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From Powerline blog dot com and produced
by Ricochet dot com. This is the

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Powerline Show with your host Steve Hayward. Well, hi everybody, and welcome

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to a special episode of the Powerline
Podcast. It's not quite a classic format

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one on one conversation, and it's
not quite a three whiskey happy hour either.

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Think of it maybe as a two
whiskey happy hour and you'll see why

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in a moment. So this week
the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in the

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case of Groff versus the Joy,
involving a Post Office mail carrier named Gerald

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Groff, who, for religious reasons, wished not to work on Sundays.

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Previously, the Postal Service had granted
this accommodation, and that was easy back

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when the Post Office didn't do any
mail delivery on Sundays. But then,

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just a few years ago, the
Post Office started contracting with Amazon and other

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delivery services to do Sunday deliveries.
Though the Post Office still granted Graff his

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religious accommodation. But then the Post
Office changed its mind and compelled Graf to

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work on Sundays. Hence this case
raising again an aspect of the first Amendments

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Free Exercise Clause now, you would
think, after all these decades of both

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religious liberty cases and employment law cases, that such a situation would be well

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settled, but you would be wrong. In fact, the First Amendments clauses

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related to the establishment and free exercise
of religion remained highly contested and unsettled.

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One person who has a deep grasp
of the broader issues involved is Vincent Philip

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Muno's, who is the Toqueville Associate
Professor of Political Science and Law at the

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University of Notre Dame. His most
recent book, highly recommended and out from

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the University of Chicago Press, is
entitled Religious Liberty and the American Founding,

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Natural Rights and the Original Meanings of
the First Amendments Religion clauses. Phil's work,

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i should add, has been cited
in several Supreme Court opinions on this

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issue. Phil sat down recently with
me and John You to discuss the issue

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and some wider questions about constitutional originalism
and natural rights that very much are alive

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today. And that's why I called
us a two whiskey happy hour. We

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did want to have Lucretia's zoom in, but she wasn't able to, so

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Phil got off the hook. But
in any case, let's turn to Phil.

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Now. All right, Phil,
here you are in the hot seat

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with me and John You. I
don't know if Lucretia will call it or

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not, but if she does,
will break out the whiskey. She's too

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busy shoving around poor Mitch McConnell.
Probably right. So Phil, first of

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all, we want to have a
wide ranging conversation. But the proximate cause

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for sitting down and having you out
here at Berkeley is your new book,

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Religious Liberty and the American Founding,
Natural Rights and the original meanings plural of

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the First Amendment religion clauses. And
I have to say, I thought I

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kept up with this subject, or
I guess I did thirty years ago or

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more back when I studied with Leonard
Levy. When I got into your book,

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I realized how I had not kept
up at all with both the case

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law and some of the deeper background. It's a whole new world, so

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I'm not quite sure. Hard to
summarize. I don't want to say,

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tell me about your book, because
that's a ridiculous question you get on taught

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radio. But maybe start a little
bit about why it's important to go back

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to the natural rights basis before you
get into all the case law and the

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particular controversies about the First Amendment that
always tie us up in knots. Sure,

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sure, good, that's a great
where you start. And let me

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just say thanks for having me.
I can't believe I'm on this podcast with

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the two of you and not with
Cretia. I can't believe it. She

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would make so much mincemeat of you. You're crying by the end of this.

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We're saving you, We're saving you
from humiliation. I'm a huge fan

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of the podcast. I listened to
it all the time, so it's a

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real pleasure for me to be on. Okay, so why natural rights?

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Why why should we be concerned about
natural rights? Well? Two reasons.

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The first is that natural rights our
claims of justice. I mean, we

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might actually have them, and if
we do have a natural right to religious

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liberty, the subject of my book, then it's a matter of justice that

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that right be protected. So we're
because we're interested in the injustice. We're

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interested in the truth of our natural
freedoms and our rights and responsibilities to one

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another. So because we're concerned with
justice, we should think about natural rights

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and the arguments for them. The
second reason, at least this is part

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of the argument of my book,
is because the First Amendment protects the free

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exercise of religion, and we need
to interpret that to what is the protection

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that the First Amendment offers, And
the argument of the book is that that

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text is underdetermined. There's not a
clear original meaning. When the Founders talked

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about religious liberty, they talked about
it as a natural right. So if

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we want to understand the founder's conception
of religious liberty, the philosophical conception that

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animated the First Amendment, we need
to so to actually do constitutional law,

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we need to understand the founder's philosophy
of natural rights, or at least a

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natural right of religious liberty. Yeah, okay, yeah, I know it's

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in your book that you you go, you go very carefully through the language

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that's used that actually so you know, we had a one of our favorite

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more liberal learning professor's comment on you
today here at Berkeley, and one things

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he said was he understands the argument
that we deduce from nature the idea of

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rights, and he says that I
think the way put it was that mode

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of thinking is now a minority for
you today. I thought, I think

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that's accurate, and that's part of
the problem, right, I mean,

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is it possible to anchor a coherent
doctor and religious liberty in the absence of

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deducing the nature of human beings and
the rights from nature. Yeah? Yeah,

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So I give a lecture earlier today
at the law school here in Berkeley,

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and the commentator, Professor ferber who
suggested that, you know, we

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don't really think in terms of natural
rights anymore, and he's right about that.

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We don't think in terms about natur
ights. People talk about human rights,

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and i'm natural rights of these we
can tell what a human is,

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but never mind. Yeah, yeah, but again, natural rights is just

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the way the Founders talked about justice. We still talk about justice, right,

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So if we're interested in justice,
this is a way to approach that

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question. The Founders believe that there
are inherent qualities about human nature, specifically

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about the way we ought to worship
God, that is, with in freedom,

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in conviction and conscience. That is
the warship that is properly given the

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way we have been constituted, the
way we as free and rational beings.

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Any warship deserving of the term warship
must be freely given right, and they

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got that from thinking about human nature, and therefore the state ought not coerce

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people. So you could say,
yeah, well, we don't think in

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those terms anymore. Well, actually
I think we still do. You know,

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I actually don't think Professor Furbs right, We do think, well,

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what is a human being? And
what's owed to a human being on account

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of their human nature? We think
of those terms all the time. We

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just don't use the founder's language of
natural rights. To me, broaden out

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the scope a little bit before John
drags us down to the rabbit holes at

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various cases and stupid doctrines and balancing
tests and or, as I like to

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say, the lemon test is certainly
a lemon, But how do you reward

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it is? Now? You mentioned
we talk a lot about justice these days,

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But of course my observation is it's
now always, as I call it,

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hyphenated justice, social justice, racial, environmental justice. I've even heard

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spatial justice. I'm not quite sure
exactly what the heck that means, but

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I've seen the term used by ostensibly
serious people. So there's two things to

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sort out here. One is this
is the justice of certain willfulness or client

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group claims. On the other hand, and here's where I want to ask

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you to make a distinction and think
you're talking to undergraduates now as opposed to

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necessarily law students. On the other
hand, we did have different categories of

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justice and Aristotle there's distributive justice,
which is different from redistributive justice today.

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But that's a distinction that or and
then it was what there's community of justice,

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corrective justice. By the way,
I have found what I have told

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students that Aristotle had these four definitions. They write it down the rise again.

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They they've never heard this before.
How do we bring back those?

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First of all, how do we
bring back fundamental thinking about justice without hyphens

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and contrasting it with the grounding of
Aristotle's qualifications of the idea? Yeah,

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well that's that's a big question.
But let me You asked me to talk

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about how I would talk about these
things with my undergraduates. UM, start

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from simple things. Um, is
it wrong to punish someone for the way

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they pray? Right? Yeah?
You know, should we find someone or

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imprison them because they pray incorrectly or
to the wrong god, or in a

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way that we think is improper.
Would you actually imprison someone for praying wrong.

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And I think most most of my
students, not all, since a

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few of them have been influenced by
the integrals, but most of my students

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would say, yeah, I know, we shouldn't fine or imprison people for

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praying. Well, that's a claim
of justice. Yeah. So, I

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mean, I don't know where that
fits in Aristotle's categories exactly. Um,

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but we think in these terms all
that all the time today, and there's

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some things that government should do right, And this is in contradistinction maybe from

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Aristotle. We actually believe in limited
government. Conservatives confuse limited government with small

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government. Small government is just lower
taxes and things like a government doing less.

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Limited government is the idea. No, there are certain things that it's

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not legitimate for government to do.
And if you ask what is the root

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of limited government, why can't government
do certain things? And the historical answer

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and the philosophical answer, it's because
of religion. Government can't. Government has

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no jurisdiction. It's not proper for
government to tell us how to pray.

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We the people never gave government that
authority. We the people never gave government

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that authority because we have higher duties
than to the state. We have pre

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existing duties that pre exist the state
to worship according to conscience. These are

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matters of justice. And then when
we go back, well, why are't

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we worship that way? Because of
human nature? So, even though we're

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not used to the the categories of
natural rights or natural law anymore, we

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think in these terms actually all the
time. Yeah, I want to ask

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you about conscience, but just a
brief digression question. So I'm just thinking

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about the contrast between students as a
general matter here at Berkeley and at Notre

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Dame. Now, so, I
mean, there are lots of jokes about

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gosh, Notre Dame. Nice of
someone put a nice little Catholic college here,

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But I mean I do get the
essence from Afar that students there,

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even the ones who are not Catholics, at least recognize the legacy of the

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place have some respect for it.
So I'm asking about the character of your

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students. Do they tell me about
your students? Yeah? No, No,

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Notre Dame. Actually there's more intellectual
diversity at Notre Dame than any other

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institution I've been part of. I
mean this is in terms of religion.

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I mean, look, many of
the students not certainly not all our Catholic

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but you have the full spectrum of
Catholicism there. You still have pro life

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democrats who think, you know,
and you have Catholic Marxists, you know,

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only at Notre Dame. These people
don't exist on the on the coasts

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anymore. You know, very conservative
Catholics. You actually now have a handful

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of Intergralists, so right, but
also political diversity. This is broad about

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in part because there's a lot of
conservatives at Notre Dame. But it's by

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no means a conservative place. Most
of the faculty are liberal. But there's

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actually real intellectual diversity, and that's
quite good. There's believers, there's nonbelievers.

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There's people who are very serious about
their faith. There are people who

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are not serious about the faith.
And that makes actually for a better university.

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Yeah. The reason that the reason
I brought that up is get back

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to the conscience thing more specifically,
is now, let's take the First Amendment

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in the round and not just the
religion clause. Well, I sometimes hear

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from especially progressive undergraduates at Berkeley is
well, the first and men men,

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I mean it was written two hundred
and forty years ago, or whatever by

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you know, white men who owned
slaves, and and and but today we

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have hate speech today, and and
you know, and any speech is literal

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violence, never mind any of the
sense or nonsense of that. What I

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was trying to bring up with students, and they've never heard this argument before,

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is what's the core of the First
Amendments. Remember, it's not one

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thing, it's at least three,
three or four things. Ones we're done,

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but it's freedom of religion, second, freedom of speech, and the

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third is freedom of assembly. And
then right the petition is sort of fits

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some other ones. But the point
is, what is the principle that unites

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those three, And it's freedom of
conscience, freedom of think for yourself.

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Freedom of conscious isn't worth very much
if you can't say what you think,

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if you can't worship God as your
conscience directs you to, if you can't

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meet and get together with other people
who have the same view as you do,

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and that slows up students. And
so that's the logic of it,

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and the principle it doesn't matter when
that was written. The shaga is that

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it was only written two hundred and
forty years ago. It should have been

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written two thousand years ago, and
certain ways it is that. Never mind

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that, But the point is is
that this is a very recent thing,

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and you know, don't give up
on it just because you're mad at hate

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speech or something like that. And
anyway, and not to mention, you

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can't have a thriving democracy right,
right without freedom of speech and assembly and

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conscience. Right. I mean that
these are necessary prerequisites to actually have a

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democracy that works. But now here
is a I'm not sure if this is

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a difficult. I haven't mastered your
book because it's quite overpowering, I have

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to say, for someone who has
been out of the field for such a

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long time, if I was ever
in it in the first place. You

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talk about how the rights of conscience
for religious purposes is an inailable right.

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It's not one unlike your right to
property that can be qualified by government regulation

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and so forth. And I think
anyone with half a brain would say government

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can never regulate your conscience. Getting
back to the point we were just talking

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about, even though lots of people
are now kind of you know, the

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thought police, we talk about,
right, and so where am I going

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with all this? The difficulty would
be and Professor Farber brought up. We

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have a problem with actual cases about
whether something represents a genuinely sincere religious belief,

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or whether it is a pretext for
avoiding the draft, for wanting to

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smoke pot, for all kinds of
other things that you can claim I'm a

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minister of the First Life Universalist Church
or one of these kinds of things,

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and that seems correct to me.
But at the same time, you have

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a narrow I think there's actor to
say, a narrow reading of the what's

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become the exceptions. Yeah, so
talk a little about that and then John

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can sort both of us out.
Okay, So you're pointing us to the

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free exercise clause, and as the
free exercise clause afford a constitutional right or

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grant a constitutional right to religious believers
and religious institutions to exemptions from otherwise valid

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laws, a Quaker being an exempt
from the draft law because they're a religious

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pacifist. I talked about the example
of Amish of parents who would draw the

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kids from school in violation of mandatory
school attendance laws. Because I just interrupt

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you right there, because as I
recalled, I think you say in your

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book the exemptions we give to Quakers
is what's the right way of putting this.

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It's not a matter of fundamental right, it's more of it comes closer

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to the old understanding of an indulgence
legislative grace. So okay, no,

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no, that's work carrying on.
Okay no no, So so we have

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good I'm glad you added that.
So we have. Is there a constitutional

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right to an exemptions? The short
answer of my book is no, there's

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not a constitutional right to exemptions.
Can we give legislative exemptions? So the

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Quakers might have a constitutional right to
not fight, but we can say,

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look, you can wash dishes or
prepare food. You'll be lousy soldiers anyway

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we will. You know, we're
not gonna make you fight for whatever reason

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we the community to determine. So
my argument is that you could have legislative

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exemptions. In fact, you see
examples of legislative exemptions at the Founding Air,

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but not a constitutional right to exemptions, because there's no natural right to

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be exempt from otherwise valid laws.
I mean. And that's maybe the radical

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aspect of the book or the counterintuitive
part as argument in my book, The

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count intuitive argument is that the free
exercise clause is deep but narrow, when

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it protects you, It protects you
categorically. But you don't have a general

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right to be religious. People don't
have a general right to not comply with

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laws that they feel are burdensome.
It turns out the First Amendment is much

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more republican than we understand. Republican
and small art meaning the founders set up

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a republican government govern the people,
determine the laws, and the people have

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to follow the laws. There are
a few things that the people can do.

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We can't legislate how you pray.
We can't punish you for the ways

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you pray. But the people can
make all sorts of laws and everyone is

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supposed to follow them. Yeah,
the First Amendment is far less libertarian than

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we think, and the founders were
far natural rights theories, far more republican

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than we think. Okay, that
means it's far more democratic. We can

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do all sorts that we can aid
religion, we can restrain religion in all

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sorts of ways. That it's up
to the people, through their elective representatives,

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to decide what fosters the common good. Yeah. Well, so you

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describe in your book that a lot
of the recent cases have said, you

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know, Smith versus employment division.
The famous parody Smoky case is that how

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does the phrase go when the government
has a compelling state interest in a narrowly

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tailored This is the common language with
so many court cases. I hate that

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language. I've always want to invoke
my Second Amendment rights whenever I hear a

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compelling state interest because modern progressive government, as you know, has no shortage

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of things they find compelling state interests. Right, And so that that language

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just gives me the hebe gebs?
Can I can I pause you here because

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there's and I'm gonna try to tell
you why it does give here the hebe

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gbs a word I've never used before, and it's a technical legal trade.

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Yeah, yeah, And why you're
Claremont instincts are exactly right. They're attuned

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to this. So the whole idea
of compelling state interests least restrict of me

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a script strict scrutiny, is a
product of progressive constitutionalism, right, And

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it's the idea that no, we
don't have natural rights, we only have

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evolving rights. So how do rights
evolve? What's the mechanism? Well,

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rights evolved from the judiciary, right, and so rights are no longer categorical

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so judges may make new rights and
they may take rights away, and the

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way they implement in evolving constitutionalism,
one of the mechanisms is the mechanism of

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strict scrutiny. Right, So your
categorical right Congress shall making a law prohibiting

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the free exercise of religion, becomes
a conditional right actually to toleration. You

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may prohibit you may practice your religion. You have a right to practice your

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religion unless we the government, have
a good reason to not let you practice

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your religions. And then what is
a compelling state interest is the mechanism of

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evolution. So there's a whole philosophical
shift in the nature of rights that's captured

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in strict scrutiny. Conservatives use strict
scrutiny all the time, but it's a

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product really of the sixties, and
it's a product of progressive constitutionalism, and

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it's opposed to natural rights constitutionals.
Yeah, so we're actually heed agreement here

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because I wish our guys, to
the extent we can call them our guys,

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would use different language. It would
be helpful even if you're getting the

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same result. I think I can
say more about that, but John here

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looks like you're done texting your book. I actually don't read the compelling state

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interests tests the same or strict scrutiny
the same way, because I think it's

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not really a product of progressivism.
I think actually today's progressives hate it because

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you know, as you know,
one of laws fail the strict scrutiny test,

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and this term it may come to
a one hundred percent because the Supreme

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Court may well stripe down racial diversity
and college emissions, which is really the

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only major exception to strict scrutiny except
wartime and when we let the government do

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all kinds of things. So that's
one thing is to me, when I

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hear something is covered by strict scrutiny
tests, that means it gets the highest

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protection that the courts give to any
kind of right. And that's what religious

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liberty. You know, that cludes
religious liberty. But that that brings me

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to my question, and Phil,
we've are you about it before, which

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is to me, what seems odd
about your argument non terms of the original

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understanding of whether religious liberty is a
constitutional right, but how people should today

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should protect it. So the Bill
of Rights has a long list of rights,

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right and according to your argument,
it's okay if judges protect all those

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other rights, which they do,
but they should provide protection to religious liberty

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rights by granting exceptions, which is
a very common thing for them to do

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for all the other rights like free
speech and all these So the weird to

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me these perverse outcome is that the
most important rights in your system get the

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least protection from our legal system.
That makes that I would think it would

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be the reverse. Yeah, yeah, no, I understand what you're saying.

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But the dispute between us is actually
not if they get a lot of

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protection or a little protection, It
is what is the what is protected right?

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In your question presumes that the right
of free exercise is protects any religiously

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motivated behavior. But that's what I'm
denying that there is just because something is

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religiously motivated doesn't qualify it for free
exercise clause protection that the founders had a

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notion of. There's some things that
are by their nature religious exercises, and

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government can't prohibit those, And then
that's categorical. It's not the government can't

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prohibit it unless they have a compelling
state interest. Right, it's a categorical

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protection. That's what I mean by
deep but narrow. So the First Amendment

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wasn't designed to protect religious people to
live in any way they want it.

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The First Amendment. The purpose of
the First Amendment was to say to government,

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you can't proscribe or prescribe forms of
worship. There's actually much narrow or

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purpose free speech. By the way, it's the same thing. A proper

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inter nation of free speech would be
relatively narrow. The certain things government can't

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do, it can do all sorts
of things. Um, so it's not

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just religious free exercise that'd be narrow. I think more generally, what's constitutionally

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prescribed from the Founder's natural rights perspective
would be much narrower. Right, There'd

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be much less work to do.
Judiciary would do much less work. This

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is what I mean by they're much
more republican. Well, this is this

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is good this comparison to the free
speech clause, because I was trying to

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figure out because I would I think
you would assume the Founders think free freedom

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of speeches on an equal par with
freedom of religion. You know, Steve

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just said, you know they're all
linked together as a freedom of conscience.

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So would we be able to live
in a world where we applied your approach

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to the religion clauses to the speech
clause. You know, yeah, sure,

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sure, that would mean it would
just be much more republican, much

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more democratic. So but it would
also mean like so you would say the

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court, the court should say,
okay, there's a certain kind of very

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clear thing which is speech. Like
crazy person in front of Sprout Plaza here

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at Berkeley Campus getting up and denouncing
whatever he wants, or well, the

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person we were talking about a lunch
crazy man from Minneapolis who got confused was

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going to the Vikings game, got
way laid on January six, ended up

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at the capitol instead by mistake.
Because you know, you have a right

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to demonstrate protests, speak right,
so you think that's then you would say,

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then judges should say, there's other
kinds of things which today we might

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think of speech aren't which aren't really
speech. We've made a mistake to include

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in a free speech and that stuff
gets no protection. Right, that's your

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view about religion, that takes I
meant so the thing I would ask you

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is how do you know what the
line is between what speech and what really

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isn't speech? Because that's key for
you. Right, it's either you get

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your it's very black and white.
You get full protection or you get zero

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protection. So everything that's criticals,
what is speech or what is religious exercise?

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Yeah, that's right, that's a
helpfulay to look at it. So

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I think it's helpful this reason from
easier cases and than go to art cases.

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So is new dancing speech. So
the speech court thinks yes, yeah,

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you say, now do you how
do you know that? Because they

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change they change speech into expression.
Yeah, conduct, which you would say

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speech speeches speech. Right. Um, let me get one other distinction.

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Um, I think it is informing
all this I will be helpful. And

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this is about the nature of natural
rights, including speech, including religious free

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exercise. And let me use the
example of Libel when we talk when lawyers

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talk about libel, when the Supreme
Court talks about Libel, they say,

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well, libel is an exception to
the free speech protections. Right, But

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that's a misunderstanding. Libel makes no
part of the understanding of the natural right

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of free speech. All natural rights
have natural limits. Right in religion,

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your right or religious free exercise.
The limits of that are the natural law.

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The limits of the natural right of
free speech are the natural law.

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You don't have a right to harm
someone else. Libel is saying false things

359
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about someone that damages the reputation.
You don't have a free speech right to

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libel someone. So the right of
free speech and the right of religious free

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exercise are in their nature bounded.
They're limited. See I agree with But

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this is how it is a progressive
I can see now why you say,

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oh, all this legal stuff is
progressive, because you know, the lawyer

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would say, the reason why we
give protection to these expressive conduct and we

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give protection to religiously motivated behavior is
because we are not confident we can draw

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the line and say this is real
religion and no more, or this is

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this is speech and extends no farther. So you know, the strict scrutiny

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testings like that, they actually give
more protection to a broader class of conduct

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because that way, judges and lawyers
don't have to draw these boxes about what's

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really speech, what's not really spencerul, what's religion, what's not really religion?

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So let me ask you, would
you rather have judges doing that?

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Would you be confident in a judiciary
of the twenty first century saying this is

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religion, and this is not this
is speech. And this for example,

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can't big contributions not speech. Government
can regulate them, which has the effect

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of screwing over conservatives, left or
you. Usually when you let the judges

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have this kind of power, I
think conservatives get screwed. Well, yes,

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I mean that's true. But you
know, look, if if what's

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the role of the judiciary. The
role of the judiciary, right at least

379
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originalists would say, would be to
uncover the original meaning. So you uncover

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the original meaning of speech. Congress
can make no law prohibiting the free ex

381
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sides of religion or prohibiting the right
of free speech. You've got to determine

382
00:29:10.880 --> 00:29:14.599
what's in that and Congress can make
no law. And if it's in that

383
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box, Congress can't make a law. Not Congress can't make law unless there's

384
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a good reason compelling state interests.
Congress can't make a law. And if

385
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something's not protected, then it's turned
over to the people through the ordinary channels

386
00:29:26.119 --> 00:29:30.279
of democratic representation, separation powers,
et cetera, et cetera. It's it's

387
00:29:30.279 --> 00:29:37.039
a it's I actually think you have
you have your larger point is, but

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judges will mess us up in their
definitions and their jurists as judges will either

389
00:29:41.920 --> 00:29:45.200
not be good judges or they'll misinterpret
things. And won't that be bad?

390
00:29:45.319 --> 00:29:47.799
Well, yes, it will be
bad. I mean judges have been screwing

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00:29:47.880 --> 00:29:56.440
up the Constitution for one hundred and
fifty years. Um it's maybe yeah,

392
00:29:56.559 --> 00:30:02.680
yeah, yeah, yeah, um
okay yeah. Judges make mistakes all the

393
00:30:02.720 --> 00:30:04.799
time. I mean, the doctrine
of originalism is supposed to give us a

394
00:30:04.799 --> 00:30:11.599
framework by which to evaluate those decisions. This is why I think this appeal.

395
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I understand why this appeals to you
and my Claremont friends, you and

396
00:30:15.319 --> 00:30:22.160
Lucretia, and there are many many
followers in the world. But this is

397
00:30:22.200 --> 00:30:26.000
why I think it may not work
for most other people, which is you

398
00:30:26.160 --> 00:30:33.440
have that confidence that judges, professors, government leaders, Ronda Santis can make

399
00:30:33.519 --> 00:30:38.119
these decisions because you believe there's a
philosophy natural law which provides the answers.

400
00:30:40.000 --> 00:30:45.480
So the issue with that is,
what if most Americans today don't believe in

401
00:30:45.559 --> 00:30:49.039
natural rights at all? Do you
have to actually think natural rights are true

402
00:30:49.200 --> 00:30:56.799
today to be able to agree with
you or is it just sufficient to say

403
00:30:56.160 --> 00:31:00.559
I think the guys who wrote the
Constitution believed in natural rights, and so

404
00:31:02.240 --> 00:31:04.519
it's just a matter of us right
going back and trying to give force to

405
00:31:04.559 --> 00:31:08.440
their choice, because I think if
it's the former, then I'm not sure

406
00:31:08.480 --> 00:31:14.039
whether you have a ground to say
that you must follow the natural right definition

407
00:31:14.200 --> 00:31:18.240
of religion or speech. Now,
because I would bet the majority or great

408
00:31:18.240 --> 00:31:22.359
majority of Americans, if you gave
them the different philosophical schools, they're probably

409
00:31:22.440 --> 00:31:27.160
Rawsians. Now well maybe, I
mean I think the majority of Americans would

410
00:31:27.200 --> 00:31:32.759
have no idea what you're talking about. So and if they did understand it,

411
00:31:32.799 --> 00:31:34.319
I don't think they'd be it.
Actually, maybe the majority of French

412
00:31:34.319 --> 00:31:40.359
are Rawlesians, but not Americans.
Um, let me turn it around on

413
00:31:40.440 --> 00:31:44.599
you first. I'll answer your question
Majoria, but your argument, if I'm

414
00:31:44.680 --> 00:31:48.119
understanding right as well, you're you
require a lot of judges. They have

415
00:31:48.160 --> 00:31:52.519
to determine what everybody. Yeah,
but as opposed to what, um,

416
00:31:52.559 --> 00:32:00.000
what's a compelling state interest? Well, we trust judges toories for those nationals.

417
00:32:00.160 --> 00:32:01.799
Yeah, we have category. We
have categories there. I mean,

418
00:32:01.839 --> 00:32:07.640
that's stuffs all make believe. What
we would say is judges deciding the least

419
00:32:07.680 --> 00:32:14.160
restrictive means. This is a philosophers
like you two and lawyers. Is you

420
00:32:14.200 --> 00:32:19.119
would say it's made up because it
does not proceed from a logically created a

421
00:32:19.200 --> 00:32:22.079
system of moral belief, where we
would say that's just experience. We've had

422
00:32:22.160 --> 00:32:25.799
so many cases. These are the
only things we have as human being,

423
00:32:25.839 --> 00:32:30.359
seeing tens of thousands of repeated cases, are willing to allow to override religion

424
00:32:30.759 --> 00:32:36.079
or speech. So you're telling me
that's how Justice Powell determined diversity was a

425
00:32:36.119 --> 00:32:39.359
compelling state of interesting history of He's
just making stuff up. No, No,

426
00:32:39.359 --> 00:32:45.519
it's just like it's it's their experience. That's the lawyer you're saying.

427
00:32:45.519 --> 00:32:50.160
They're making stuff angle American common law, just seeing lots and lots of cases,

428
00:32:50.240 --> 00:32:53.680
and that's what they feel. The
lot of the smarter judges and the

429
00:32:53.680 --> 00:33:01.480
bulk of the lawyers feel believe.
I'm gonna put my my my I'm put

430
00:33:01.480 --> 00:33:05.839
my bet on natural rights compared to
that, Yeah, yeah, yeah yeah.

431
00:33:06.160 --> 00:33:07.839
I WASNA. What he said is
we do. But what you're saying,

432
00:33:08.319 --> 00:33:12.240
I want to rely on natural rights
being true. I wanted to up

433
00:33:12.279 --> 00:33:15.319
and say yes, let's go home. Yeah, look, but does this

434
00:33:15.480 --> 00:33:21.000
require for you to be right that
people today? Okay, No, that's

435
00:33:21.000 --> 00:33:23.359
a that's a good question, and
the question that's they're the ones who set

436
00:33:23.400 --> 00:33:28.480
what are moral, what's permissible morally, or you're just saying no, no

437
00:33:28.559 --> 00:33:31.279
matter, It doesn't matter what they
think, because natural rights is just correct.

438
00:33:31.519 --> 00:33:36.480
Yeah, it's a better system.
I'm more true than any other system

439
00:33:36.519 --> 00:33:39.359
of philosophy, And doesn't matter what
the Democrats, you know, the majority

440
00:33:39.359 --> 00:33:42.839
of people to Yeah. So I
address this in my book, and I

441
00:33:42.880 --> 00:33:45.079
do it in this way. So
if I understand your question, do we

442
00:33:45.119 --> 00:33:47.640
actually have to believe in natural rights? Are sufficient to say, well,

443
00:33:47.680 --> 00:33:51.839
the Founders believed in natural rights,
and we're applying the Founders Constitution, I'd

444
00:33:51.839 --> 00:33:53.279
say for purposes of law, you
could say, well, this is the

445
00:33:53.279 --> 00:34:00.000
original Constitution, the natural rights framework, and therefore we adjudge apply it because

446
00:34:00.079 --> 00:34:02.440
that's the original meaning, and we
have a judicial duty to apply the original

447
00:34:02.440 --> 00:34:06.279
meaning. I think that would be
sufficient. But in a larger sense,

448
00:34:06.319 --> 00:34:09.800
I don't think that's sufficient at some
point in time, and maybe this is

449
00:34:09.840 --> 00:34:14.760
not the role of the judge,
but it's the role of the citizen to

450
00:34:14.840 --> 00:34:19.320
evaluate do we have a good constitution? Is it worth is it worth preserving

451
00:34:19.360 --> 00:34:23.639
the original meaning? Right? I
actually think we have to address that question

452
00:34:23.719 --> 00:34:28.000
that originalists, at some point in
time have to say, no, the

453
00:34:28.000 --> 00:34:34.000
original meaning of the Constitution is good
and just and therefore is worth preserving only

454
00:34:34.039 --> 00:34:38.199
because the original Constitution is good and
just and ultimately it's gonna So ultimately,

455
00:34:38.199 --> 00:34:44.400
the originalism requires a philosophical defense.
And so in the book, I try

456
00:34:44.440 --> 00:34:47.239
to present the history saying this is
the original meaning. Natural rights is the

457
00:34:47.239 --> 00:34:52.480
original meaning. But I have a
chapter on why the Founders believed religious liberty

458
00:34:52.599 --> 00:34:58.119
was an inalienable natural right, and
I try to present their philosophical and theological

459
00:34:58.360 --> 00:35:02.199
reasoning. And I include that chapter
because at the end of the day,

460
00:35:02.280 --> 00:35:06.000
we have to make an argument.
Originals have to make an argument that the

461
00:35:06.039 --> 00:35:12.119
Constitution is actually good. I actually
so. I do think that's a necessary

462
00:35:12.239 --> 00:35:15.480
argument that has to be made to
citizens. Now, the original Constitution,

463
00:35:15.039 --> 00:35:17.800
I would say, it was not
perfect, but in many ways it's good.

464
00:35:19.199 --> 00:35:22.559
Here are the reasons why that doesn't
It's not just philosophy, talked about

465
00:35:22.599 --> 00:35:25.960
experience as well. I think we
have to make that argument. And if

466
00:35:27.000 --> 00:35:30.639
we can't make that argument, you
can't really defend the original Constitution. Parchment

467
00:35:30.639 --> 00:35:36.360
barriers are insufficient. Yeah, all
right, I just have to double down

468
00:35:36.360 --> 00:35:38.320
on compelling state interest for a moment, because it's just bugging me. The

469
00:35:38.519 --> 00:35:44.840
single most compelling state interests is what
national defense? National security your favorite domain.

470
00:35:45.280 --> 00:35:47.119
But the thing is, how many
thousands of years have we talked about

471
00:35:47.199 --> 00:35:52.320
the priority of national defense and self
preservation without ever using the phrase compelling state

472
00:35:52.360 --> 00:35:54.679
interest? Just get rid of that. Okay, that was just a rant.

473
00:35:55.400 --> 00:35:59.800
I have two last questions are both
pretty broad, but you just teed

474
00:35:59.840 --> 00:36:02.559
up the first one, which is
constitution is a lot perfect. I like

475
00:36:02.599 --> 00:36:07.159
a joke. That's better than the
government we've got. But but but in

476
00:36:07.159 --> 00:36:10.880
your book, well seriously, your
book, you do go into debates about

477
00:36:10.880 --> 00:36:15.039
the language of religious liberty and very
state constitutions as well as the First Amendment.

478
00:36:15.400 --> 00:36:21.280
You talk in interesting ways about the
debates in the first Congress about what

479
00:36:21.320 --> 00:36:23.679
they can legislate, especially in respect
of the Quakers. I think that came

480
00:36:23.760 --> 00:36:30.880
up in Congress and so that that
peculiar language of the establishment clauses Congress will

481
00:36:30.880 --> 00:36:37.320
make no law respecting an establishment of
religion and people. Often what is respecting

482
00:36:37.599 --> 00:36:40.119
is that what does that mean?
And some of the debate is does that

483
00:36:40.159 --> 00:36:46.039
mean Congress can't pass the law affecting
or you're regulating a religious Okay, here's

484
00:36:46.079 --> 00:36:52.000
the question of that background. If
you had plenty potentiary power, how would

485
00:36:52.039 --> 00:36:53.760
you rewrite the First Amendment, or
at least the first clause of the First

486
00:36:53.760 --> 00:37:00.280
Amendment? Oh yeah, well that's
chapter seven of the book. Yeah,

487
00:37:00.360 --> 00:37:02.480
yeah, I can see, we
can see how fire stay where I got

488
00:37:02.519 --> 00:37:08.920
it in that book? Yeah?
Chapter six? Yeah? Um, then

489
00:37:09.039 --> 00:37:12.480
so I give what I call it? Now? Can I can I see?

490
00:37:12.559 --> 00:37:15.000
Please steve a little bit? Which
is I fire call that chapter your

491
00:37:15.000 --> 00:37:19.639
book is? What would you do
to make it clearer? But this is

492
00:37:19.679 --> 00:37:22.599
a different question. It's just like
what do you think you could say?

493
00:37:22.599 --> 00:37:24.880
Oh, I actually think religious rights
should be broader? Then what's in the

494
00:37:24.920 --> 00:37:29.159
First Amomment? Oh yeah, yeah, yeah, no, no, yes,

495
00:37:29.320 --> 00:37:36.079
yeah, So the positive question chapters
are banned words word anyway. Sorry,

496
00:37:36.119 --> 00:37:38.679
So whatever you keep saying clean air
at clean air, that's worse.

497
00:37:39.599 --> 00:37:45.760
Let the let the listeners email in. Let's worse positivism or a clean act.

498
00:37:46.400 --> 00:37:50.559
All right? So three three thoughts
here. The verse thought is in

499
00:37:50.639 --> 00:37:54.960
chapter seven, I try to present
a natural rights construction of the First Amendment

500
00:37:55.280 --> 00:38:01.039
the religion closets. So if we
take the founders natural rights m philosophy seriously

501
00:38:01.199 --> 00:38:05.719
and apply it to the first moment
of religion clauses. This is what we

502
00:38:05.800 --> 00:38:10.199
get, and it's a jurisdictional approach. It's very limited. This is somewhat

503
00:38:10.239 --> 00:38:15.199
surprising to me. I didn't set
out to. I followed the evidence where

504
00:38:15.199 --> 00:38:16.440
it led, I think, I
mean, and it's that there are a

505
00:38:16.440 --> 00:38:22.440
few things that Congress and withincorporation the
states couldn't do. UM. But really,

506
00:38:22.519 --> 00:38:25.960
as I said before, the natural
rights approach is far more republican,

507
00:38:27.039 --> 00:38:31.079
far less libertarian than than we think. I means, are really republican.

508
00:38:31.159 --> 00:38:37.320
Different which is, do you personally
think, yeah, should have protected religious

509
00:38:37.400 --> 00:38:40.199
motivated behavior. Yeah, yeah,
so that's written a broader protection, yeah,

510
00:38:40.239 --> 00:38:45.239
I think so. In chapter eight
I try to give an account of

511
00:38:45.519 --> 00:38:49.559
what I think are the strengths and
weaknesses of the natural rights approach. So

512
00:38:49.599 --> 00:38:52.239
the book is not simply a defense
of the natural rights approach. It really

513
00:38:52.239 --> 00:38:53.880
is the presentation of the natural rights
approach. And then at the end I

514
00:38:53.880 --> 00:38:55.559
try to say, well, here
are what I think are some of the

515
00:38:55.599 --> 00:39:00.519
strengths and weaknesses. Um. One
of the weaknesses, and this is an

516
00:39:00.519 --> 00:39:05.760
indirect way to get to John's question
is does it make sense to have a

517
00:39:05.880 --> 00:39:10.559
natural rights interpretation of the free exercise
clause if we don't have a natural rights

518
00:39:10.599 --> 00:39:17.679
interpretation of all the other provisions of
the Constitution. And that's a serious criticism

519
00:39:17.840 --> 00:39:22.559
of not only a natural rights approach, but you know, does originalism make

520
00:39:22.639 --> 00:39:28.079
sense for only the First Amendment but
not for the commerce clause or separation of

521
00:39:28.079 --> 00:39:31.000
powers more generally? I mean the
constitution was a coherent whole. I think

522
00:39:31.039 --> 00:39:36.920
there's a coherent whole natural rights constitution. But when you chip away at the

523
00:39:37.000 --> 00:39:40.440
natural rights approach in all sorts of
places, is it then coherent? Only

524
00:39:40.480 --> 00:39:45.519
do natural rights in some provisions and
not others? And I think that's a

525
00:39:45.599 --> 00:39:51.320
real difficulty and a real challenge,
right, it's not just natural rights.

526
00:39:51.440 --> 00:39:55.119
People say same thing about originalism.
Yeah, just apply originalism to separation of

527
00:39:55.159 --> 00:40:00.719
powers, but they don't apply to
the right. So many of the problems

528
00:40:01.280 --> 00:40:07.400
we have today that that religious people
feel that, wait, we're not being

529
00:40:07.400 --> 00:40:13.880
treated fairly and we need a vehicle
by which to protect what we know are

530
00:40:14.000 --> 00:40:17.960
our rights, and they use the
free exercise clause. A lot of those

531
00:40:19.199 --> 00:40:25.960
interests would have been protected under more
more robust protection of property rights or narrower

532
00:40:27.000 --> 00:40:31.239
federal government, narrower federal government,
more robust separation powers. Exactly right.

533
00:40:31.280 --> 00:40:38.480
And so one of the criticisms I
would make of my own book is this

534
00:40:38.599 --> 00:40:42.880
might be right. You might have
I would say to myself, you are

535
00:40:42.960 --> 00:40:46.280
right about the original meaning at the
free exercise clause. But doesn't make sense

536
00:40:46.320 --> 00:40:51.599
for a judge today only to apply
the original meaning to the free exercise clause

537
00:40:51.800 --> 00:40:54.519
without applying the original meaning to everything
else. Well, that teas up my

538
00:40:54.760 --> 00:40:57.880
sorry, were you no? No? No, go ahead? That tea's

539
00:40:57.880 --> 00:41:00.719
at my last question, Although I
have to say, uh, we would

540
00:41:00.719 --> 00:41:04.920
if you kid Richard Epstein that his
version of the Bill of Rights would simply

541
00:41:05.039 --> 00:41:09.639
begin an end. Congress shall make
no law, period and yours it sounds

542
00:41:09.679 --> 00:41:14.360
like to produce it. The one
one article or one amendment would be actually

543
00:41:14.360 --> 00:41:16.960
we really mean this? Okay.
Yeah, So that brings an the big

544
00:41:17.039 --> 00:41:21.800
question, and that is I'd like
to say, these days we now live

545
00:41:21.880 --> 00:41:25.039
in an age of what I'm calling
Baskin and Robbin's originalism. They're at least

546
00:41:25.159 --> 00:41:30.760
thirty one flavors of it. So
you can answer whatever version of this you'd

547
00:41:30.800 --> 00:41:36.159
like. When a sort of an
interested citizen, interest intelligent, curious citizen

548
00:41:36.199 --> 00:41:38.480
comes to you and says, what's
all this originalism about? I'm confused,

549
00:41:38.519 --> 00:41:43.599
I'm lost. How do you explain
it to them? And part being if

550
00:41:43.599 --> 00:41:47.320
you want to do this one instead
of or an addition to where do you

551
00:41:47.360 --> 00:41:52.639
come down in various camps, if
if you actually think you find one that

552
00:41:52.679 --> 00:41:54.599
you like, or if you're like
me right now, I'm like, I'm

553
00:41:54.599 --> 00:41:58.880
like, I'm kind of dizzy.
Yeah, yeah, yeah. So there's

554
00:41:58.920 --> 00:42:05.559
original intent, there's original public meaning, originalism, there's textualism. I mean,

555
00:42:05.599 --> 00:42:07.000
I try to coin a term.
I don't think it's going anywhere of

556
00:42:07.039 --> 00:42:13.960
design originalism, which I kind of
like, Uh, let me plug one

557
00:42:14.000 --> 00:42:16.599
of my colleagues for the lawyers listening, Uh, Sam Bray has a wonderful

558
00:42:16.719 --> 00:42:21.360
article on the mischief rule. And
this is an old you know, this

559
00:42:21.480 --> 00:42:28.280
is Burke and others and Blackstone talk
about, um, if you want to

560
00:42:28.280 --> 00:42:30.159
try to understand the law, including
the constitutional provision, you know, what

561
00:42:30.320 --> 00:42:37.280
is the mischief that the lawmakers were
trying to solve remedy? And I think

562
00:42:37.320 --> 00:42:43.119
that's a actually a really common sensical
way about doing originalism or doing jurisprudence.

563
00:42:43.400 --> 00:42:46.280
You know, what was the original
problem that was trying to be remedied,

564
00:42:46.760 --> 00:42:51.679
and that would lead us to the
reason of the law or the purpose of

565
00:42:51.719 --> 00:42:55.400
the law. Usually, I think
we should be able to find that in

566
00:42:55.440 --> 00:43:00.320
the text public meaning, the original
public meaning. Um, sometimes that meaning

567
00:43:00.360 --> 00:43:05.960
is unclear and the meaning is actually
revealed by the original intentions of the law

568
00:43:06.119 --> 00:43:10.440
givers. Not always, but often
so. I'd actually i'd like the term

569
00:43:10.519 --> 00:43:15.119
design originalism because I want us to
ask what was this law designed to do?

570
00:43:16.159 --> 00:43:20.239
And that that gets to the I
think that all that purpose. We

571
00:43:20.360 --> 00:43:22.719
have a word for that. Yeah. Purpose, Yeah, that's right,

572
00:43:22.800 --> 00:43:25.400
Yeah, what is the purpose of
the law? Yeah? That is one

573
00:43:25.400 --> 00:43:31.519
of the most outrageously expansive doctrines for
liberals. They love purposes. It can

574
00:43:31.559 --> 00:43:35.840
be abused. But all these doctrines
can be abused. I mean, I

575
00:43:35.920 --> 00:43:39.480
think I agree that these doctrines can
be abused. Um, it turns out

576
00:43:39.519 --> 00:43:45.400
the administration of the law is actually
really important. You know, that judicial

577
00:43:45.519 --> 00:43:52.280
character is really important. No method
is going to prohibit the mischiefs that are

578
00:43:52.320 --> 00:43:55.760
willing, Um, someone who wants
to change the meaning of the Constitution.

579
00:43:55.800 --> 00:44:00.320
There's no method that's full proof against
that. Yeah, or or as the

580
00:44:00.320 --> 00:44:05.800
absolutely. Lucretia likes to say the
vigilance of the people is the final and

581
00:44:05.920 --> 00:44:08.599
most essential remedy, and the people
have to understand their rights, including their

582
00:44:08.679 --> 00:44:12.920
natural rights, and that's part of
what I'm trying to do. So okay,

583
00:44:13.559 --> 00:44:19.639
just make observation as Actually, even
though Phil is a conservative and he's

584
00:44:19.719 --> 00:44:22.679
hold up in Notre Dame, which
is almost like exiling yourself from all the

585
00:44:22.719 --> 00:44:29.320
ills of the world, he has
great faith in the political process and ultimately

586
00:44:29.360 --> 00:44:34.199
in the good judgment of the average
American. He's very anti elitist in a

587
00:44:34.239 --> 00:44:37.079
way. I did not realize this
until we had this conversation. He doesn't

588
00:44:37.079 --> 00:44:40.119
want judges and lawyers and politicians to
be responsible for this. He thinks that

589
00:44:40.480 --> 00:44:45.920
the American people, acting through the
normal democratic process, will make sure that

590
00:44:45.000 --> 00:44:50.920
the right lines are observed. I
don't know how any reasonable person who has

591
00:44:50.960 --> 00:44:54.159
it, who's spent a lot of
time with faculty members, would come to

592
00:44:54.199 --> 00:44:59.840
any other judgment that. Yeah,
I was gonna say earlier when you were

593
00:44:59.840 --> 00:45:02.280
say in this John props to again
this Gosh in the background, I'm hearing

594
00:45:02.280 --> 00:45:08.679
the ghost of Wilmore Kimball. I
don't know about that. That's that's one

595
00:45:08.800 --> 00:45:13.599
step too far. All right,
all right, we won't take that step

596
00:45:13.639 --> 00:45:15.400
today. But thanks Bill. This
has been fun. Graduate. You know,

597
00:45:15.400 --> 00:45:20.920
I had one I said I had
three thoughts and three were but that

598
00:45:21.119 --> 00:45:27.519
podcast is over only million minies criticizing
professors, and then the podcast over says

599
00:45:27.559 --> 00:45:29.400
no way to have three more points
down, No, no, no,

600
00:45:29.480 --> 00:45:30.719
I said earlier, I said I
had three thoughts. I only got out

601
00:45:30.719 --> 00:45:35.599
too. The third thought was and
this will be obvious to all the listeners.

602
00:45:36.280 --> 00:45:39.480
Um, I'm such a poor substitute
for lacretia. Like I'm sorry,

603
00:45:39.559 --> 00:45:43.920
I feel I want to apologize to
the listeners. You know, I'm sorry

604
00:45:43.960 --> 00:45:46.079
she's not here. Sorry that you
had to listen to me. This is

605
00:45:46.119 --> 00:45:50.480
the first podcast in months, if
not years, where no one cursed it.

606
00:45:50.599 --> 00:46:00.320
Steve could be true. Yeah,
yeah, that's the last was always

607
00:46:00.840 --> 00:46:01.679
Well, that's a good place to
add. That will make her happy,

608
00:46:01.760 --> 00:46:05.800
and she'll just have to comment in
the in the comment threat. Okay,

609
00:46:05.840 --> 00:46:42.159
Thanks Phil, Thanks Washing and Washing, Advil, the Pressure, King of

610
00:46:42.519 --> 00:46:59.960
the People, and Ricochet joined the
conversation.

