Catholic and Royalist community,

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so there was plenty of property to
cease, but even devoted parliamentarians couldn't

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help. But note that Worsley personally
benefited from his energetic pursuit of traders.

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After the war, Worsley continued his
rise in army politics through a fiercely devoted

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loyalty to Oliver Cromwell. In fact, when Cromwell broke up the rump Parliament

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in sixteen fifty three, Worsley commanded
the soldiers who escorted the parliamentarian men out.

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Worsley then was the ideal major general. He knew how to keep tabs

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on Royalists and other troublemakers in the
Northwest, and his dedication to the Cromwellian

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regime was unquestioned. At least,
Worsley was the ideal major general from the

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perspective of Whitehall, but from Cheshire
things looked quite a bit different. Like

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many other counties in England, The
traditional gentry elite viewed the changes in local

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00:18:19.839 --> 00:18:25.880
governance with alarm. The wartime county
committees had elevated merchants, lesser gentry,

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and even some artisans to positions of
political power. Now in the major generals,

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power rested with army officers, usually
not drawn from the traditional ruling classes,

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00:18:34.160 --> 00:18:37.880
and while Cromwell tried his best to
select major generals with local connections to

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their regions, it was impossible to
achieve this in all places. Worsley,

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for instance, was a man of
the Northwest, but he was from Lancashire.

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To William Brereton and the other gentleman
of Cheshire, the major general was

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very much an outsider, and Worsley
wasn't the type of guide to worry about

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stepping on anyone's toes. He energetically
pursued his mandate to instill obedience and good

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order in the county. Within weeks
of his arrival, Cheshire's jails were full

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00:19:03.119 --> 00:19:07.839
to bursting with drunks, vagrants and
alleged royalists. Even compared to other major

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generals, Worsley was remarkably adept at
finding potential traitors everywhere he looked. Almost

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immediately Upon taking up his job,
he rounded up a collection of suspected royalists,

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00:19:17.039 --> 00:19:19.279
then reported to Cromwell, I am
afraid I shall find more of that

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00:19:19.400 --> 00:19:25.000
gang. When the government implemented a
program of demanding bonds of good behavior from

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suspected royalists, Worsley managed to target
three times more than any other major general.

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Unlike his colleagues, Worsley even reached
into the Yeoman class for targets.

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Some historians suspect that he was using
the surety system as a kind of supplement

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to the decimation tax, reaching people
who didn't qualify under its guidelines. Brereton

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00:19:41.960 --> 00:19:45.119
and the other gentry leaders of Cheshire
weren't happy with this state of affairs,

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00:19:45.279 --> 00:19:51.160
but were cautious in their response.
Cromwell's regime provided a degree of stability and

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00:19:51.240 --> 00:19:55.200
a check on the more radical religious, political, or economic ideas floating around

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England. For wealthy congregationalists like Brereton, the protectorate regime by today welcome balance

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00:20:00.160 --> 00:20:04.440
between religious freedom and social conservatism.
If they rocked the boat too much,

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a truly radical regime might emerge.
Therefore, Cheshire's gentry elite did their best

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00:20:10.599 --> 00:20:15.079
to obstruct Worsley's work. Through legal
protests and indirect obstruction. In this life

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in Cheshire mirrored that of other counties
throughout the nation. The major generals were

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00:20:19.039 --> 00:20:25.319
often treated by elites as an unwelcome
and hopefully temporary inconvenience, though the longer

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their rule lasted, the more the
people of Cheshire resented the whole concept of

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00:20:29.279 --> 00:20:33.359
military governance. When Lord Protector Cromwell, in consultation with his major generals,

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decided to call the Second Protectorate Parliament
in the summer of sixteen thirty six,

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00:20:37.599 --> 00:20:41.839
the provincial elites got a new venue
in which to express their opposition elections.

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00:20:42.680 --> 00:20:48.799
This opportunity took a distinct form in
the Northwest, as Charles Worsley unexpectedly died

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aged just thirty three while meeting with
the other major generals in London. Tobias

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00:20:52.640 --> 00:20:56.920
Bridge was appointed to succeed him,
but the parliamentary elections that summer were conducted

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00:20:56.920 --> 00:21:03.279
amid a confused transition process. Multiple
groups competed for the slate of four members

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00:21:03.400 --> 00:21:07.680
Cheshire would send to Westminster. Major
General Bridge put forward a list of government

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00:21:07.720 --> 00:21:11.240
supported names, while some members of
the Cheshire elite put themselves toward independently as

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00:21:11.279 --> 00:21:18.400
candidates including William Brereton. Although not
necessarily opposed to the protectorate regime, Brereton

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00:21:18.440 --> 00:21:22.559
had publicly resisted the major general system
for months and could be expected to argue

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00:21:22.559 --> 00:21:26.039
for its disillusion in parliament. Other
more radical voices joined the campaign too,

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00:21:26.559 --> 00:21:30.599
most notably John Bradshaw, the president
of the Court that had tried King Charles

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the First and perhaps the one man
who could challenge Arthur Hasselrigg for the title

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of most die hard rumper. In
a confused election season, the Cheshire elite

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00:21:40.039 --> 00:21:42.680
were torn between their desire to end
the rule of the major generals and their

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00:21:42.759 --> 00:21:45.880
fear of the instability that might come
from a parliament led by the likes of

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00:21:45.960 --> 00:21:51.200
John Bradshaw. In the end,
Oliver Cromwell himself reached out to Brereton,

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00:21:51.359 --> 00:21:55.799
asking for his help in keeping Bradshaw
out. Brereton agreed, possibly to the

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00:21:55.839 --> 00:21:59.920
dutchriment of his own bid for Parliament. Neither he nor Bradshaw secured a seat.

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00:22:00.839 --> 00:22:03.079
As it turned out, the Cheshire
and peas in the second Protectorate Parliament

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00:22:03.240 --> 00:22:08.119
were neither firm supporters of the regime
nor ardent critics, though one member is

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00:22:08.119 --> 00:22:12.240
worth highlighting, George Booth will have
time for a more thorough introduction in a

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00:22:12.319 --> 00:22:15.839
moment. But like Brereton, Booth
was a member of the Cheshire landed elite.

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00:22:17.440 --> 00:22:19.240
Also, like Brereton, he had
fought for Parliament in the Civil War,

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00:22:19.559 --> 00:22:23.839
though Booth had been among the Presbyterians
purged in sixteen forty eight. Two

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00:22:23.920 --> 00:22:27.720
years later, when Richard Cromwell succeeded
his father and called for another round of

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00:22:27.759 --> 00:22:33.920
elections, the Conservative coalition between Cheshire
elites and the Protectorate leadership failed to repeat

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00:22:33.920 --> 00:22:37.440
their victory. Bradshaw and his Rumper
allies won and set off to Westminster to

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00:22:37.480 --> 00:22:41.960
help dismantle the Protectorate State. The
value all of the Cromwell had provided in

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00:22:42.079 --> 00:22:47.640
keeping back the tide of radical religious
and political change became immediately obvious to the

316
00:22:47.640 --> 00:22:51.200
property men of Cheshire. In the
spring of sixteen fifty nine, as the

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00:22:51.279 --> 00:22:53.960
Rump and the Army swept away the
last vestiges of the Protectorate State, the

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anxiety in Cheshire only grew. The
Cheshire gentry were virtually united in their opposite

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00:23:00.160 --> 00:23:03.839
to the new regime that was forming
at Westminster. The only thing they lacked

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00:23:03.960 --> 00:23:07.480
was a leader. William Brereton was
perhaps the obvious choice, but he balked

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00:23:07.519 --> 00:23:11.319
at taking up arms against Parliament,
no matter how illegitimate its claim to authority.

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00:23:11.960 --> 00:23:15.960
Also, as an independent who had
at least played a nominal role in

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00:23:15.000 --> 00:23:19.400
the creation of the Commonwealth, Brereton
wasn't part of the Presbyterian network through which

324
00:23:19.400 --> 00:23:25.200
the sixteen fifty nine uprisings were planned. Leadership of the resistance in Cheshire therefore

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00:23:25.200 --> 00:23:27.519
fell to George Booth, the man
we saw elected to Parliament a few minutes

326
00:23:27.559 --> 00:23:32.799
ago. Booth was thirty seven years
old and a member of an important Cheshire

327
00:23:32.880 --> 00:23:36.480
gentry family. He had joined the
parliamentary cause in the Civil War as a

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00:23:36.480 --> 00:23:40.680
teenager and fought with William Brereton's County
Army. But before the war had even

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00:23:40.799 --> 00:23:45.440
ended, the Brereton and Booth families
were at loggerheads. The dynamic was similar

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00:23:45.440 --> 00:23:48.240
to that of the Fairfax and Hotham
families in Yorkshire. As you may recall

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00:23:48.319 --> 00:23:52.440
from way back in the early days
of the war, both the Fairfaxes and

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00:23:52.480 --> 00:23:56.240
the Hothams fought for Parliament, but
competition over influence in the county, heightened

333
00:23:56.240 --> 00:24:00.720
by religious and ideological differences, led
John Cotham and his son to defect to

334
00:24:00.759 --> 00:24:04.960
the Royalist side, while a similar
process played out in Cheshire at the end

335
00:24:04.960 --> 00:24:08.640
of the war. This time the
local rivalry played out against the backdrop of

336
00:24:08.680 --> 00:24:14.480
the Presbyterian Independent divide. Before the
war was over, Booth traveled to London

337
00:24:14.480 --> 00:24:18.920
to spread rumors of Brereton's corruption and
religious radicalism. Despite Brereton's attempts to dispel

338
00:24:18.960 --> 00:24:23.200
these accusations, Booth managed to turn
suspicions of the General into victory in a

339
00:24:23.279 --> 00:24:27.920
Cheshire recruiter election in sixteen forty five. Ultimately, however, Booth fell on

340
00:24:27.960 --> 00:24:33.519
the losing side of the Presbyterian Independent
conflict. In sixteen forty eight, he

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00:24:33.559 --> 00:24:36.920
was one of the men purged from
Parliament, paving the way for the Commonwealth

342
00:24:36.920 --> 00:24:41.000
and then Protectorate. Since then,
Booth's status had been a bit uncertain.

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00:24:41.519 --> 00:24:45.880
His political loyalties remained suspect, though
his influence in Cheshire made him a tempting

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00:24:45.920 --> 00:24:48.960
local partner for the central government.
Booth was selected to represent the county in

345
00:24:49.000 --> 00:24:53.200
the nominated Assembly, a data point
against the argument that the Bearbonne's Parliament was

346
00:24:53.240 --> 00:24:57.240
a hive of radicalism. He also
won a seat in the first Protectorate Parliament

347
00:24:57.240 --> 00:25:02.599
of sixteen fifty four, but no
one forgot that Booth was a Presbyterian who

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00:25:02.599 --> 00:25:06.279
had been purged in sixteen forty eight. There was some suspicion that he was

349
00:25:06.319 --> 00:25:10.920
involved in the sixteen fifty five Royalist
unrest, best remembered for Penruddick's brief uprising

350
00:25:10.920 --> 00:25:14.599
in the West Country. But if
Booth had been involved in organizing insurrection in

351
00:25:14.680 --> 00:25:19.000
Cheshire, he withdrew before John Thurloe's
crackdown and avoided arrest. Neither was Booth

352
00:25:19.039 --> 00:25:23.359
targeted by the major generals, though
Charles Worsley did imprison his uncle John Booth.

353
00:25:23.920 --> 00:25:29.079
It's possible that even Worsley saw George
Booth as too influential within Cheshire to

354
00:25:29.200 --> 00:25:33.680
risk alienating. But while there wasn't
enough evidence to arrest Booth, Cromwell had

355
00:25:33.720 --> 00:25:37.599
lost his earlier trust in him.
When the Lord Protector excluded a large swath

356
00:25:37.640 --> 00:25:41.400
of MPs in the Second Protectorate Parliament, he made sure to include Booth's name

357
00:25:41.440 --> 00:25:45.119
on the list. When the Protectorate
crumbled and the Rump returned to power,

358
00:25:45.359 --> 00:25:49.319
the alienation of Booth and the Cheshire
gentry he represented was almost inevitable. One

359
00:25:49.400 --> 00:25:55.680
last possible avenue of reconciliation was the
composition of the restored Rump, Booth and

360
00:25:55.759 --> 00:25:59.200
others who had been purged in sixteen
forty eight urged the Rump to turn back

361
00:25:59.240 --> 00:26:03.279
the clock, not to Cromwell's force
dissolution of sixteen fifty three, but all

362
00:26:03.279 --> 00:26:06.839
the way to the illegal purge of
sixteen forty eight. The only way to

363
00:26:06.960 --> 00:26:11.519
establish a legitimate legal government was the
restoration of a truly free parliament. This

364
00:26:11.599 --> 00:26:15.559
would soon become the rallying cry of
the opposition to the regime. The religious

365
00:26:15.559 --> 00:26:22.240
component of Presbyterianism was finally overshadowed by
the political meaning of the label in encompassing

366
00:26:22.240 --> 00:26:26.359
calls for a free parliament. The
Presbyterian movement was turning into a popular demand

367
00:26:26.359 --> 00:26:30.759
for truly representative government and a rejection
of the radicalism of a minority that the

368
00:26:30.839 --> 00:26:33.960
Rump stood for, but that process
would take time to develop. In the

369
00:26:33.960 --> 00:26:37.880
immediate term, Booth tried to force
the Rum's hand. In May. He

370
00:26:37.920 --> 00:26:41.319
was one of nine men led by
William Prynne, who attempted to take their

371
00:26:41.319 --> 00:26:45.480
seats in the restored Long Parliament,
but the Rummen, aided by their allies

372
00:26:45.480 --> 00:26:49.440
in the army, blocked their path. The Rum's refusal to live up to

373
00:26:49.480 --> 00:26:55.240
its avowed principles of representative government,
left Booth little choice. While still in

374
00:26:55.279 --> 00:26:59.480
London, he was approached by the
Great Trust, the collection of Presbyterian plotters

375
00:26:59.519 --> 00:27:03.359
who placed the Seal Knot as the
King's official agents in England. At the

376
00:27:03.440 --> 00:27:06.839
moment, they had no one to
lead the Cheshire component of the national uprisings,

377
00:27:06.960 --> 00:27:11.119
and Booth was the perfect man for
the job. Booth accepted and immediately

378
00:27:11.119 --> 00:27:15.039
returned home. By the middle of
July, he had secured widespread support within

379
00:27:15.039 --> 00:27:18.039
the Chechi gentry. Even those who
refused to join promised to stand aloof and

380
00:27:18.079 --> 00:27:22.640
provide no aid to the regime.
In his campaign, Booth made full use

381
00:27:22.680 --> 00:27:26.759
of the flexibility the exiled king had
offered. Cheshire wouldn't be rising in the

382
00:27:26.839 --> 00:27:30.920
name of the King. They would
be rising to protect English religion and the

383
00:27:30.960 --> 00:27:33.839
social order. The Quaker panic that
seized England in the spring and summer of

384
00:27:33.839 --> 00:27:37.680
sixteen fifty nine, who was particularly
strong in Cheshire, especially among the land

385
00:27:37.720 --> 00:27:42.039
of elite. The national uprisings were
scheduled for the first of August, which

386
00:27:42.079 --> 00:27:47.640
was a Monday. Booth's preparations included
the cooperation of the local clergy, who

387
00:27:47.640 --> 00:27:49.799
would read out the call to arms
and their sermons on the preceding Sunday.

388
00:27:51.559 --> 00:27:55.279
Booth was also careful to work through
traditional forms of governance. He had a

389
00:27:55.279 --> 00:27:57.880
commission from Charles the Second, through
which he drew up warrants for constables.

390
00:27:59.440 --> 00:28:03.359
These were distributed to every village in
the county, calling from militias to muster

391
00:28:03.440 --> 00:28:07.559
on the first. This wasn't so
much a rebellion as the lawful operation of

392
00:28:07.559 --> 00:28:11.480
the state in opposition to an illegal
regime. By Sunday the thirty first,

393
00:28:11.759 --> 00:28:15.480
Booth and his allies had completed all
the preparations they could. For the next

394
00:28:15.480 --> 00:28:18.440
few hours, they could only wait
and hope the county was with them.

395
00:28:19.200 --> 00:28:22.680
So it was doubtlessly with some alarm
that Booth received a note from the Sealed

396
00:28:22.720 --> 00:28:27.319
Knot late in the afternoon. The
old Royalist network informed him that the regime

397
00:28:27.400 --> 00:28:32.640
had once again uncovered the plot and
made mass arrests all over England. With

398
00:28:32.680 --> 00:28:36.240
the Great Trust broken and scattered,
the men of the Sealed Knot were taking

399
00:28:36.359 --> 00:28:40.559
upon themselves to call off the uprisings. Anyone who was not yet in custody

400
00:28:40.599 --> 00:28:44.599
ought to disperse and cover their tracks. Hopefully there was still time to avoid

401
00:28:44.599 --> 00:28:48.039
getting caught in the net for Booth. However, it was too late.

402
00:28:48.440 --> 00:28:52.000
The sermons announcing the rising had already
been delivered, the mobilization warrants were already

403
00:28:52.039 --> 00:28:56.720
out, the rising had already started. The next day. The main militia

404
00:28:56.759 --> 00:29:02.799
assembly point was Warrington, about halfway
Liverpool and Manchester. The turnout was high

405
00:29:02.880 --> 00:29:06.039
enough that the army units that had
been sent to disperse the rebels turned and

406
00:29:06.079 --> 00:29:10.720
fled back to their garrisons. Booth
also received reports that he had support elsewhere

407
00:29:10.720 --> 00:29:14.400
in the region. Just across the
border in North Wales, Wrexham joined the

408
00:29:14.440 --> 00:29:18.079
revolt. Forces there were led by
Thomas Middleton, another Presbyterian Army officer who

409
00:29:18.119 --> 00:29:22.839
had secured North Wales for Parliament in
the sixteen forties. Meanwhile, on the

410
00:29:22.839 --> 00:29:26.519
other side of Chester, in the
southern part of Lancashire, another rising emerged.

411
00:29:26.160 --> 00:29:30.839
On the second day. Booth marched
his small army into Chester, occupying

412
00:29:30.839 --> 00:29:33.880
the town and chasing the army garrison
into the castle. To this point everything

413
00:29:33.880 --> 00:29:37.759
had gone according to plan. Booth
had yet to hear about how operations were

414
00:29:37.799 --> 00:29:41.039
going elsewhere, but it seemed as
though the pessimism of the sealed knot was

415
00:29:41.079 --> 00:29:47.599
overblown. Once he secured Chester,
Booth promulgated the manifesto he had prepared explaining

416
00:29:47.599 --> 00:29:52.519
his actions. The most noteworthy element
of Booth's official statement was the total absence

417
00:29:52.559 --> 00:29:56.640
of any mention of the King or
the monarchy. Booth was threatening a fine

418
00:29:56.680 --> 00:30:00.400
needle. He hoped to attract Royalists
who were willing to read between the lines

419
00:30:00.640 --> 00:30:04.680
without alienating the broader opposition to the
current regime by invoking the Stewarts. Instead,

420
00:30:04.880 --> 00:30:08.759
Booth focused on the dangers England faced. The new regime was threatening to

421
00:30:08.799 --> 00:30:14.480
destroy English liberty, religion and property. He called upon the people of Cheshire

422
00:30:14.519 --> 00:30:17.559
to fight for the rule of law, free parliaments, and an end to

423
00:30:17.640 --> 00:30:22.079
religious anarchy. Their demands were the
restoration of the Long Parliament to its pre

424
00:30:22.279 --> 00:30:26.680
sixteen forty eight composition, or,
failing that, free elections. Booth's manifesto

425
00:30:26.799 --> 00:30:32.079
acts as a useful signpost in the
emerging partnership between the old Presbyterian faction and

426
00:30:32.119 --> 00:30:36.880
the Royalists. The two groups still
had real disagreements on religion and ideology,

427
00:30:37.240 --> 00:30:41.039
but both now identified the regime at
Westminster as the greatest threat to England.

428
00:30:41.680 --> 00:30:45.000
The call for a free parliament was
a convenient way to bridge their differences.

429
00:30:45.440 --> 00:30:48.799
The Presbyterians were confident that a parliament
that truly represented the people would reject the

430
00:30:48.880 --> 00:30:52.839
radicalism of the army in the rump. Meanwhile, the Royalists believed that a

431
00:30:52.880 --> 00:30:57.200
freely elected parliament would seek to end
fifteen years of turmoil by inviting the king

432
00:30:57.279 --> 00:31:03.720
to return. Both wisely avoided explaining
what political settlement he hoped a free parliament

433
00:31:03.799 --> 00:31:07.680
might achieve. In a sense,
it didn't matter. Its mere existence would

434
00:31:07.680 --> 00:31:11.519
pave the way for a stable,
peaceful England in the coming months. Other

435
00:31:11.599 --> 00:31:15.000
leaders would follow Booth's lead and focus
on free parliaments as a panacea, allowing

436
00:31:15.039 --> 00:31:21.160
everyone to imagine for themselves what specific
medicine it would provide. But for now,

437
00:31:21.240 --> 00:31:23.079
Booth had a more immediate problem.
Now that he had set up the

438
00:31:23.119 --> 00:31:26.160
standard of a free parliament, he
had to defend it against the army.

439
00:31:26.880 --> 00:31:30.759
By the sixth of August, Booth
commanded some four thousand men, mostly from

440
00:31:30.839 --> 00:31:34.920
Cheshire, though groups of Welshmen also
joined from across the border, leaving enough

441
00:31:34.920 --> 00:31:38.359
men in Chester to guard the army
garrison in the castle. He set out

442
00:31:38.359 --> 00:31:42.920
for Manchester to gather more troops.
The larger strategic plan had been to continue

443
00:31:42.960 --> 00:31:48.200
moving northeast and link up with the
wider northern rebellion at York, but on

444
00:31:48.240 --> 00:31:51.759
his way to Manchester, Booth started
to get a sense of the larger national

445
00:31:51.799 --> 00:31:56.640
picture. His regional success was the
outlier. Virtually all other uprisings had been

446
00:31:56.640 --> 00:32:01.000
immediately suppressed or abandoned at the last
minute. Detailed intelligence on the government response

447
00:32:01.119 --> 00:32:05.559
was hard to come by, but
the regime had almost certainly mobilized its forces.

448
00:32:06.000 --> 00:32:07.720
It would only be a matter of
time before they concentrated on the one

449
00:32:07.759 --> 00:32:12.440
side of real resistance, Cheshire.
In fact, on the fourth of August,

450
00:32:12.519 --> 00:32:15.400
John Lambert had set out from London
at the head of two thousand New

451
00:32:15.400 --> 00:32:19.839
Model Army veterans. More Government troops
were converging from South Wales in Yorkshire.

452
00:32:20.680 --> 00:32:24.319
At Manchester. Booth paused his march
and assessed his options. He could concentrate

453
00:32:24.359 --> 00:32:28.839
as many men as he could and
meet John Lambert in battle, but although

454
00:32:28.880 --> 00:32:31.680
he could likely outnumber the general's force, it would be untrained farmers against the

455
00:32:31.720 --> 00:32:37.960
battle hardened New Model Army under one
of England's greatest commanders. Defeat seemed inevitable.

456
00:32:37.640 --> 00:32:42.160
Another option was to fall back on
Chester and prepare for a lengthy siege,

457
00:32:42.720 --> 00:32:45.000
but that would only prolong the inevitable. There had been some hope that

458
00:32:45.039 --> 00:32:47.960
George Monk might bring his army from
Scotland to intervene on the side of the

459
00:32:49.000 --> 00:32:52.880
rebels, but Monk was unlikely to
commit himself unless the uprisings looked like they

460
00:32:52.920 --> 00:32:57.160
might succeed. The other potential savior, the exiled king, was even less

461
00:32:57.160 --> 00:33:00.160
likely to ride to the rescue.
Charles would not risk landing in England until

462
00:33:00.160 --> 00:33:05.559
the rebels established a secure beachhead.
Besides, Booth's men wouldn't be able to

463
00:33:05.559 --> 00:33:08.200
hold up in Chester's Castle until they
evicted the garrison that was still hiding there.

464
00:33:08.559 --> 00:33:12.799
There was no guarantee that they could
do that before Lambert's army arrived.

465
00:33:13.599 --> 00:33:16.359
Some of the Welshmen in Booth's army
suggested a retreat across the border into their

466
00:33:16.400 --> 00:33:21.400
homeland. The rugged terign of North
Wales was the perfect place to conduct a

467
00:33:21.440 --> 00:33:25.720
guerrilla war against an occupying army,
but Booth's gentry allies flatly rejected that option.

468
00:33:27.200 --> 00:33:30.519
They would not abandon their homes and
property to the enemy. Better to

469
00:33:30.559 --> 00:33:34.160
stand and fight, or perhaps negotiate
some kind of settlement that allowed them to

470
00:33:34.200 --> 00:33:37.480
retain at least some of their estates. In the end, Booth was paralyzed

471
00:33:37.480 --> 00:33:42.720
by indecision. He spent the next
two weeks wandering aimlessly around the countryside of

472
00:33:42.759 --> 00:33:45.599
Cheshire. He made a half hearted
attempt to appeal to levelers, hinting that

473
00:33:45.640 --> 00:33:50.640
the free parliament he sought might be
a truly democratic one. But as the

474
00:33:50.720 --> 00:33:53.400
leader of an insurrection mounted by the
landed elite in the name of maintaining the

475
00:33:53.440 --> 00:33:59.119
social order, Booth was not a
convincing pitchman. On the nineteenth of August,

476
00:33:59.319 --> 00:34:01.799
Lambert caught up with Booth's army at
Winnington Bridge, about fifteen miles east

477
00:34:01.799 --> 00:34:07.319
of Chester. Booth led about four
thousand rebels, while Lambert had linked up

478
00:34:07.319 --> 00:34:09.960
with other army units, creating a
force of some five thousand veterans. The

479
00:34:10.079 --> 00:34:15.079
confrontation was more skirmish than battle.
Lambert lost just a single man. The

480
00:34:15.159 --> 00:34:21.280
rebels scattered almost immediately. Chester and
Liverpool both opened their gates to Lambert when

481
00:34:21.320 --> 00:34:25.199
he visited them. In the aftermath. Booth's gentry allies surrendered and put themselves

482
00:34:25.199 --> 00:34:29.440
at the mercy of the state.
As for Booth himself, he fled the

483
00:34:29.480 --> 00:34:32.000
county. He was eventually caught three
quarters of the way to London. The

484
00:34:32.079 --> 00:34:37.000
authorities were tipped off by an innkeeper
who reported a suspicious traveler. Despite traveling

485
00:34:37.000 --> 00:34:40.280
disguise as a woman, Booth had
called for a razor and a barber.

486
00:34:40.760 --> 00:34:45.639
The rebel leader was taken to the
Tower of London. But while the regime

487
00:34:45.679 --> 00:34:49.320
was successful in suppressing Booth's uprising,
as the rebellion came to be known,

488
00:34:49.719 --> 00:34:54.239
Lambert's victory brought little security or stability. The threat of Royalist insurrection had momentarily

489
00:34:54.320 --> 00:34:59.480
united the competing factions within the new
rump army partnership, but even by the

490
00:34:59.480 --> 00:35:04.840
standards the politically unstable sixteen fifties,
that working relationship was short lived. In

491
00:35:04.880 --> 00:35:07.360
fact, many of the Rummen were
deeply uncomfortable with the fact that Lambert now

492
00:35:07.400 --> 00:35:13.079
had an army in the field.
Back at Westminster, Charles Fleetwood suggested formalizing

493
00:35:13.159 --> 00:35:15.320
Lambert's role in the state by restoring
him to the office of Major General.

494
00:35:15.840 --> 00:35:21.719
However, Arthur Hasselrigg and his allies
flatly refused to them. Lambert was another

495
00:35:21.760 --> 00:35:24.119
Cromwell in the making. After all, it was Lambert who had drawn up

496
00:35:24.119 --> 00:35:29.519
the instrument of government legalizing the dissolution
of the Rump, and up until Lambert's

497
00:35:29.519 --> 00:35:32.039
break with Cromwell in sixteen fifty seven, the General had seemed like the Lord

498
00:35:32.039 --> 00:35:37.159
Protector's most obvious successor. Certainly,
Lambert was not short on ambition. Instead

499
00:35:37.159 --> 00:35:42.280
of confirming Lambert's role in government,
on the third of September, Hasseligg introduced

500
00:35:42.280 --> 00:35:45.519
a motion to implement new odes of
loyalty on the country's militias. Fleetwood,

501
00:35:45.639 --> 00:35:50.800
Lambert and other army leaders suspected,
quite correctly, that Hasselrigg was attempting to

502
00:35:50.800 --> 00:35:53.719
create a new military power those loyal
to the rump rather than army leadership.

503
00:35:54.239 --> 00:35:59.840
The motion drew figurative battle lines in
Parliament that seemed awfully close to actual battle

504
00:35:59.840 --> 00:36:05.719
line. This looming civil war within
the Rump Army coalition was especially dangerous because

505
00:36:05.760 --> 00:36:08.760
the capture of George Booth had not
ended the regime security threats. The same

506
00:36:08.880 --> 00:36:14.440
day Booth was captured, Edward Montagu, the devoted Cromwellian, decided to sail

507
00:36:14.519 --> 00:36:19.400
his Baltic fleet home to England.
To what purpose no one knew. Meanwhile,

508
00:36:19.440 --> 00:36:22.239
in Scotland, George Monk had yet
to make his intentions clear. Next

509
00:36:22.280 --> 00:36:27.199
time We'll see if facing up to
exterior dangers are enough to sustain the internal

510
00:36:27.280 --> 00:36:28.440
unity of the shaky regime.

