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We're back with another edition of the
Federalist Radio Hour. I'm Emilijasnski, culture

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editor here at the Federalist. As
always, you can email the show at

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radio at the Federalist dot com,
follow us on Twitter at fdr LST.

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Make sure to subscribe wherever you download
your podcasts as well. Today I'm excited

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to be joined by Chris Boulivan.
He's the director of the Social Capital Campaign

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and they are out with a really
interesting new report. It is called a

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Civil Society Celebrating Diversity of Opinion and
it comes to all kinds of different observations

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based on that. Chris, welcome
back to the show. Great, it's

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great, great to be back here. Thank you for having me back.

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Oh, of course, we'll talk
about social capital any day. That's the

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kind of the nerds we are here
at Federal's Radio Hour. But Chris,

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actually, social capital is like this, this fancy social science word for something

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super pragmatic that people feel every single
day in their lives, from the moment

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they wake up to the moment they
go to bed, and tell us,

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you know, obviously, Social Capital
Campaign does all kinds of work on social

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capital, but tell us specifically with
this report, what you're trying to do.

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I understand it's one of several reports
that you're rolling out right now.

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Yeah, that's right. So social
capital is the rich network of relationships that

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we experience in our lives. So
those are involved in our childhood, so

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parents and family and extended family in
the village that raises us or supports our

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parents, and then those professional and
personal relationships that we have across the life

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course. And we are doing five
reports, which is based on Senator Mike

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Lee's Social Capital project at the Joint
Economic Committee, where that they devised this

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framework which they were kind enough to
let us borrow by looking at family stability,

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which we published with Brad Wilcox,
family affordability which we did with Abbia

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McCloskey. We did a series of
essays around work and social capital, and

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with this one that we've just done, I wrote myself on civil society and

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that's meant to be looking at everything
that isn't family and it isn't work,

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Everything that we do in our lives
isn't the state. And our next report

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that will be coming out with will
be on youth investment and how to make

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sure that we are investing as much
social capital into young people as possible.

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And this isn't just you know,
diagnosing the problem. You also have a

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lot of solutions, some really really
interesting ones that I'm excited to talk about

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in the report. But if you
could tell us a little bit we were

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talking before the taping started here about
one of the things I found most interesting,

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and it's this is in the subheading
of one of the reports on civil

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society. The society is a strong
social capital can celebrate not only a diversity

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of backgrounds, but a diversity of
opinions too. That is so important for

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people to understand that, as John
Adam said, our constitution is one that

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was for a moral, religious people, meaning we can tolerate diversity of opinions

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on a widespread scale if we adhere
to the spirit of the First Amendment,

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if we all have a consensus position
on the First Amendment, and if we

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trust each other, and if we're
generally aimed towards some good. Can you

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tell us, Chris a little bit
about that argument. Yeah, of course.

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Well, I think we're all aware
of penalization that we live in and

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the hostility Americans have just as a
daily conversation it seems, or depending on

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what features a supermarket you go to
to get your groceries out, there's a

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there's a wholeso alignment different sorts of
identities that seemed to be seemingly a kind

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of hostile to one another, and
that polarization is something that's resulted from a

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decline in society wide trust. There's
three hundred and thirty million of us also

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living on this continent and the spread
of the United States, and there's no

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way that we're going to all be
able to get to meet each other.

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So we are, I guess,
as Brian Anson as it calls it,

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the imagine community of three hundred and
thirty million people, and it's a phenomenal

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project. You know, any advanced
democracy, but one of this size,

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it's a phenomenal project to try and
have that many people living together in a

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society. And one was sort of
you know, diverse backgrounds, but yeah,

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as you say, diverse opinion,
there's also like societies with strong stocks

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social capital trust with one another.
With these imagine people that we're never going

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to meet, allows a diversity of
opinion is a decline in society why trust

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That means that actually those groups aren't
allowed to those groups find it easier harder

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to coexist, right, right,
And you know you can actually trace the

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dissolution of civil society and the decline
of social capital in the United States to

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some of where the polarization starts to
become more acute. I want to ask

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it so about this or maybe do
you have where thoughts on that? Chris

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Well, yeah, I mean our
basic sort of like basic thesis as the

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campaign is that it is it is
social capital that creates trust. So the

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rich networking relationships that you have in
your family, and then the rich network

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of relationships that you have in your
wider community. The byproduct of those is

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the society why trust? As people
are able to be confident and secure and

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feel empowered and their own communities,
they just have a greater level of confidence

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and trust in others. So you
have this sort of, right, this

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mysterious byproduct of society, why trust, that is created by social capital.

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It's been the decline in families,
neighbling this attendance at church and what patna

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and causing in the decline of societies
and clubs that has led to an overall

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decline in that mysterious byproduct of society. Why trust? And then so all

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if you see a society or why, trust is the jello that holds that

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just the sheer variety of groups that
can exist in the United States together.

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It's the corrosion of that jello that
sort of exposes these different groups. And

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then different groups and look for other
sources of trust to attach to, and

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usually that's the could be partisans ship
or you know, any number of things.

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Go ahead, go ahead, Well
yeah, so I mean to prattle,

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I mean, as we as we
think about the evolution of societies,

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you know, and if they start
with clans and tribes, and then clans

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and tribes sort of either you know, war or compete with each other or

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they trade with each other, and
then they grow and as those at some

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point there's there's an element in which
they're not going to be able to see

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everybody in their clan. You move
beyond cousin marriage, and then you you

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you start trading and so you set
up contracts and things like that and imagining

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people that you're not going to meet. And then usually at some point those

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societies advanced to needing something beyond brute
force and sort of burning people at the

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stake to be able to sort of
coerce people together, and that's usually one

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religious belief, you know, one
church, one Lord, one faith under

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one king, or something like that. So that the American experiment, as

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with any of these sort of like
you know, advanced societies, is amazing

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because it's actually able to transcend even
then this idea of one coercive belief.

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And that's where we have this,
you know, concept of a separation of

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church and state. And you know, Thomas Jefferson was keen that in establishing

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a separation of church and state,
it wasn't to create a secular state.

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It was to create a diversity of
opinion and beliefs. Whether the state wasn't

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the priesthood adjudicating what you believe.
And so I think we're meant to have

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a hugely vibrant civil society with lots
of different ideas and lots of different phase.

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I mean Jefferson himself and there's back
in the day, wanted to create

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a society that you know, Mohammedan's
I think they called them back then.

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We called them assons now honestly,
and Hindus and a variety of it.

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It wasn't just about Protestants and Catholics. It was even back then about a

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multicultural belief system, so that the
idea basically and that is that there was

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meant to be a celebration of diversity
of opinion. No, I'm really glad

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we kept pushing on that question because
it obviously, I think when people look

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back on the dawn of the social
media age, just thinking about how it

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was pitched to us during for instance, the Arab Spring or the first Obama

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campaign, actually the second Obama campaign
as well. This was something that was

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going to shrink the globe in almost
at just an entirely positive ways. That's

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how Silicon Valley was thinking of it, That's how lawmakers here in Washington,

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DC we're thinking of it. But
Chris, obviously we all know now that's

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not how it worked out. How
has social media exacerbated or poured some salt

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on the wounds of social civil society
that we're already starting to we're already starting

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to hurt us. Yeah. Well, I think this, I mean,

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this is a huge point of discussion
because I think it's important to recognize as

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an array spectrum of social media or
anything digital, and then there's an array

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of what it does to civil society
obviously one of it. With the social

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media that like Twitter or Facebook,
the group's people together, and really what

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we have seen there actually isn't so
much. We have seen the elector introduced

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to each other in ways that we
would never have known before. So actually

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people are a lot less imagined and
we can suddenly see just how odd a

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lot of other people's opinions are,
how offensive they are to each other,

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to ourselves. So normally, brief
social media, we have highly choreographed presentation

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on television and then prior to that
radio but highly choreographed monolithic presentations of candidates

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and sort of like political positions and
with a very strong party discipline. But

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what we've seen with social media,
I guess and is a much greater atomization

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even at the candidate, but also
an electra there's been introduced to each other,

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so you can get quite graphic portrayals
of what people believe. You know,

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so normally you might see someone's bumper
sticker on that car or just you

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know, one of those little things
stuck in the lawn at the yard at

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the front of the house to get
some inclination of what your neighbor's political opinions

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are. But actually, I think
what social media has done at this has

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lifted a veil and we see not
only what's on the bumper sticker or the

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front of the lawn, but we
see kind of like the deepest thoughts as

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they go back into the house.
It's not just an election time that we

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see an opinion registered. It is
now all the time, and it's such

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an intimate portray that's actually I think
a little bit overwhelming. So I think

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in that sense, social media,
as Elon must says, it has a

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potential to be a public square,
but at the minute, it's just I

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think an overwhelming amount of complexity of
issues. And then obviously I think it

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breaks down constituency boundaries, right,
it does, doesn't it. So suddenly

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there's groups of people that may have
existed in pockets and sort of like connurbations

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here and they're suddenly we're having like
these huge mass blocks that with you know,

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that now understand each other or know
that they are there. So I

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think in that sense, social media
has a potential to play in social capital

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creation and as much as it allows
for political participation. But I think it's

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it's it's it's a technology very much
in its infancy, right, So I

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think regulation hasn't caught up. I
don't think even like you know, society

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hasn't caught up with quite how to
figure out what to do with it yet.

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But I think I think it has
introducing us to so much opinion.

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I think, what and it comes
with a collapse when society I trust And

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we go and talk about how that's
come about. But I think it just

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means that people are now with a
combination of a decline society trust and having

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so much opinion in your face,
I think people are more likely to retreat

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into other sources of trust, grouping
together against the other clans that they no

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longer trust. And that's sort of
some of the issue of what we're experiencing.

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But it's but there are there are
rays of hope that we'll get onto

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talking about I know absolutely, And
that's a really important point. I think

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one thing with social media, when
I hear from people how social media works

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really well for them, um,
you know that the good spots, that

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the bright spots that exist in their
use of social media, it's almost always

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on the local level. It's about
connecting with people in their town, finding

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lost pets in the neighborhood and being
able to ping everybody right away very quickly

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and say hey, be on the
lookout for my cat um. And and

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that gets to this point that the
report makes, which I think again it's

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sort of counterintuitive to a lot of
people, but but very important that the

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sort of the tribe, the clan
are the building box of social capital.

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And I wanted to seecrets if you
could talk a little bit more about that

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through the lens of um. What
a lot of people talk about is localism

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that you you know, it's it's
hard for us to be in a debate

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about abortion with somebody who is in
Brooklyn and somebody who is in Croatia,

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or somebody who's in Africa, or
somebody who's in Texas for that matter,

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who you've never met. You've never
had to sit face to face. Two

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you don't know their family, you
don't have any contacts about them or their

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lives. But with the tribes and
the clan, that's obviously the tribes and

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the clans, that's obviously not the
case, right. And then the huge

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differences even just between say New Hampshire
or New Mexico. I mean, does

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you know almost take different experiences.
I think, well, what it would

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be. I think it's helpful just
to recognize that at a national level,

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trust is really low. So trust
in the Supreme Court, those people who

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have any high levels trust in the
Supreme Court. As I collapsed down to

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twenty five percent of Americans the presidency
twenty three, Congress SAT plummets to seven

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percent of Americans think they've got any
like a highly regard of trust in Congress,

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and the media is at thirty four
percent amongst Republicans seventeen and Independence twenty

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seven. Oddly enough, Democrats have
seventy percent of Democrats have high levels of

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trust in the media. So we
have we have these like low rates of

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trust and anything big so big business. There's only fourteen percent of Americans trust

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big big business, big tech it's
twenty six percent. Even scientists and experts

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are like plummeted from thirty nine percent
being trusted of Americans having high levels of

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trust in the pre pandemic to now
twenty nine percent. But it shifts also

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across into the nonprofit sector where big
churches and religious groups of denominations are seeing

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like the biggest drops in attendance,
but also nonprofits are a low two fifty

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six percent trust. And then philanthropy
is in like corporate philanthropy, private foundation's,

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home network individuals, that's all down
at thirty four percent. So these

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things that are big and national trust
is really low. But as you're saying,

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when you look at the local level, it's a completely different picture our

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world, and data say that amongst
neighbors as eighty four point one percent of

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us have trust in our neighbors.
That's a completely different to the society wide

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thing in state governments. It's not
the low rating we're seeing for federal government's

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hitting fifty seven percent, or local
government, whichagus city hall, sixty six

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percent of Americans trust their local government. And similarly, whilst the half of

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Americans think that media at the national
level out to mislead, which is quite

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scary, that drops down to just
a quarter of Americans feel that about their

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local media. So yeah, there
is there is a lot of trust at

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the local level, county and state
level, which I think is really encouraging.

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I don't know if that's because people
can see each other. I don't

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know if it's because you can drive
past city hall in a way, perhaps

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you can't drive past the Capitol building
unless you're living in DC. Um,

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but there is there is a level
of trust there at a local level.

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See that is that is a source
for hope. And I think actually where

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we come about with some of our
solutions. Um, right, well,

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let's let's move on to the solutions, and maybe it's a great segue to

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just talk about some of the ones
on the local level that you think are

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could be most effective. Yeah,
well, I think was. I think

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the reason that there is need for
looking at the local and state type solutions

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is because we've seen this like pretty
intense phenomenon since the seventies of centralization.

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So I'll just do a little bit
on centralization to explain why the local things

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than the lead to Paul. But
in the nights from the nineteen seventies onwards,

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we have seen obviously this vast growth
in wealth inequality where the you know,

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the richest are occurring more of the
games seen in the US economy,

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so that the American I think American
Compass have said how the US experience of

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inequality is closer to that of Latin
America than it is to say, Canada

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or Europe. So we've got this
like you know, top one percent or

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the top point one percent who own
a disproportionate amount of wealth, with the

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issue being that that accrual of their
wealth hasn't come with like a sort of

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even spread of the marmalade across the
toast. It is the middle classes have

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not been able to keep up was
prior to that wealth the growth of wealth

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had been pretty it had been pretty
even across all classes. So we've seen

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this huge increase in wealth of quality. At the same time, we've seen

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a massive growth in the federal government
where I'd have to rummage around for it.

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Now you know, the huge amount
of spend on an individual has grown.

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This has created this vacuum at the
very centralization where there is a massing

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of interest in what is happening in
DC and federal policy. You've then got

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this huge growth of new mega wealthy
donors and they are pumping money via foundations

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or political funding into things that just
preoccupied with DC. So we're up until

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nineteen six nine, Partnerment talks about
like the rates of civil group participation in

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the United States was like world beating, what was like world highs. America

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was like one of the in the
top. There there was a massive decline

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in this huge growth towards centralization.
The only as nonprofits were in decline,

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like from the seventies onwards, the
only area of growth was national associations that

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were based in DC. So there's
like a ditching of member organizations and instead

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it's just like rapid focus on like
policy change. And this has created this

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like arms race on the left and
the right of people just pumping more and

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more money into of politics and philanthropy
focused on the center. So there is

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twenty twenty was like the most expensive
election on record in American history, and

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yet it wasn't like you know,
platoons of little people handing up, you

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know, sticking twenty dollars into boxes
and with a badge going door to door.

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It was mega wealthy people who were
giving. I think the report sites

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research suggests somewhere in the region of
two thousand, three hundred high net worth

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couples basically bankroll that election. And
we see that to you in philanthropy,

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we are hitting record levels of charitable
giving in America, which is exciting until

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you look at it and actually realize
that, Josh, we're moving from the

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regular folk such as perhaps yourself,
myself that is on the decline, and

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it's the megawealthy who are like giving
the cash. So I think on the

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left and on the right, you're
seeing this arms race of supercharged financing that

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it's just going into the center.
And the reason that is problematic is and

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causes society why trust collapse is because
it means that that's money and attention and

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energy that isn't going into state level
civic machinery, that those groups and associations

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and outreaches and even political party apparatus
that allows individuals in their communities to connect

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to the democratic process at a sort
of local state level, influencing the center

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that they are literally bypassed. And
even those foundations that are kind of like

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pumping money to influence state apparatus are
really only doing it with a view to

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achieve in federal policy change. So
all of that is just gutting the capacity

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of social capital at a local level. And as why really someone somewhere should

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really start backing off of like giving
so much money to this focus on the

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center, because I mean, the
billions that go into political and philanthropic funding

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really should be focused instead at this
community level. If we want to rebuild

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society. Why trust that can allow
for a glorious celebration of diversity of opinion

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as well as backgrounds. Then we
have to start building on this basis of

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eighty one and trust in neighbors before
that goes because I think one of those

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things that we found in our Family
Affordability Report, which I thought was quite

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disturbing that Abby McCloskey did, was
that we saw that church attendance among Hispanics

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is on a massive decline. And
so that doesn't moode well because those networks

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that people find themselves in a family
and faith groups and that sort of thing,

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that level of social capital is what
keeps low income people from a complete

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collapse into poverty. If you've got
other resources around you, you are much

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more likely to be able to achieve
the American dream. If those things go,

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then you're much more likely to become
stuck in a situation that you can't

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get out of. And it becomes
that kind of expensive to sort of like

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have federal money sort of pumping into
sort of help pay out for those sinkholes

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and civil society. So we were
saying, let's direct money funds energy into

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our civil society at a local level, and that's going to take real courage

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on behalf of all parties on the
left and the right to sort of back

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away from the arms race. I
don't see it happening, but I think

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political funding, I think it's sort
of like giving up on right because I

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think decades of attempts finance reform political
have achieved very little. That maybe we

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can do something around philanthropic funding to
see if we can do anything there.

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And you have some excuse me,
you have some really specific ideas for five

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or one threes that could become five
one three pace, can you? Obviously

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we came up with some very exciting
ideas. So I think so one thing

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I think we were thinking about that
would tackle this kind of centralization and polarization

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was recognizing the value of some of
the smaller nonprofits. That so, there's

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one point three million chargeable nonprofits in
the United States and I can on ten

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percent of those are foundations. Of
the rest nine to two percent of the

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rest of these foundations nonprofits working on
a budget of less than a million dollars

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a year, and even then most
of them on a lot smaller, and

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about a third of those nonprofits that
aren't foundations are human services type public benefit

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organizations. So whilst they're making up
about a third of those active nonprofits that

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aren't foundations, they only get nineteen
percent of charitable donations in the country or

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as higher education, which is though
five percent of nonprofits gets like a huge

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chunk of eleven percent in twenty twenty
two of chargeable donations from what I could

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figure out, So and that seems
like a mismatch. There was less how

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do we get money to these like
poverty fighting groups that are actually doing something

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in the local community, that are
enmeshed in their community, that are drawing

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from rich networkers of relationships. And
we thought, well, why not create

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a five O, one C,
three P a new IRS category that specifically

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identifies those registered non profits that are
actively working to tackle poverty in the local

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community, so that whether that's food
banks, night shelters, homeless shelters,

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shelters for vulnerable women, and or
disaster relief efforts. That way it would

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be easier for donors who want to
give to that sort of group to be

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able to do so. And then
also I think one way we thought that

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could perhaps entice the billionaire donor to
sort of perhaps inch away from just being

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rapidly focused on the Capitol building would
be to think, well, could we

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just do an incremental increase on the
tax break for a five O one C

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three P and create some sort of
state poverty and Relief community chest. So

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I think whereby any don't know whether
an individual or a mega foundation can give

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to this spark, this say poverty
or of community chest, which has basically

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just got a list of all the
five one three five one C three ps

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that are they're registered in their state
alone people you know dial in or that's

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just part of their tax return or
whatever, and it's just the money that

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is given to the spark and then
like a tax the state tax rebate,

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it has just distributed to all of
those five or one C three pieces that

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are just registered in their state.
And I think we'd be just in their

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state rather than kind of like national
organizations because that way what we want to

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be able to do is irrigate um
though those community groups and also see new

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community groups that come about. But
for those large foundations that are like desperate

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to find ways of chucking five percent
that you know, their manatory five percent

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out the door every year, this
spark is like a really helpful opportunity for

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them because they don't need to have
any grant program managers or any forms or

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anything. They could just literally give
their five percent to the spark and then

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it's very low, very low intensity
too on the government because they're literally a

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category. So it doesn't need a
huge staff either. It's just it's probably

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the existing staff who're doing tax rebaids
and they can just then send these direct

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funds to these nonprofit groups. And
we think that could be an exciting way

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to take take some of the heat
out of this like centralized relation arms race.

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Yeah, it's amazing. I mean, so if you work in the

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nonprofit space, you're extremely aware of
this problem. But I suppose if people

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most people haven't seen a lot of
this up close. And so Chris,

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if you could talk a little bit
about like has this changed? Is this

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new? Like did the arms race
start because of a certain policy? Where

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where did things start to sort of
spiral out of control? Yeah, well,

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it's definitely this is definitely like a
cause and consequence, and this is

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why it has to be reversed because
it's a beast that sort of like feeds

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itself as a vicious cycle of the
more you focus on the federal government and

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the world, and the more wealth
in equality you have that the more that

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this sort of supercharges, the more
then you are seeing the collapse of civil

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society, and the more I mean, what we didn't want to see is

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these local levels of trust declining,
you know, through crime and through family

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breakdown, you know, through the
complete disruption of the public school system.

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Because once those things we begin to
break down, then you have got it's

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going to be a lot harder to
clause this stuff back. In terms of

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the origin of this and the solution, well, I think I think as

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soon as people started to sort of
as soon as I was then this decline,

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the growth of federal government from the
nineteen seventies in particular onwards, coupled

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with the wealth and equality, I
think that's where we started to see the

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problem. In terms of the thing
that also that we started to see is

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a change in philanthropy, a sort
of mckinsification, if you will, of

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the philanthropic sector, this sort of
technocratic thing. I think as as people

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started looking at federal government and that
sort of thing, I think a similar

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technocratic approach was then sort of applied
to grant making, and I think that

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I did have one quate that didn't
quite make it into the paper somehow got

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00:30:30,920 --> 00:30:34,200
cut out, but there was you
know, someone's commented on how Rockefeller would

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not recognize philanthropy as it has done
today. That there is that the grant

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00:30:40,640 --> 00:30:47,039
maker and then the recipient are almost
in a higher contractor relationship now where the

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foundation is seeking to create policy policy
goals and to achieve some policy goals,

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and so he sets out very stringent
grand criteria for a nonprofit to sort of

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meet those that ends up potentially being
elite values being forced onto communities rather than

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it should really be the other way
around, because society has become ungovernable.

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If you don't have society, why
trust. So that's why we got this

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this focus on small local nonprofits.
And when I was in the UK,

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I worked for a nonprofit think tank
called the Center for Social Justice and We

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00:31:26,519 --> 00:31:30,839
which was a conservative thing tank despite
the name, and we had a network

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of about three hundred and eighty at
the time. I think it's more now

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small poverty fighting nonprofits now their story, like any here, is just very

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00:31:38,720 --> 00:31:42,319
similar. I'm trying to be quick
on this, but Basically, someone some

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00:31:42,319 --> 00:31:47,880
some half caring individual in the community
sees a problem a couple of homeless people

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00:31:48,000 --> 00:31:52,720
more than they realize it that were
there before, or you know, migrants

382
00:31:52,759 --> 00:31:56,240
are like washed up on the beach, and they think, well, hang

383
00:31:56,240 --> 00:32:00,359
on this as a problem. More
they see um, you know, increase

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00:32:00,400 --> 00:32:02,759
in the rise of drug addiction,
and so they just start working in the

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00:32:02,839 --> 00:32:07,680
communities. There's one I always bang
on about in Carlisle, this woman who

386
00:32:07,759 --> 00:32:10,559
she's around the Sunday School and she
noticed that the children that started turning up

387
00:32:10,559 --> 00:32:15,000
to the Sunday school were kind of
like increasingly rough and then to stopped coming,

388
00:32:15,359 --> 00:32:17,599
and she just busy bodied her way
into the neighborhood, just like knocking

389
00:32:17,640 --> 00:32:21,759
on the doors, and then she
sort of roped in some friends or some

390
00:32:21,799 --> 00:32:25,119
neighbors or other people from the church
to kind of like be involved in helping

391
00:32:25,599 --> 00:32:31,160
provide parenting classes, after school homework
clubs, just to be able to provide

392
00:32:31,160 --> 00:32:35,680
a positive influence on families that were
disintegrating. She then found she had a

393
00:32:35,720 --> 00:32:40,960
nonprofit on her hands. And it's
those sorts of nonprofits all across the United

394
00:32:42,000 --> 00:32:45,400
States too. There would be some
individual who sees a problem starts to deal

395
00:32:45,400 --> 00:32:49,720
with it. We're ropes and some
volunteers finds it good. A nonprofit on

396
00:32:49,759 --> 00:32:53,400
their hands starts building a network of
small businesses and churches and just sort of

397
00:32:53,440 --> 00:32:57,680
like local people who see that's already
want to get behind that. Oh I

398
00:32:57,680 --> 00:32:59,799
know, someone say, who's work
there? That's already good work. So

399
00:32:59,839 --> 00:33:05,480
this thing some money into it.
And these nonprofits are high in local networks

400
00:33:05,480 --> 00:33:08,480
and high in trust, and they
are high in efficacy too. They're highly

401
00:33:08,519 --> 00:33:15,119
relational that they're not they're not focused
on campaigning. They're not pumping billions into

402
00:33:15,160 --> 00:33:16,759
sort of trying to persuade a senator
to sort of put in the bill.

403
00:33:17,200 --> 00:33:22,720
They are helping to literally change lies. And they will be completely perplexing to

404
00:33:22,759 --> 00:33:25,960
the foundation that is looking to like
discharge a million dollars and some innovative new

405
00:33:27,000 --> 00:33:32,640
program because it is made and the
plane super boring work that is absolutely transformative

406
00:33:32,680 --> 00:33:37,559
to the own individuals who who are
concerned. How does having a cup of

407
00:33:37,559 --> 00:33:40,119
coffee and some converted strip mall that
has been turned into some sort of like

408
00:33:40,200 --> 00:33:45,680
you know, family hub plays change
someone's life. It's impossible to put into

409
00:33:45,720 --> 00:33:49,640
a spreadsheet. And these groups,
if they're running, are like you know,

410
00:33:49,680 --> 00:33:52,680
one hundred and fifty thousand dollars a
year. They're just they're just too

411
00:33:52,720 --> 00:33:57,119
small for these like grant the big
grant making organizations to bother with. If

412
00:33:57,119 --> 00:34:01,119
they're if they're seeking to get someone
drugs completely and they're not just harm reduction,

413
00:34:01,119 --> 00:34:05,359
they're just in can know you're you're
valuable enough to come completely off drugs,

414
00:34:05,440 --> 00:34:08,039
let's help you with some with that, and let's let's build the things

415
00:34:08,079 --> 00:34:10,960
around your life that you need to
be able to stay completely clear of drugs.

416
00:34:12,079 --> 00:34:15,800
That might be too controversial for some
sophisticated, you know, elite adjacent

417
00:34:15,920 --> 00:34:21,880
type nonprofit foundation. So that's why
we're thinking if they could just have a

418
00:34:21,880 --> 00:34:25,679
five category, it takes all the
controversy out of that. It's just that's

419
00:34:25,800 --> 00:34:30,320
that's what they're doing. And so
the foundation, you know, you can

420
00:34:30,360 --> 00:34:34,400
just give to the spark and it's
just distributed to the five one three B.

421
00:34:35,440 --> 00:34:40,199
And that way is affirming local solutions
derived by local people that are drawing

422
00:34:40,280 --> 00:34:46,360
from local situations, and that sort
of thing builds social capital and neighborhood tense

423
00:34:46,480 --> 00:34:51,599
situations around. It means that the
federal government isn't necessarily there to bail everything

424
00:34:51,599 --> 00:34:53,679
out and on that too. I
mean, the federal government is going to

425
00:34:53,760 --> 00:34:59,800
change over night. It's like a
massive thing. So we've suggested an independent

426
00:35:00,039 --> 00:35:07,519
mission that Congress would lead to help
explore further voucherization of federal programs. So

427
00:35:07,679 --> 00:35:13,719
there's this huge push for a very
successful push for having vouchers related to public

428
00:35:13,719 --> 00:35:16,639
school funding. So you have individualized, personalized budgets that follow the student and

429
00:35:16,719 --> 00:35:22,320
the and the student can go to
a private school, they can be homeschooled.

430
00:35:22,320 --> 00:35:24,280
It could be a religious school,
or it could be the public school,

431
00:35:24,280 --> 00:35:30,119
but basically or it could be extracurricular
activities and that the funding follows them.

432
00:35:30,239 --> 00:35:32,840
So we're thinking, well, there
is some already in sexual persection housing,

433
00:35:34,599 --> 00:35:37,440
but can we expand that And the
point there being we would want to

434
00:35:37,480 --> 00:35:44,519
see an increase in the diversity of
suppliers of delivery of federal health, health,

435
00:35:44,559 --> 00:35:49,480
and human service as welfare programs,
including faith based groups. In the

436
00:35:49,519 --> 00:35:53,119
hope too that that would also generate
a diversity of sort of solutions that are

437
00:35:53,639 --> 00:36:02,320
local and that that are perhaps new. We think that the diversifying that is

438
00:36:02,360 --> 00:36:10,119
a way to not takes everyone like
could turkey off of the federal government.

439
00:36:10,159 --> 00:36:15,840
But it is a harm reduction approach, you know, it's it's reducing the

440
00:36:15,880 --> 00:36:20,599
need for federal government to bail up
everything, because I think we do have

441
00:36:20,719 --> 00:36:24,360
to have satial capital rebuilt, and
starting here at the local level would seem

442
00:36:24,360 --> 00:36:28,559
to be a good way to do
it. No, I think, I

443
00:36:28,599 --> 00:36:32,239
mean it's it's really smart, and
again something that just people It's not on

444
00:36:32,280 --> 00:36:37,000
a policy radar of anyone seeming.
I mean, you just don't hear it

445
00:36:37,079 --> 00:36:43,119
talked about. One thing that's interesting
is trying to define political first C three's

446
00:36:43,199 --> 00:36:47,079
right now is really difficult because I
would argue there are a lot of people

447
00:36:47,079 --> 00:36:53,199
who are doing political work with their
C three designations out of compliance with the

448
00:36:53,239 --> 00:36:57,800
IRS. But obviously, to your
point, there's a massive, sprawling country,

449
00:36:57,920 --> 00:37:00,280
so it's just incredibly difficult to to
track all, you know, every

450
00:37:00,280 --> 00:37:07,199
little tweetum and project that every nonprofit
does. But on that note, um,

451
00:37:07,360 --> 00:37:12,840
you know, would you foresee any
issues with narrowing the category down,

452
00:37:12,840 --> 00:37:16,440
and just because we have such low
trust and such low social capital even coming

453
00:37:16,480 --> 00:37:22,039
to a definition of what constitutes political
or not, I could see that just

454
00:37:22,239 --> 00:37:25,239
sort of being weaponized as we try
to narrow it down. But I don't

455
00:37:25,239 --> 00:37:30,880
know. Yeah, I mean,
so the P is for poverty, so

456
00:37:30,000 --> 00:37:32,719
yeah, yeah, poverties. But
yeah, I think it would be it

457
00:37:32,760 --> 00:37:37,280
would be quite difficult to take the
politics out of it. Now. Well,

458
00:37:37,280 --> 00:37:42,159
I mean, political participation is considered
to be a social capital creating activity,

459
00:37:42,239 --> 00:37:49,400
which is great. Um, whether
m storming state capitals or you know,

460
00:37:49,639 --> 00:37:53,119
the US Capitol is political participation social
capital building paps not so much.

461
00:37:53,639 --> 00:37:59,960
And whether having billionaires pumping lads of
money as social counter building, maybe not

462
00:38:00,000 --> 00:38:02,519
so much. I mean, the
twenty twenty election did see an increase in

463
00:38:02,679 --> 00:38:08,360
small donor participation, but I would
argue that that that's a symptom of polarization

464
00:38:09,119 --> 00:38:15,159
rather than a reclamation of sort of
like you know, political participation. It's

465
00:38:15,239 --> 00:38:20,559
it's it's tribalism. Um, So
I think, yeah, I think in

466
00:38:20,639 --> 00:38:23,760
terms of like five er three P
and designating poverty, I think the idea

467
00:38:23,840 --> 00:38:29,280
is to try and take some of
the political politics out of it. Out

468
00:38:29,280 --> 00:38:34,440
of you know, so it's an
attempt to have people's two are literally doing

469
00:38:34,480 --> 00:38:38,039
poverty relief, literally helping homeless people
get into work, get into housing,

470
00:38:39,599 --> 00:38:44,719
that that sort of thing. But
yeah, I mean obviously anyone could say,

471
00:38:44,719 --> 00:38:50,239
well, actually, if we gave
five billion to Harvard's Center on Poverty

472
00:38:50,320 --> 00:38:53,480
Relief, that that's really important too. And so yeah, I'm sure that

473
00:38:53,480 --> 00:38:59,760
the five one three P think could
be expanded or you know, manipulated,

474
00:38:59,800 --> 00:39:02,280
and similarly that donors could gain it, so it kind of works out for

475
00:39:02,320 --> 00:39:07,760
them. Um, you know,
I think there's always a dynamic response within

476
00:39:07,800 --> 00:39:10,840
the market whenever you do this sort
of thing. But I think the spirit

477
00:39:10,880 --> 00:39:16,000
of it is an attempt to perhaps
try and identify and encourage the flow of

478
00:39:16,039 --> 00:39:21,400
cash to local groups who are who
are doing, you know, stuff to

479
00:39:21,760 --> 00:39:27,360
assist with poverty and and I mean, would that's seeing them a huge proliferation

480
00:39:27,400 --> 00:39:30,000
of sort of like quasi socialist groups, you know, people setting up from

481
00:39:30,000 --> 00:39:34,119
their living rooms, their front rooms, you know, a five or one

482
00:39:34,159 --> 00:39:37,639
C, three B. But perhaps
not really possibly, but I'm not sure,

483
00:39:37,119 --> 00:39:43,760
you know, as assist building local
networks and building social trust, I

484
00:39:43,880 --> 00:39:46,480
don't I don't imagine that's going to
be any more corrosive than the centralization that

485
00:39:46,599 --> 00:39:52,119
is already happening. The corrosive nature
of society. Why trust collapsing as a

486
00:39:52,119 --> 00:39:55,679
result of too much centralization of power
and money to the to the elite,

487
00:39:55,679 --> 00:40:01,159
and powerful. Right. Yeah,
No, I think that's well worth undertaking

488
00:40:01,960 --> 00:40:05,559
very much. I think you're saying
this isn't much discussed because I didn't think

489
00:40:05,559 --> 00:40:07,159
it is either, And that's why
the Federalist radio or is they good because

490
00:40:07,239 --> 00:40:12,039
you bring on these interesting ideas.
No, No, it's yeah. I

491
00:40:12,039 --> 00:40:14,920
was actually just thinking about this the
other day. When you look at the

492
00:40:15,000 --> 00:40:20,519
large s and in some cases the
pomp and circumstance that you know, a

493
00:40:20,559 --> 00:40:24,079
lot of C threes are run like
as you know, like giant corporations,

494
00:40:24,159 --> 00:40:27,880
and that does enable them to do
a lot of really good work, but

495
00:40:28,119 --> 00:40:31,400
it also builds them into political machines. And so yeah, like the what

496
00:40:31,679 --> 00:40:37,440
was it the Center for Tech and
whatever that Zuckerberg did with election work and

497
00:40:37,519 --> 00:40:40,480
he just dumped a bunch of money
into democratic districts but was able to skate

498
00:40:40,559 --> 00:40:45,000
by and not calling it political.
You know, sort of sorting the wheat

499
00:40:45,000 --> 00:40:49,960
from the chaff and what is popping
and what is politics could be difficult.

500
00:40:49,960 --> 00:40:52,880
But at the same time, like
you said, it's hard to imagine anything

501
00:40:52,239 --> 00:40:55,880
being more corrosive than where we are
right now, which is you're just a

502
00:40:55,960 --> 00:41:00,840
large scale grift in so many different
ways. Yeah, and I think that's

503
00:41:00,960 --> 00:41:05,320
right, and it is I mean
in the world that I am in obviously,

504
00:41:05,599 --> 00:41:07,119
you know, in secret funding.
I have been a little bit surprised,

505
00:41:07,159 --> 00:41:12,239
and also, you know, a
relatively new arrival in the United States.

506
00:41:12,719 --> 00:41:17,800
I have been surprised by how political
a lot of the foundations are or

507
00:41:17,960 --> 00:41:21,440
can be, and not saying they
all are only stretched, but I think,

508
00:41:21,480 --> 00:41:27,320
yeah, it's definitely a semi permeable
membrane between the philanthropic and the political

509
00:41:28,000 --> 00:41:31,960
um. And so I think there
is I mean, despite the sort of

510
00:41:31,960 --> 00:41:38,000
dooming gloom around the decline of civil
society and social capital creating you know,

511
00:41:38,679 --> 00:41:47,239
institutions like you know, like family
or churches or environmental groups to sort of

512
00:41:47,280 --> 00:41:52,800
like nonprofits or you know, community
clear ups whatever, um, there is

513
00:41:52,800 --> 00:41:58,199
still high levels of hope amongst the
American people. And I you know,

514
00:41:58,440 --> 00:42:01,119
there are people, you know people
it as possible to see the situation turned

515
00:42:01,119 --> 00:42:05,679
around, you know. I think, like people think that trust can be

516
00:42:05,760 --> 00:42:09,920
restored in federal government, in our
national institutions, in one another. It's

517
00:42:09,960 --> 00:42:15,320
just not entirely clear how to get
there. So, I mean, we've

518
00:42:15,320 --> 00:42:19,800
hope that the modest policy proposals we've
put forward would sort of like help in

519
00:42:19,840 --> 00:42:23,159
that regard because I love America.
It's a great country, you know,

520
00:42:23,239 --> 00:42:27,639
I mean, it's and it has
the potential to be really you know,

521
00:42:27,760 --> 00:42:30,119
to continue to be really awesome.
It's why I've moved here. You know.

522
00:42:30,199 --> 00:42:36,559
It's there's you know, there's so
much opportunity, there's so many people.

523
00:42:36,599 --> 00:42:39,000
Where else can you come to to
to experience such a huge diversity of

524
00:42:39,119 --> 00:42:45,679
backgrounds, you know, and such
a diversity of beliefs and such glorious institutions

525
00:42:45,719 --> 00:42:50,239
that do exist in each state.
And so I think, I think,

526
00:42:51,320 --> 00:42:53,719
yeah, I don't know that we
necessarily need to be completely dooming gloom about

527
00:42:53,719 --> 00:43:00,519
it. And people want America to
be a country where they can succeed.

528
00:43:01,199 --> 00:43:06,119
And for most people that does mean
you know, being able to establish a

529
00:43:06,199 --> 00:43:08,119
family, to know, again,
an education, to be able to find

530
00:43:08,159 --> 00:43:12,920
work, and to have meaningful involvement
in their local community, and then to

531
00:43:12,920 --> 00:43:16,079
be part of you know, a
wider country that kind of that's that they're

532
00:43:16,159 --> 00:43:20,280
really proud to be a part of. So I think that's why we are

533
00:43:20,320 --> 00:43:25,480
creating this off the shelf policy platform
for an incoming president. We're building you

534
00:43:25,559 --> 00:43:32,119
know, these policy reports around family
stability, making sure that family isn't something

535
00:43:32,119 --> 00:43:36,880
a marriage isn't something that's just for
the elite and the wealthy, but it's

536
00:43:36,920 --> 00:43:40,960
something that everyone can sort of enjoy
because there's a huge divide in that at

537
00:43:40,960 --> 00:43:45,199
the moment. We want to make
sure that raising a family is something that

538
00:43:45,360 --> 00:43:49,039
is affordable for everybody to be able
to do. And a lot of that

539
00:43:49,079 --> 00:43:52,840
around affordability is about needing the village
around you, these networks of people and

540
00:43:53,320 --> 00:43:58,760
faith groups and professionals and other services
that are there to help you. And

541
00:43:58,800 --> 00:44:01,119
then to make sure that imply ointment
and work is something that works in the

542
00:44:01,239 --> 00:44:07,119
grain of these personal aspirations people have
for building family and community. And then

543
00:44:07,159 --> 00:44:10,639
we want to make sure that civil
society is something that grows as a battered

544
00:44:10,880 --> 00:44:16,480
and that young people, America's youth
have this amazing opportunity to be able to

545
00:44:16,480 --> 00:44:20,840
build social capital for themselves too,
which we will be looking at our next

546
00:44:20,880 --> 00:44:24,039
report, and then we're just hoping
there's some bright, shiny Republican or Democrat

547
00:44:24,119 --> 00:44:28,920
cand it comes among things, that's
a fantastic way to achieve the American dream.

548
00:44:29,199 --> 00:44:30,719
Let's run with it. So that's
what we're trying to do here at

549
00:44:30,719 --> 00:44:35,800
the Social Capital campaign. Well,
Chris, what can people look forward to

550
00:44:35,960 --> 00:44:39,079
from the forthcoming reports? Yeah,
I think in our youth investment one,

551
00:44:39,119 --> 00:44:45,079
where're you going to be taking a
look at at the early years of childhood

552
00:44:45,159 --> 00:44:49,440
nought to threes? I think I
have been, and how to make sure

553
00:44:49,480 --> 00:44:53,920
that it is actually possible to raise
children? And then we're going to be

554
00:44:53,920 --> 00:44:59,559
producing a grid all of these.
We've asked the range of scholars and doc

555
00:44:59,760 --> 00:45:05,719
think people and our advisory board who
are drawn from across the center right spectrum

556
00:45:06,119 --> 00:45:08,639
to sort of help us create a
clear sense of what do we think the

557
00:45:08,679 --> 00:45:14,800
contemporary challenges are and then what are
you know, the solutions that the federal

558
00:45:14,840 --> 00:45:16,840
government can do, Which is slightly
awkward about, you know, how can

559
00:45:16,880 --> 00:45:20,880
a federal government build social capitalist is
very limited in what it can do,

560
00:45:21,079 --> 00:45:24,599
but it can certainly get out of
the way, and as with our autunization

561
00:45:24,679 --> 00:45:29,559
program, it can make sure it's
diversifying supply. So I think the ideas

562
00:45:29,559 --> 00:45:34,719
we're going to create off the back
of these reports a priority of challenges and

563
00:45:34,880 --> 00:45:40,559
solutions and present those in a sort
of like pretty simple, almost manifesto wish

564
00:45:40,679 --> 00:45:47,400
type approach so that it is easy
for a nominees team to be able to

565
00:45:47,400 --> 00:45:53,880
think that's something that would that's something
that would work. But obviously our main

566
00:45:54,000 --> 00:46:00,519
priority is to influence the national conversation
and to make sure that people and are

567
00:46:00,559 --> 00:46:04,199
thinking about how do you build social
capital and how do you build society y

568
00:46:04,239 --> 00:46:07,159
trust, and how do you make
sure them that we're all able to flourish

569
00:46:07,199 --> 00:46:13,440
in a society together. Hm.
Well, Chris Boulevant, We really appreciate

570
00:46:13,440 --> 00:46:16,519
your time. We appreciate you breaking
down that's excellent report that people can find

571
00:46:16,599 --> 00:46:22,480
at Social capital campaign dot com.
Thanks so much, Chris, Yeah,

572
00:46:22,599 --> 00:46:25,599
real pleasure, and thanks so much
of listening of course. Oh my gosh,

573
00:46:25,679 --> 00:46:30,280
it's so interesting you've been listening to
another edition of the Federalist Radio Hour.

574
00:46:30,360 --> 00:46:34,920
I'm emilian Ski culturector here at the
Federalist. We'll be back soon with

575
00:46:35,079 --> 00:46:37,920
more. Until then, the Lovers
of freedom and Anxious for the pray
