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We're back with another edition of the
Federalist Radio Hour. I'm Emily Trishnski,

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culture editor here at the Federalist.
As always, you can email the show

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at radio at the Federalist dot com, follow us on Twitter at fdr LST.

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Make sure to subscribe wherever you download
your podcasts as well. Co hosting

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today is Christopher Bedford, executive or
executive editor over at the Common Sense Society,

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and our guest is the one and
only so rub Amari, a very

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busy man these days because he is
the author of the wonderful new book Tyranny,

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Inc. How Power, How Private
Power. I'm reading the Chris just

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opened the book for me so that
I can read the subheading how Private Power

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Crushed American Liberty and what to do
about it? So Rob, the book

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is fantastic. Thanks so much for
joining the show. It's good to be

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back. Yeah, asolutely, So
sorry. This is this is kind of

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part of a long evolution that you've
had over the years, from more to

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the man of the left, to
think of self described Marxists at one point,

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to a man of the Catholic faith, through neo conservatism at one point,

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and kind of now but through through
your magazine compact, trying to find

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a new kind of realignment in American
politics between socially conservative values American nationalism,

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but also really caring for those who
seem to have been left behind with the

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economic experiments of the last thirty forty
years. I guess, unless I'm mischaracterizing

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that, then correct me. But
if not, then walk us through kind

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of the journey that brought you from
where you were to where you are now.

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Yeah. I mean when I when
I was a college student, I

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was on the on the hard left. It's you know, because I've written

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a memoir, my nastiest critics like
used that against me. So they're like,

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oh, use at this and at
that. But if you look at

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a lot of people's intellectual development,
having a kind of socialist phase in college,

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it's a it's a pretty it's not
an exotic thing. It's a pretty

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mundane thing, you know. And
since then, I became two things at

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once. I became more of a
conventional small c conservative, you know.

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I went to work. My first
job out of law school was not to

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be a lawyer, blessedly, was
to work for the Wall Street Journal editorial

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page, which is sort of the
bastion of let's say, Paul Ryan ideology.

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Right, it's a conservatism that's pretty
queasy about even touching cultural issues.

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You know, it's all about lowering
the marginal tax rate and foreign policy hawkism,

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honestly. And so that was my
entree to the conservative world was through

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that end of the of the right
kind of establishment, right. And then

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you know, alongside that, I
became a Roman Catholic, and as I

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became more Roman Catholic, I also
that just happened to be around the time

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of the Trump phenomenon, and so
I became more populist friendly because the more

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I tried, the more it seemed
to me that that kind of Paul Ryan

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attempts to blend the Catholic faith with
basically kind of market fundamentalism. That was

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an unstable synthesis that the Church is
thinking on economic affairs is more complex.

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It is not obviously socialists, and
the Church is pretty resolutely opposed to that,

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but it's thought market fundamentalist either.
It emphasizes solidarity, it emphasizes kind

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of the economics rights of people to
live in the basic conditions of human flourishing

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that people need. It does support
labor unions, in the nineteenth century,

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Pope Leo the Our Teams wrote a
famous encyclical Rareum Novarum, which set off

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the sort of modern Catholic social teaching
tradition, in which he recognized that as

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a result of the Industrial Revolution,
this vast disparity in power had emerged between

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working people and their employers in most
industries, and so he supported the idea

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of working people banding together to try
to collectively bargain. So anyway, I

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mean, that's that's really the evolution. It's not nearly as kind of haphazard

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and frequent as my worst enemies make
it sound like. You know, I

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became a Catholic, and the underlying
kind of political economic philosophy of tyranny ink,

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even if I don't constantly refer to
it, is that Catholic vision of

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markets are fine. Markets are good, They have their place. They can

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be pretty useful at allocating goods and
services efficiently and capital for sure. But

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markets aren't the be all, end
all, and sometimes markets can be abused,

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and they can be they can bear
down pretty hard on ordinary people,

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and in those cases, you know, there's a political responsibility to address that.

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So that's the evolution. I think
it's it has far greater inner integrity

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if you're if you're willing to view
it charitably and not abuse the fact that

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I've written a memoir, you know, as some people do to be like

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ah, he changes his mind.
You've just always been a bleeding heart.

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You've always been someone who feels for
the people. Whether it's I mean,

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all those things kind of fit into
that, someone who's concerned. And also

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it's I think it's okay to be
reactionary in some ways. I've gone through

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most of my life reacting to things. That's that's true, go ahead song,

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No, that's it. And I
also, I mean it just the

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idea that you know, you would
have the same opinions about, you know,

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taxes, free trade, or any
issue, no matter what the evidence

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of history and the daily headlines present
to you. That to me seems like

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a more foolish posture to take than
you know, being willing to look at

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certain things and change your mind.
Like I definitely was cheering the post nine

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eleven Wars when I was at the
Wall Street Journal, But in my defense,

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I was in my twenties, mid
twenties and late twenties compared to some

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others, but we had to look
at the outcome, and they turned out

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pretty terribly. We wasted trillions of
dollars, ten thousands of American lives,

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blood and treasure, and of course
all the devastation brought over there, and

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what we got for it was,
you know, Iranian domination of Iraq,

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statelessness in the Middle East, and
civil wars and a migrant crisis in Europe.

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You got to change your mind if
you if you're honest, I think

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I think you've just done an admirable
job knocking down the strawman. A lot

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of people build to attack you so
rob especially when you made your point about

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about markets, which I think if
people read you charitably in good faith,

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is obviously there. But the question
I wanted to ask about the title of

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the book, I was actually surprised
that in the subhead you use the word

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liberty, because as you're mentioning Paul
Ryan kind of going hearkening back to the

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era of Paul Ryan, sort of
that wing maybe people would call a fusionist

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of the conservative movement, constantly trotting
out the word liberty and then using it,

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I would say for or even sometimes
dressing it in this justice of the

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church or in the context of the
church. But what is your definition of

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liberty as opposed to tyranny if those
two things are sort of in contrast,

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but then also just liberty on its
own as well. Yeah, I mean,

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that's that's a huge and big question. But we could start with the

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definition that I don't mean to keep
picking on him, but he's he's a

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good punching bag. I'm sorry.
Paul Ryan would say that liberty is basically

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the absence of coercion or restraints,
and mainly what he means by that is

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governmental restraints and give governmental coercion.
So yeah, I mean, I think

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someone like Paul Ryan would say that
liberty means the absence of undue restraints,

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the absence of coercion, and he
would mainly describe coercion as you know,

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what government does to us. The
thesis of the book, and here I'll

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get to my definition of liberty,
is that the thesis of the book is

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that coercion is not limited to the
public sector, that you can also be

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coerced and sometimes unjustly coerced in the
private economy. In fact, it happens

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all the time, And that the
American tradition in a broader sense used to

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have a clear sense of this,
whether you look at the founding generation talking

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about the dangers of faction, of
how economic faction can contour or distort our

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democratic and republic small r republican ideals, or whether you look at the Jacksonians

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with their anxieties about the power of
the Second Bank of the United States being

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a private entity that would restrain the
kind of popular democratic liberties of the people,

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and so on and so forth.
And in restraining people's freedom in the

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private sector or in the coercion that
we face in the marketplace or in the

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workplace, what happens often is that
our actual liberty to be able to achieve

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human flourishing is vitiated. And so
that's my definition of liberty is that the

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ability to be free to pursue human
flourishing, and that requires you, for

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example, to be able to make
ends meet at a basic level. And

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what we have to day, for
example, is an economy in which half

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of fast food workers have to rely
on public welfare to make ends meet,

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and that actually subjects them to two
forms of coercion. The first is the

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fact that precisely because their hours and
wages are precarious that they don't have.

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They're basically at the mercy of the
employer, and they never have that sense

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of security of being able to live
through life knowing that if they go to

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work and work hard, they will
be able to make ends meet. But

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it does another thing because they're reliant
on public welfare, because we've built recently

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by getting rid of manufacturing and emphasizing
services so much that they need, like

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I said, half of their income
to make ends meet for the working poor

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has to come from public welfare.
So that also simultaneously subjects them to the

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whims of the welfare administrator as well. Right, the person who can say,

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oh, did you spend twelve dollars
on beer and cigarettes with your public

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money, with your with your welfare
funds. And so if you look at

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a person like that, and I'm
here, I'm talking about the lowest rungs

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of the labor market, they're squeezed
on both ends. They're at the mercy

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of the employer who doesn't pay them
enough, and they're at the mercy of

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the administrative state, which kind of
disciplines them for their daring to buy not

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you know, buying the wrong thing
with their welfare money. So and then

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meanwhile, you know, the liberty
of all of us as the rest of

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the tax as tax paying citizens,
is also violated by that, because when

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we allow employers to do precarious wages, cut dramatically cut the labor share of

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their out to social income, the
rest of us have to foot the bill

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through as taxpayers through welfare. So
in that sense, we we get to

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publicize, publicly take on the costs
of a low wage, precarious economy,

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and the private sector, or especially
large private employers, get to privatize the

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gains. Is that liberty? I
mean, is that not coercion? I

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think he would argue that it is. So I think it's just a matter

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of recognizing. And this is the
key point of the book, is that

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it is possible to be coerced in
the private economy, especially since the Industrial

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Revolution. And I'll just make this
one last kind of wonky economic history historical

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point and then I'll stop. But
that what is the kind of Paul Ryan

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libertarian or lesse Fair defense against the
idea that you can be coerced the market?

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Well, what they say is,
no, you can't, because the

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market is so full of all these
different actors, that you can always find

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a better deal elsewhere, so no
one actor can coerce you, because the

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price mechanism exists and everyone has to
compete, and that the existence of the

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price mechanism means that you can always
find a better deal elsewhere. And if

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any one actor tries to coerge you
or put one over you, that will

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ultimately sound their death melt, because
you the consumer or you the worker,

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whoever will find some other employer,
some other person to buy things from.

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That's econ one to one. And
that picture of the economy that they describe

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applies to certain industries today, namely
agriculture, and it certainly was the reality

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in the late eighteenth century when like
Adam Smith was writing before the rise of

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the Industrial Revolution. In that era
of like yeoman farmers and individual mechanics who

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own their tools, we really did
meet you at an arm's length. We

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transacted, but I could always walk
away from you, and there was a

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multiplicity of sellers and buyers on every
side of every market. That hasn't been

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the case since the mid nineteenth century. Since the mid nineteenth century because of

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the nature of the Industrial Revolution and
when most industries are characterized by factory and

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network effects. Like factory effects like
the enormous barriers to entry that are involved

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in starting a tire, manufacturers say
you can't have like a zillion small tire

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manufacturers tends toward concentration or network effects, where it makes more sense to have

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one railroad that serves two hundred towns
rather than each pair of towns having their

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own individual railroads. What would the
result of that is that most markets since

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the mid nineteenth century have been dominated
by like two or three actors, and

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so the idea that you can always
find a bit better deal elsewhere is kind

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of a mythology. In fact,
you know, most market in most situations

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like that which is called oligopoly,
it's not the same as monopoly. The

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few factors that exist they get to
more or less set their own prices,

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and so the price signal is no
longer this like perfect index of supply and

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demand or marginal productivity for wages.
It's just what big powerful actors get to

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say it is. And so my
argument is not that you can get rid

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of coercion entirely out of human society. That's impossible, but to recognize that

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market life can also be quite coercive, is all. Hey, y'all,

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this is Sarah Carter, investigative columnist
and host of The Sarah Carter Show.

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I remember during the vaccine mandate arguments, having to go getting the really serious

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arguments with a lot of governors and
chiefs of staff and senators about their unwillingness

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to tell private businesses that they were
not allowed to demand medical procedures to do

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business. They were saying that this
is violated, you know, the Ten

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Commandments. For Ronald Reagan. I
don't think that's true. They say things

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like, why don't just go to
another grocery store, and without any seeming

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knowledge of the fact that you know, if just visiting, if you go

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to Hillsdale, Michigan, if the
one grocery sources you need a vaccine to

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get in there, you have to
drift thirty miles to get to the next

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one. And that's not really an
option if your job kicks you out.

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And you know, my focus over
the last ten years or argument with libertarians,

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it's often been on the corporate on
like the Walmarts that come in that

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it's hard to tell if a town
gets worse when Walmart comes in, or

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if Walmart comes into dying towns,
but it certainly wipes out the main street

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businesses, the things that create middle
class there. It changes main street into

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a parking lot, sells sheep,
subsidized goods to American workers from foreign markets

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that we don't make anymore, and
a lot of their labor force or parts

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of their labor force, are and
their a lot of their customers are subsidized

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by food stamps to buy their crap
and buy welfare. But what's what interested

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me about your book is instead of
just going right after the walmarts and all

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these things, you really start with
the people. And it's not just kind

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of the conservative heroes of like the
working union who's working on the railroad or

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working in the factory. It's the
tech worker, the waitress, the folks

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from all different aspects of society seem
to be the stories are telling, and

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you know, not all of them
are really terribly awful, but a lot

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of them to show just the constant
pressures locking me through kind of your line

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of thinking is starting off with these
examples that are kind of every day things

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that we recognize every day, as
opposed to you know, what a lot

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of authors do, which just takes
something this is so unbelievably heinous, like

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this child who was pulled into a
machine can start with that. Yeah,

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I mean, I tried to give
a picture of how our political economy works

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or doesn't work, from the point
of view of a wide range of ordinary

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Americans. And as I've watched,
the Republican Party, first of all,

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gained enormous shares of working class people. This is undeniable. Trump won the

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highest marginal share of union households for
a Republican nominee since nineteen eighty four with

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Ronald Reagan, and then he consolidated
that group in twenty twenty and added to

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a working class people of color.
And so the Republican Party is trying to

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adjust to that, and I think
it's valuable. But as I watched this

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discourse, this kind of realignment discourse, I couldn't but help notice that the

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picture that the typical Republican politician or
operative has of who a working class person

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is is not wrong, but it's
kind of narrow slice. It's always a

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typical like either. In fact,
what they're talking about is not a working

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class person but a small business owner, like someone who owns his own roofing

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business, or it's like the burly
teamster, you know, the electrician,

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carpenter, et cetera. Which,
by the way, that's part of our

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that's definitely part of the working class. But there's many other people who are

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situated in our economy who are faced
this kind of coercion but don't fit that

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picture. So I do tell the
story of the service industry, which is

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enormous in our time. Now it's
about you know, it's something like attempt

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of the population works in the service
industry, or as you mentioned, there

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are employees in the tech sector who
you know, obviously certainly make more than

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the waitress that I mentioned, but
they still have a great degree of precarity

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where we all feel right that tomorrow
the carpet could be the rug could be

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pulled out from under your feet,
and your possibility of falling down into an

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abyss. Specifically, in those cases, I talk about how lopsided the employment

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agreements are, where again classical theory
says, oh, people meet and they

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can each walk away from an employment
agreement, so they have this kind of

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symmetrical power. In reality, you
know, you've already bought a house,

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you've already moved across the town or
the state or the country. You've uprooted

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your husband or wife, et cetera, et cetera. And you show up

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and they give you a fat pile
of documents. You're an at will employee,

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and you're supposed to agree to them. There's there's no real negotiation in

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realistically speaking, and you give away
like your right to the right to your

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own voice now your speaking voice,
your picture, your persona which can be

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licensed to commercial third parties, and
you have no right to sue those third

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parties if they, for example,
use your picture and doctored virtual pornography.

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You're supposed to give up the right
to kind of total surveillance of your online

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activities. This was a kind of
thing that educated You know professional class workers

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face and you know they're relative to
their employers, they can be just as

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vulnerable as as as kind of people
who work with their hands. I tell

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stories of accountants who whose wages were
underpaid but couldn't couldn't bring suit in a

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class action under the Fair Labor Standards
Act, which is a New Deal era

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law that guarantees you a minimum wage
and overtime protections. And it was because

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it's a new deal law. It
was specifically in encouraged. It was supposed

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to encourage collective action. But using
private arbitration, which is these kind of

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privatized courts which corporations typically can control, they more or less employers like Ernst

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and Young in this case can get
away with not paying wages that are legally

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owed. And because they force you
to go to this private arbitration chamber where

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it might cost you two hundred thousand
dollars to litigate your case individually, then

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you know you can't do that.
You can't, that's irrational. So you

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more or less give up on you
over time that was owed to you,

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and so on and so forth.
So the point of that, and again,

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I certainly do have blue collar workers
whose stories I tell, but I

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was just trying to give them more
realistic because I'm a man of the right

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and a lot of my readership is
conservative, give them more realistic picture of

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what the labor market today looks like, as opposed to kind of some of

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these romantic images that some on the
right have. No, that's so sure,

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it trist me crazy. And there's
something about the banal miseries of sort

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of middle class life in America that
are in some ways equally as disturbing as

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the kind of romantic miseries that conservatives
often lament of the coal miners or the

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truck drivers. So I also want
to ask you one of the things that

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got me really excited about this book
is an excerpt of it that American Compass

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published specifically on private equity and financialization, which is fascinating. And when I

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read your excerpt, I was like, conservative media should have had reporters on

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this beat for years. The conservative
movement should have had people studying this deeply

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and advocating on behalf of actual market
freedom for years. So tell us a

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little bit about as you were digging
into it for the book Tyranny, Inc.

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How you came to the conclusion that
you did on private equity sort of

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malign influence over the political economy.
Yeah. Well, I mean, the

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book, again is about private coercion, and so I obviously an enormous aspect

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of that today is the fact that
the Wall Street takeover of the real economy.

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What is the real economy. It's
where we you know, build stuff

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or offer services that are actually useful
to people in the sense that ordinary people

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can understand their usefulness. And you
know, most people's picture of American capitalism

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is that a corporation has a product. Let's say, you know, mister

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Bedford has come up with some new
you know, grill that uses ultra violet

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light or something like that, because
I know he likes grilling, and I

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like, I frequently find myself with
my mouth watering when I look at his

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Facebook feed. And he's come up
with this scientific role that does the perfect

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salmon in matter of thirty seconds or
something. And he goes to a bank

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or some other financial institution. He
borrows money in order to develop and then

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market this product and pay for the
workers required to manufacture it, etcetera,

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etcetera. He it proves a hit, as I'm sure it will, and

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so he makes a profit. He
has to pay taxes, he has to

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pay there's certain set costs that every
business has to pay. And after that,

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he returns some of his money to
the shareholders, the you know who

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lent him money and got equity in
return, or to the bank in the

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00:25:23,400 --> 00:25:26,440
form of interest, you know,
because they took a risk on his product

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and they deserve that, and that's
perfectly fair. But then he has enough

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money retains enough money to then reinvest
in the business. Because what happens to

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any business, it's capital depreciates,
it it's it's you know, it's workers

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leave the company. He has to
recruit new workers, he has to invest

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in research and development because competitors might
catch up, etcetera, etcetera. If

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you have that picture of American capitalism, it was an accurate picture roughly until

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you know, the nineteen eighties.
But as our friend or in casts documented,

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ever since the nineteen eighties, more
and more American corporations are literally sort

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of they're cannibalizing themselves because what they
do is they return one hundred percent of

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their profits after taxes, etcetera,
etcetera. They return them to Wall Street,

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to big finance. And this is
kind of the pressure that private equity

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and hedge fund puts because they have
this short termist mentality. So what does

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that do to the businesses? It
means they erode themselves. Businesses are eating

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away at themselves, and frequently that
means that business eventually collapse. And we

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know, for example, again thanks
to research by our friend or in cast,

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that you know, when private equity
owns a business, the likelihood of

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bankruptcy dramatically increases because they have this
kind of model of squeezing, squeezing cash,

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squeezing cash, squeezing cash out of
a business and then adding some more

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debt on top of until it collapses. Now their their mentality is, Okay,

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we own ten businesses, if nine
of them go bankrupt, but the

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00:27:07,279 --> 00:27:11,960
tenth one is a huge hit,
it's all awash, and we still walk

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00:27:11,000 --> 00:27:15,799
away quite you know, having made
nice profits. But the ordinary community or

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the ordinary worker can't do that.
You know, you can't take ten jobs

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00:27:18,880 --> 00:27:22,240
and hope that nine out of the
ten might bankrupt, but at least the

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00:27:22,319 --> 00:27:26,839
tenth one will be a success,
and it's a it's all awash. You

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00:27:26,839 --> 00:27:30,880
can only take one job, or
there's only the one big firm in the

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community. By the way, Tucker
talked about this a lot on his show,

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where hedge funds would take over perfectly
kind of profitable businesses and drive them

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to the ground. That's the only
game in talent. So now it's lost

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because it's been eroded by private equity. And then I tell the story.

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What you refer to is increasingly we're
privatizing emergency services and firefighting, which is

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bad enough because that's those are goods
that should be eminently common public goods.

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But then Wall Street takes over those
privatizing firms and does the same thing to

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them. It erodes them. It
doesn't invest enough so that you know,

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there's medicare fraud that happens as a
result of that, drug thefts, ambulances

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and firetrucks don't get there on time, etc. Etc. That's that's pretty

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atrocious and the worst part of it
is, and this is the real scoop

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00:28:22,960 --> 00:28:26,400
in the book, is that many
firefighters and emergency services workers in the public

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sector are actually capitalizing the privatization of
their own jobs because their pension plans invest

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in private equity and hedge funds that
are in the business of privatizing their jobs.

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So, in other words, by
every time they contribute to their pension

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plan, they're marginally working to destroy
their own livelihoods. These public servants that

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00:28:48,880 --> 00:28:52,279
you know, Republicans, Democrats,
we all honor right firefighters, EMTs,

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00:28:52,279 --> 00:28:56,720
police officers were supposed to honor them, and yet their own pension plans are

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sort of undermining their viability in the
long term. The watched Aolto on Wall

361
00:29:06,079 --> 00:29:10,759
Street podcast with Chris Markowski. Every
day Chris helps unpack the connection between politics

362
00:29:10,799 --> 00:29:12,920
and the economy and how it affects
your wallet. There's a method to the

363
00:29:12,960 --> 00:29:18,240
madness. Biden plans to ask Congress
for billions more dollars for another COVID vaccine.

364
00:29:18,359 --> 00:29:23,920
With more masks and vaccines, maybe
stimulus checks Americans wallets can survive another

365
00:29:25,000 --> 00:29:27,200
free money hand out. Whether it's
happening in DC or down on Wall Street,

366
00:29:27,200 --> 00:29:30,160
it's affecting you financially. Be informed. Check out the Watchdolt on Wall

367
00:29:30,160 --> 00:29:33,640
Street podcast with Chris Markowski on Apple, Spotify, or wherever you get your

368
00:29:33,640 --> 00:29:41,920
podcast. From the left, David
Saroda has been doing a ton of reporting

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00:29:41,960 --> 00:29:45,319
on that for years. But to
see it, I think laid out in

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00:29:45,440 --> 00:29:52,039
the context of conservative argumentation was I
just it was really really helpful, and

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00:29:52,200 --> 00:29:56,359
it made me think, Chris,
back to the sort of Obama era when

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the Great Recession happens and the republic
Party enthusiastically smugly nominates a private equity baron

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the presidential nominee. Mitt Romney and
George will were the voices of the moment,

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and there were a couple of people
out there saying, hold on a

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00:30:14,200 --> 00:30:18,440
second, maybe the same right.
Maybe maybe the tea party is actually not

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00:30:18,680 --> 00:30:22,960
just about putting Paul Ryan and Shark. Maybe the tea parties not just about

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00:30:23,720 --> 00:30:29,799
private protective private equity in the Wall
Street rents that we saw we used to

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00:30:29,839 --> 00:30:34,319
look at, sorry, the break
from private fire departments that would pillage your

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00:30:34,359 --> 00:30:38,960
home to public service. It was
like an e leap for civilization from early

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00:30:40,039 --> 00:30:44,480
New York City in Boston and other
Eastern cities to a more modern, civilized

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city that takes care of its residents. And those those things seem like they're

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00:30:48,559 --> 00:30:52,160
are easier to fix when when you
have people actually listening and paying attention,

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00:30:53,279 --> 00:30:56,680
it's kind of clear cut, like
there's not allowed to have private prisons anymore.

384
00:30:56,759 --> 00:31:00,119
I allowed to have private this,
But some of the problems you talk

385
00:31:00,119 --> 00:31:03,559
about your book seem more difficult.
I spent half of my life or so

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00:31:03,680 --> 00:31:11,079
fifteen years in the service industry as
a bartender, caterer, waiter, bouncer.

387
00:31:11,640 --> 00:31:15,720
And some of those jobs were hard. They're all hard, but some

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00:31:15,759 --> 00:31:22,440
of them were much more reasonable schedule, much more repetition than others, and

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00:31:22,480 --> 00:31:25,839
some of them were kind of ad
hoc. And so you talk about the

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00:31:25,880 --> 00:31:30,079
waitress and how she's being coerced because
she doesn't know what her shift's going to

391
00:31:30,119 --> 00:31:33,000
be. She has to balance that
with childcare. She can't work the great

392
00:31:33,039 --> 00:31:37,160
shifts because the expensive of getting someone
to take care of her child, et

393
00:31:37,240 --> 00:31:41,759
cetera. And this is the unpredictability
of it. But when when you look

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00:31:41,799 --> 00:31:44,960
at a restaurant tour, they're under
a lot of different pressures too. The

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00:31:45,000 --> 00:31:48,400
failure rates extremely high, and granted
that's exaggerated in my personal experience by the

396
00:31:48,480 --> 00:31:55,400
number of idiots and criminals who start
restaurants, but still it is very difficult

397
00:31:55,440 --> 00:31:57,319
to run a restaurant. They don't
know where the surgeres are going to be

398
00:31:57,440 --> 00:32:01,240
there, they have to cut.
They can't be thrown out through this leftover

399
00:32:01,960 --> 00:32:06,759
every extra waiter and a shift is
this money out and a lower and a

400
00:32:06,759 --> 00:32:10,759
low margin industry industry. So maybe
there are certain restaurants, for example,

401
00:32:10,759 --> 00:32:15,640
as opposed to others that can't cater
to that lifestyle. So where does the

402
00:32:15,680 --> 00:32:20,480
responsibility really end up? Following following
Some of these things just seem like the

403
00:32:20,519 --> 00:32:23,640
companies are in a protective state and
they're trying to guard themselves and they're not

404
00:32:23,680 --> 00:32:28,640
necessarily villains, but they're part of
the same system. Yeah, so let

405
00:32:28,720 --> 00:32:32,039
me give several answers to that.
I. First of all, I I

406
00:32:32,079 --> 00:32:37,519
think I totally get where you're coming
from. The first answer is that we

407
00:32:37,680 --> 00:32:46,680
used to have a restaurant and service
industry in which the burdens associated with periods

408
00:32:46,720 --> 00:32:52,960
of low demand was more equitably distributed
between employer and employee. Right, what

409
00:32:52,960 --> 00:32:55,599
we're talking about with this kind of
just in time scheduling where you know,

410
00:32:55,680 --> 00:32:59,880
workers only come in for like the
first opening two hours and then the cloak

411
00:33:00,000 --> 00:33:04,319
and it's called clopening shifts, the
first opening two hours and the last opening

412
00:33:04,440 --> 00:33:07,880
closing two hours. The idea is
that that those are the periods of high

413
00:33:07,960 --> 00:33:14,599
demand. These are all practices,
you know, giving vote workers like much

414
00:33:14,680 --> 00:33:17,039
less notice about what their schedule is
going to be, lots of cancelations,

415
00:33:17,079 --> 00:33:21,599
of shifts, last minute, et
cetera. These practices have grown in recent

416
00:33:21,680 --> 00:33:25,119
years. It wasn't always, It
wasn't ever thus right, these are there

417
00:33:25,200 --> 00:33:32,480
because what business is trying to do
is to shift all the costs associative periods

418
00:33:32,519 --> 00:33:37,400
of low demand onto the back of
workers. If you had an economy in

419
00:33:37,440 --> 00:33:40,920
which that was more equitably distributed,
you know, people get more regular schedules

420
00:33:40,920 --> 00:33:45,079
that are predictable, and yes there
are periods will come up where customers aren't

421
00:33:45,119 --> 00:33:49,920
showing up, and both employer and
employee take a hit, right because workers

422
00:33:49,960 --> 00:33:54,640
don't get tips or whatever and employer
doesn't get profits. So some of the

423
00:33:54,680 --> 00:34:00,480
practices can become quite extreme. And
it's not at your mom pop diner is

424
00:34:00,519 --> 00:34:04,960
typically you know, people who can
even afford algorithmic human resources of this kind

425
00:34:05,039 --> 00:34:08,719
are like you know, these kind
of not the super nice restaurants which pay

426
00:34:08,760 --> 00:34:13,519
their employees quite well often, you
know, like the fancy steakhouse, will

427
00:34:14,079 --> 00:34:17,920
the waitress there can easily make like
a really fat amount on just one night's

428
00:34:17,960 --> 00:34:22,239
tips. But and not like a
mom and pop diner was like yeah you're

429
00:34:22,239 --> 00:34:24,960
coming in Monday through Friday, blah
blah blah. But like the kind of

430
00:34:25,119 --> 00:34:30,880
chain corporate chains, which is where
you see these practices especially frequently, and

431
00:34:30,960 --> 00:34:36,920
so there that's genuinely unfair, and
I think we can have a fair distribution.

432
00:34:37,679 --> 00:34:39,000
Talk about private equity, you know, you know, these these firms

433
00:34:39,000 --> 00:34:44,280
took advantage of COVID relief, would
come people, you know, basically people

434
00:34:44,320 --> 00:34:47,159
who completely didn't need COVID relief got
COVID relief. But that's a different story.

435
00:34:47,239 --> 00:34:52,480
So we can we can, I
think, mitigate against some of these

436
00:34:52,480 --> 00:34:58,440
practices without without harming the most vulnerable
type of small business. The second point

437
00:34:58,480 --> 00:35:02,119
to make is not all of the
you know, I call for right raising

438
00:35:02,159 --> 00:35:09,159
up rates of unionization, and you
know, I think not not in,

439
00:35:09,199 --> 00:35:14,440
not in That's not true for every
industry. There are industries that are both

440
00:35:14,559 --> 00:35:19,920
very hard to unionize and where it's
just not practical. And in those places

441
00:35:20,000 --> 00:35:22,400
I would argue that a higher minimum
wage can do the job. And you

442
00:35:22,519 --> 00:35:27,360
say, well, okay, but
like you know, automation may come,

443
00:35:27,440 --> 00:35:31,840
et cetera. And I think we're
getting into like these macroeconomic speculative arguments.

444
00:35:31,880 --> 00:35:37,480
But if we have a generally high
wage economy that's based again on manufacturing,

445
00:35:37,320 --> 00:35:42,760
on sectors of the future, energy, et cetera, where the bulk of

446
00:35:43,079 --> 00:35:50,079
workers is earning enough, then as
you know in other places like service,

447
00:35:50,159 --> 00:35:53,440
you can have higher wages and the
economy will sort of it'll absorb the costs

448
00:35:53,440 --> 00:35:58,920
associated with higher wages. You know. In other words, even if the

449
00:35:59,719 --> 00:36:07,119
cost of a burger is higher because
of a higher minimum wage, it's okay

450
00:36:07,199 --> 00:36:13,159
because then the bulk of workers themselves
are earning even higher than that because they're

451
00:36:13,159 --> 00:36:16,440
now have you know, decent manufacturing
jobs, and so they're not you know,

452
00:36:17,440 --> 00:36:22,880
the two dollars more a more expensive
burger is not going to I mean,

453
00:36:22,920 --> 00:36:24,079
I live in New York City for
most of the year or much of

454
00:36:24,079 --> 00:36:29,000
the year, and as you know, it's like you used to be able

455
00:36:29,000 --> 00:36:30,360
to, even in New York City, used to be able to go out

456
00:36:30,400 --> 00:36:35,159
and have a meal for two at
a decent and I'm not talking about like

457
00:36:35,199 --> 00:36:39,239
a Michelin start at a decent of
Italian restaurant for under one hundred dollars.

458
00:36:39,719 --> 00:36:44,440
Now that's it's it's impossible. If
you, if any of you gets a

459
00:36:44,480 --> 00:36:49,400
single drink, it's it's going to
be over over one hundred and then easily

460
00:36:49,440 --> 00:36:54,360
into two hundred. Prices are unbelievable. Yeah. Well, and one question

461
00:36:54,400 --> 00:36:58,800
that I wanted to ask, and
I'm sure listeners have all kind of kinds

462
00:36:58,840 --> 00:37:01,480
of questions question through their mind,
but one thing that Christ brought up earlier

463
00:37:01,599 --> 00:37:06,159
was the vaccine mandates. And you
know, I think Adrian Vermuel fell on

464
00:37:06,199 --> 00:37:09,880
the other side from most of the
conservative movement on vaccine mandates, but it

465
00:37:09,920 --> 00:37:15,119
does bring this this question to the
forefront of when we haven't increasingly, I

466
00:37:15,159 --> 00:37:20,320
would say, like tyrannical government that
wants to surveil every breath you take,

467
00:37:20,400 --> 00:37:24,039
every thought you would have which made
me possible in the future, what is

468
00:37:24,679 --> 00:37:29,480
how is there? Like I think
about Twitter, for example, I think

469
00:37:29,519 --> 00:37:34,360
there's a real argument to like a
nationalizing Twitter as a public utility, treating

470
00:37:34,360 --> 00:37:37,239
it as you know, or treating
it as Clarence Thomas would say, a

471
00:37:37,239 --> 00:37:40,840
common carrier, railroads, telecom,
you know model that we have. But

472
00:37:40,920 --> 00:37:46,239
I also am incredibly hesitant to turn
over, you know, go from Elon

473
00:37:46,320 --> 00:37:51,880
Musker, Jack Dorsey to the Biden
administration and all of the bureaucrats that would

474
00:37:51,920 --> 00:37:57,199
staff you know, Trump administration unwittingly
or a de Santist administration unwittingly, just

475
00:37:57,280 --> 00:38:00,360
because they are the ones that have
been embedded as careers are given to a

476
00:38:00,480 --> 00:38:05,239
sella. They manage the all the
all the same jerks were on Twitter.

477
00:38:05,440 --> 00:38:09,360
Remember when Hunter Biden was on the
board of Hamtrack. So as conservators kind

478
00:38:09,400 --> 00:38:13,840
of think of balancing those two things. A government that seems sort of impenetrable

479
00:38:13,960 --> 00:38:17,559
because the bureaucracy has been has been
weaponized in anti democratic ways and then a

480
00:38:17,599 --> 00:38:23,159
private sector that seems anti democratic and
anti market as well, anti free market

481
00:38:23,159 --> 00:38:27,440
as well in so many ways.
How do people, how should people be

482
00:38:27,480 --> 00:38:30,000
thinking about balancing those two problems.
Yeah, that's a really good question.

483
00:38:30,039 --> 00:38:37,920
I mean, first of all,
you mentioned the common carrier doctrine and and

484
00:38:37,440 --> 00:38:42,280
justice Thomas's suggestion. I mean,
he's he's a kind of a throwaway line

485
00:38:42,280 --> 00:38:45,639
in a short I think the senting
opinion. Well, that's you know,

486
00:38:46,679 --> 00:38:50,920
that's a pretty good solution to the
problem of Twitter, because I don't I

487
00:38:50,920 --> 00:38:53,960
don't trust any oligarch, whether he
has my values or not on whatever issues,

488
00:38:54,639 --> 00:38:59,559
to not be kind of abusing the
power that they have over the democratic,

489
00:38:59,599 --> 00:39:02,079
digital, democratic public square. And
so you know, just like your

490
00:39:02,119 --> 00:39:07,559
phone company can't your phone company cannot
kick you off their service because of what

491
00:39:07,599 --> 00:39:09,840
you say on the phone, and
likewise, I think we're getting to the

492
00:39:09,840 --> 00:39:14,159
point where we have to do that
with social media and banking, because we

493
00:39:14,199 --> 00:39:17,360
saw with the truckers protests in Canada, We've seen it with the January sixth

494
00:39:17,360 --> 00:39:22,960
defendants where and we've seen it with
Nigel Farage in Britain where banks will de

495
00:39:23,119 --> 00:39:28,760
bank people get kicked them off the
off their services, which is devastating because

496
00:39:28,760 --> 00:39:31,159
we all need money. We can't
pay for everything in cash, and we

497
00:39:31,159 --> 00:39:35,239
don't want to keep our money under
our mattresses, and most of us don't,

498
00:39:35,599 --> 00:39:38,760
and so that kind of politicize the
personing of people, whether it's PayPal,

499
00:39:39,119 --> 00:39:46,079
whether it's a Coots bank in Britain
with Nigel Farage, or whether it's

500
00:39:47,360 --> 00:39:51,880
social media for Facebook, etc.
I think the easiest way to fix that

501
00:39:51,920 --> 00:39:55,519
this is not really empowering the administrative
state. It's just applying a common law

502
00:39:55,559 --> 00:40:00,239
doctrine called the common carrier doctrine,
which is it is like, you know,

503
00:40:00,360 --> 00:40:07,320
toll bridges, you know privately on
toll bridges can't not unreasonably discriminate against

504
00:40:07,360 --> 00:40:10,280
you. And in the same way, I think banks and social media should

505
00:40:10,280 --> 00:40:15,960
be regulated, but that's not necessarily
empowering the the administrative state. On the

506
00:40:16,039 --> 00:40:19,840
larger point of what to do about
the administrative state, I mean, I

507
00:40:19,840 --> 00:40:27,679
think, first of all, as
a minimum, I think, as you

508
00:40:27,719 --> 00:40:30,079
know, Emily, and you know, maybe some of your listeners were like,

509
00:40:31,159 --> 00:40:35,119
yeah, if this guy, I
can't stand anymore. But when I

510
00:40:35,159 --> 00:40:37,440
hear people say abolish the administrative state, I just can't. I can't help

511
00:40:37,480 --> 00:40:42,880
but roll my eyes because the reason
we have an administrative state is because the

512
00:40:43,719 --> 00:40:47,159
ever since the nineteenth century, we've
had a really large, complex economy and

513
00:40:47,239 --> 00:40:52,599
that's very hard to regulate, you
know, at the for Congress to make

514
00:40:52,719 --> 00:40:57,360
rules that are specific enough for rail, right what we need a rail We

515
00:40:57,440 --> 00:41:00,199
have a big, large rail network, and we need complex relations because it's

516
00:41:00,199 --> 00:41:06,360
a big complex issue. And so
this kind of fourth branch of the government

517
00:41:06,360 --> 00:41:08,599
has emerged to deal with that problem. And I just cannot come up with

518
00:41:08,599 --> 00:41:12,159
a better solution other than to say, you know, if you want to

519
00:41:12,159 --> 00:41:15,719
abolish the administrative state, I invite
you to take the first flight after the

520
00:41:15,760 --> 00:41:20,440
FAA is gone, or to eat
the first can you know, can of

521
00:41:20,559 --> 00:41:24,760
can beans after the FDA has been
abolished. I'm going to be wary of

522
00:41:24,840 --> 00:41:30,840
doing that. That said, you're
totally right that the administrative state can be

523
00:41:30,920 --> 00:41:34,840
quite undemocratic. It's not supposed to
be. You know, when they make

524
00:41:34,960 --> 00:41:37,760
rules, they're supposed to have public
hearings where or at public comment period where

525
00:41:37,760 --> 00:41:45,320
the various interested groups can we can
push back or discuss or contest the rulemaking.

526
00:41:45,760 --> 00:41:49,199
And of course it should it should
be responsible to the executive branch which

527
00:41:49,239 --> 00:41:52,639
is where these agencies get their power
from the person of the president. But

528
00:41:52,679 --> 00:41:57,599
as we know, especially when Republicans
are in office, basically the agencies have

529
00:41:57,719 --> 00:42:02,000
learned to resist the democratic will or
the will of the democratic collected politicians.

530
00:42:02,679 --> 00:42:07,599
I think the q can be exaggerated, but it's certainly a real problem.

531
00:42:07,679 --> 00:42:12,960
There are important reforms we can do
to avoid that. I mean, I

532
00:42:13,039 --> 00:42:16,079
you know, like making it easier
to fire admin agency officials so that they're

533
00:42:16,159 --> 00:42:21,400
a little bit more responsive to the
political will of the of the executive branch

534
00:42:21,400 --> 00:42:25,559
and specifically the person of the commander
in chief is something that various Republicans put

535
00:42:25,599 --> 00:42:29,679
forward, and I happily will sign
my name to that, but not to

536
00:42:29,920 --> 00:42:35,000
abolishing the administrative state, because that's
bonkers. Go ahead, sorry, so

537
00:42:35,440 --> 00:42:37,440
does that. I mean a lot
of those rules and make it so difficult

538
00:42:37,440 --> 00:42:42,280
to fire someone for sexual harassment,
for alcoholism, for not showing up at

539
00:42:42,320 --> 00:42:46,920
work, for or not alcoholism,
but for DUIs and stuff. Clean that

540
00:42:47,039 --> 00:42:51,679
up, like you know. But
those were carved out by the unions.

541
00:42:52,280 --> 00:42:55,440
My views of the public sector unions
are more complex. I'm very much for

542
00:42:57,000 --> 00:43:01,760
private sector unions. Public sector unions
are more complicated, especially when it's not.

543
00:43:02,360 --> 00:43:06,880
You know, sometimes people think public
sector unions and they forget that sometimes

544
00:43:06,880 --> 00:43:12,760
you're talking about SEIU operating an environment
in which it's organizing, you know,

545
00:43:12,880 --> 00:43:17,199
garbage collectors whose jobs have been privatized
or contracted out to a private entity,

546
00:43:20,119 --> 00:43:24,559
but they're still ultimately sort of public
employees right in these complex public private situations.

547
00:43:24,639 --> 00:43:29,199
And so in those situations, I'm
pretty supportive of public sector unions as

548
00:43:29,239 --> 00:43:32,639
well. But when you're talking about
federal government employees, I have, I

549
00:43:32,679 --> 00:43:36,519
have much more complicated thoughts. I'm
not I'm not about to say that they're

550
00:43:36,960 --> 00:43:40,679
they completely don't have a place,
because as an employer, the federal government

551
00:43:40,679 --> 00:43:45,880
can be coursive, just as it's
pretty coursive when it you know, enforces,

552
00:43:45,400 --> 00:43:49,800
Uh, there's all sorts of other
things, and so how the workers

553
00:43:49,800 --> 00:43:53,159
defend themselves against that. But I
agree with you that that, you know,

554
00:43:54,800 --> 00:44:00,920
giving public employees a complete carte blanche
is why it's one reason why the

555
00:44:00,960 --> 00:44:05,360
administrative state is connor and I support
that, you know, various reforms that

556
00:44:05,360 --> 00:44:09,719
are out there to make it easier
for the president to exert his will over

557
00:44:09,800 --> 00:44:15,880
the over these agencies. And then
so which one last point is you know,

558
00:44:15,599 --> 00:44:22,719
one way to disempower the administrative state
is just to empower people as in

559
00:44:22,800 --> 00:44:29,599
their other corporate forms of belonging.
Empower them as members of churches, empower

560
00:44:29,679 --> 00:44:35,679
them as members of you know,
local community clubs. Empower them as members

561
00:44:35,719 --> 00:44:40,559
of you know, the Rotary club
or whatever. And as in this one

562
00:44:40,599 --> 00:44:45,360
crucial sense, as neighbors of labor
unions, as workers with particular vocation,

563
00:44:46,000 --> 00:44:51,480
and they have their pride of their
work, their guild, their sort of

564
00:44:51,480 --> 00:44:55,400
belonging in that. And if you
raise up the power of these other forms

565
00:44:55,400 --> 00:45:02,599
of belonging and power, then you
but necessary by necessity, you sort of

566
00:45:02,599 --> 00:45:09,719
weaken both the large unaccountable employer and
the large unaccountable, you know, an

567
00:45:09,800 --> 00:45:13,960
administrator. It's hard to do.
I mean a lot of these clubs,

568
00:45:14,599 --> 00:45:20,880
the Elks Club, the I mean
they're sitting there, they're waiting forward members

569
00:45:20,960 --> 00:45:23,400
people would they would love to have
you join. I mean I could join

570
00:45:23,480 --> 00:45:27,679
the American Legion Club on Capitol Hill. I didn't. I didn't serve,

571
00:45:28,119 --> 00:45:30,079
but they're so hungry for members.
Maybe it's not the American Legion but the

572
00:45:30,159 --> 00:45:34,880
VFW nearby. They have a bar. They're excited. I love drinking at

573
00:45:34,880 --> 00:45:37,599
old elks clubs, cheap drinks,
wonderful stuff. So so this goes back

574
00:45:37,639 --> 00:45:42,199
to my point that the larger point
of the book is that we have an

575
00:45:42,199 --> 00:45:46,880
economy in which everyone is very harried, everyone is coerced, and it is

576
00:45:46,920 --> 00:45:52,000
not easy to make ends meet just
on one income, which is, you

577
00:45:52,039 --> 00:45:55,320
know, what the what most working
class Americans want. If you ask them

578
00:45:55,400 --> 00:46:00,760
what they want. They don't want
universal healthcare in the sense of pushing both

579
00:46:00,840 --> 00:46:02,760
land and wife to be always at
the at the service of the market.

580
00:46:04,119 --> 00:46:08,239
What they want is an economy in
which it suffices to have one income to

581
00:46:08,320 --> 00:46:10,880
make ends meet. And that's what
we used to have, you know,

582
00:46:12,000 --> 00:46:16,039
in this sort of new deal order
after nineteen forty five to roughly seventies and

583
00:46:16,079 --> 00:46:22,360
eighties. That's what the majority of
people want. Now you bring that up

584
00:46:22,400 --> 00:46:24,960
and some progressives will say, okay, well that's the return of patriarchy.

585
00:46:25,079 --> 00:46:29,000
Mom has to stay at home,
et cetera. Well, we know American

586
00:46:29,039 --> 00:46:31,840
families today are more complicated, and
there will be situations in which it's mom

587
00:46:31,960 --> 00:46:36,119
working and the guy who stays at
home. Maybe I don't know, but

588
00:46:36,519 --> 00:46:38,719
the point is that if you ask
the ordinary working last person, they want

589
00:46:38,800 --> 00:46:44,440
an economy in which that's possible,
and conservatives have a you know, I

590
00:46:44,480 --> 00:46:46,039
was on a different show with Emily
yesterday and she asked me, is this

591
00:46:46,920 --> 00:46:51,679
I can't remember where they put up
her shut up? Put up her shut

592
00:46:51,719 --> 00:46:52,400
up. Okay, I was going
to come up with a with a more

593
00:46:52,400 --> 00:46:59,440
obscene one involving a toilet getting off
the pot. But the point is that,

594
00:47:00,079 --> 00:47:04,639
know, that's what we need is
is Republicans. Yeah, Blake Masters

595
00:47:04,639 --> 00:47:07,159
said it. Of course his Senate
run wasn't successful, but he said,

596
00:47:07,199 --> 00:47:08,719
I want to work to weards an
economy in which that's possible. Again,

597
00:47:09,039 --> 00:47:12,920
and if that's that's the end goal, you work everything around it. It's

598
00:47:12,960 --> 00:47:15,559
not like unions for their own sake, or it's not like you know,

599
00:47:15,639 --> 00:47:20,000
the X y Z reform for its
own sake. It's because you have a

600
00:47:20,079 --> 00:47:22,760
vision that you promise the people,
and then you know, you work around

601
00:47:22,760 --> 00:47:25,559
it. You work with the economy
you have, You reform what you can,

602
00:47:25,679 --> 00:47:29,159
you could Joe what you can,
you build the coalitions. You can

603
00:47:29,679 --> 00:47:32,639
work with Senator Warren on x y
Z as Senator Vance is doing. But

604
00:47:32,719 --> 00:47:37,840
of course you don't work with her
on the weird culture stuff that you don't

605
00:47:37,840 --> 00:47:42,360
want to work with her on that
understand abortion for all. Yeah, of

606
00:47:42,360 --> 00:47:45,840
course we don't cooperate, but good
servits have to just have a vision.

607
00:47:45,960 --> 00:47:47,880
And so you know, I just
get to this all the time, and

608
00:47:47,920 --> 00:47:53,039
you guys are familiar with it.
But I just I feel like that's been

609
00:47:53,119 --> 00:47:58,880
lost. There was a kind of
cleer maga element that was and a crisply

610
00:47:59,000 --> 00:48:02,000
reformist vision, believe it or not, in the twenty sixteen campaign. But

611
00:48:02,079 --> 00:48:07,519
what I see the kind of conservative
populism today. It's all culture war.

612
00:48:07,599 --> 00:48:09,280
And I'm a culture warrior. I
mean I've thought some you know, you

613
00:48:09,320 --> 00:48:13,360
guys both know I've thought some culture
wars that I'm proud of that. You

614
00:48:13,360 --> 00:48:16,440
know, there's some weird stuff that
they want to shove down the throats of

615
00:48:16,440 --> 00:48:21,199
our kids, and I don't want
that. But not everything is a culture

616
00:48:21,239 --> 00:48:23,840
war. And that's all it gets
so frustrated. Like the Silicon Valley bank

617
00:48:23,880 --> 00:48:29,480
collapses, my favorite example. You
know, it's like, we have a

618
00:48:29,480 --> 00:48:34,519
complex banking issue in this country,
and actually the big banks are fairly well

619
00:48:34,559 --> 00:48:37,480
regulated now, small banks, you
know, they can't do too much damage.

620
00:48:37,719 --> 00:48:42,000
It's these weird regional banks like Silicon
Valley bank that can cause a lot

621
00:48:42,039 --> 00:48:45,400
of trouble for the economy. This
happens by an administration. Actually, I

622
00:48:45,400 --> 00:48:50,400
think response pretty effectively to their credit
and they do to clawbacks so that you

623
00:48:50,440 --> 00:48:53,599
know, or New Americans don't feel
like they're bailing out venture capital. But

624
00:48:54,480 --> 00:48:59,079
what is the response Republican response?
It's, oh, this it failed because

625
00:48:59,079 --> 00:49:02,960
it went woke. I'm sorry,
but you look up the board of Silicon

626
00:49:04,039 --> 00:49:07,360
Valley Bank and it's still majority are
overwhelming majority of white guys. What are

627
00:49:07,360 --> 00:49:10,599
you talking about? What those are
the leaders right beyond the white women.

628
00:49:12,400 --> 00:49:16,400
Yeah, because it's like, you
know, it's not not everything is this

629
00:49:16,519 --> 00:49:22,159
kind of easy culture war issue.
And I think if we can get beyond

630
00:49:22,239 --> 00:49:27,760
that and go back to sort of
offering a populous vision, it's out there

631
00:49:27,800 --> 00:49:32,480
for the taking because you know a
lot of American people are pretty frustrated with

632
00:49:32,480 --> 00:49:36,480
the economy. Well, speaking of
families, we know you have to go

633
00:49:36,599 --> 00:49:40,400
do some school pickups soon with the
book? Is Tyranny ink I sorr Amari,

634
00:49:42,519 --> 00:49:46,480
Founder and editor of Compact Magazine.
So where do you prefer people buy

635
00:49:46,480 --> 00:49:55,119
this book or does it make a
difference you honestly, yeah, I think

636
00:49:55,159 --> 00:49:59,599
if it's a well, go to
your local bookstore. That they'll never do

637
00:49:59,639 --> 00:50:04,280
that, So go on Amazon.
And Amazon is a target of this book's

638
00:50:04,320 --> 00:50:07,599
critique. Believe me, you know, I know you both have read it,

639
00:50:07,599 --> 00:50:12,119
and the opening starts with Amazon.
But if it means you'll buy it,

640
00:50:12,199 --> 00:50:15,800
buy it on Amazon, because that's
probably the fastest and easy. Love.

641
00:50:15,039 --> 00:50:17,039
No, no, no, actually, let me revise that. I

642
00:50:17,079 --> 00:50:22,639
think I think my publisher Pick and
Random House is does not want any one

643
00:50:22,679 --> 00:50:25,559
seller to be privileged, So I'll
just say buy it wherever good books are

644
00:50:25,559 --> 00:50:30,719
sold. Yeah, there you go. Well it is it's Light Compact.

645
00:50:30,760 --> 00:50:32,639
If you're not reading Compact, you
absolutely should be. But Light Compact Jurney

646
00:50:32,639 --> 00:50:37,119
Inc. Is a useful, provocative, and really beautiful contribution to the discourse.

647
00:50:37,159 --> 00:50:40,119
So so Rob, thank you very
very much for joining us on Federalist

648
00:50:40,199 --> 00:50:45,119
Radio Hours. In real guys,
thank you, thanks, you've been listening

649
00:50:45,199 --> 00:50:49,079
to another edition of the Federalist Radio
Hour. I'm Emilias Shensky, culture editor

650
00:50:49,119 --> 00:50:51,880
here at The Federalist. Will be
back soon with more. Until men get

651
00:50:52,039 --> 00:51:04,239
lovers of freedom and anxious for the
frame you work at, hold hold to the lond
