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We're back with another edition of the
Federalist Radio Hour. I'm Emily Drshinsky,

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culture editor here at the Federalist.
As always, you can email the show

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at radio at the Federalist dot com, follow us on Twitter at fdr LST.

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Make sure to subscribe wherever you download
your podcasts, and if you want

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to support our work, you can
head over to the Federalist dot com and

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00:00:34,600 --> 00:00:38,880
subscribe to the premium version of our
website as well. Today we are joined

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by Brian Blaze. Brian is the
president of the Paragon Health Institute. You

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can find more information about Paragon at
Paragoninstitute dot org. Brian is so intimately

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familiar with the topic of healthcare and
conservative healthcare policy. He was a Special

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Assistant to the President for Economic Policy
at the White Houses National Economic consul from

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twenty seventeen to twenty nineteen. He
also worked on the House Oversight Committee their

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government healthcare reform efforts, their entitlement
program oversight and investigations from twenty eleven to

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twenty fourteen. Then he went over
to the Senate side, where he was

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doing Republican the Republican Policy Committee's Health
policy analyst work from twenty fourteen to twenty

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fifteen. So if you're following that
timeline, Brian basically has been involved at

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the highest levels of the Republican Party
and the conservative movements efforts on healthcare for

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the last decade plus. And we
talk a lot on the show about healthcare.

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I can't pretend to ever approach healthcare
expertise. I'm not that delusional,

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but I do know that it matters
a whole lot more than we hear about

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it in the news and especially from
people on the right. So Brian,

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with that all said, thank you
so much for joining us. It is

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great to be with you. Thanks
for having me, Emily. Yeah,

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So Brian is the again. He's
a president of Paragon, which is out

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with a new paper actually on the
failures of the Affordable Care Act. And

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Brian actually some of these critiques as
I'm reading the paper are actually being echoed

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by folks on the left. They'll
have a different solution, but when they

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look at some of the failures of
the ACA, they look at the prices

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of coverage, quality of coverage.
Even some people on the left that are

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willing to kind of buck the establishment
are saying, hey, something went wrong

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here. Maybe a good place to
start is just some of those big takeaways

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from when you and your colleagues looked
into the last decade plus of the Affordable

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Care Act. Yeah, so one, it's misnamed, right the Affordable Care

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Act indicates that what they were concerned
about was the cost of health care and

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the cost of coverage. But that's
not what the overall aim of the law

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was. The overall aim was to
expand the number of people that had health

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insurance, and there were two main
ways that Obamacare or the Affordable Care Act

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did that. The first was to
have states expand their Medicaid programs. So

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Medicaid is traditionally a program for the
welfare program for certain categories of low income

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individuals, kids, pregnant women,
people with disabilities. So they wanted states

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to expand their Medicaid programs, and
the federal government offered a lot of money

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for states that expanded their Medicaid programs. But the heart of the law,

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what President Obama talked about at the
time, was that they were going to

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reform the individual market for health insurance. So the individual market is where people

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who are working age, you know, have families that don't get insurance through

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their employer. Where they go to
purchase coverage. And they said, we're

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going to create this robust, dynamic, awesome market where people are going to

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want to go and buy health insurance
coverage. And they put a whole bunch

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of sort of new requirements on health
insurance, significant subsidies for the purchase of

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health insurance requirements, the so called
individual mandate that people had to purchase coverage

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or face a penalty. And what
the Paragon Report really looked at was these

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individual market changes. The authors,
which are two actuaries that have studied the

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law very carefully went back to what
was promised and projected when the law passed

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and compared it with actual results.
And it turns out that the individual market

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is only about half the size of
what was expected before the laws key provisions

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took effect, and that the average
cost per new individual market and rollly is

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more than three times what was expected. So half enrollment at triple the cost.

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Giving sort of the law, the
key provisions of it get a failing

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grade relative to what was told would
happen at the time. And how much

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of this has been realized with the
more time passes. I mean, I

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actually remember at the time a lot
of this was fairly clear. Some of

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these predictions were pretty easy to make. But as more time has passed,

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how has that, I guess,
sort of exacerbated or shown the problems that

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were always at the heart of the
law. Yeah, so if you go

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back, if you take the time
machine, I guess back when the exchanges

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launched at twenty thirteen, you know, a lot of the criticism at the

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time was, well, it's just
a bad website, Like the government can

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figure out how to get a functional
website. So it's sort of these mechanical

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problems that are at the root.
But you know, the overall construction would

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have been great if we could have
gotten the website off the ground. So

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in twenty fourteen, you know,
enrollment was about where it was expected to

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be. In twenty fourteen, were
about eight million people signed up for these

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exchanges, and that was pretty much
on par. But it turns out that

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the exchange plans tended to be very
narrow network, meaning they didn't cover a

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lot of doctors and hospitals, and
just weren't that appealing to people who didn't

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get large subsidies to purchase the plans. So enrollment increased in twenty fifteen to

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about ten million people and has stayed
at that level through twenty twenty. So

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the individual market was really and that
is along the way I mentioned in my

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intro the individual mandate packs penalty that
was eliminated by Congress in twenty seventeen,

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and President Trump signed that into law. So the individual mandate repealing that penalty

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didn't really have any effect either.
It just turns out that what we learned

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was the only people who really purchased
products in this market were either those that

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had really expensive medical conditions and they
expected to use lots of medical care,

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or low income households that got very
big subsidies to purchase these plans. If

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you were in the middle class,
if you're relatively healthy, these plans weren't

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attractive, and people weren't purchasing these
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only the beginning rated pg. Thirteen. And these costs, as you mentioned,

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are astounding just looking at this.
The cost to taxpayers Paragon rights has

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been thirty six thousand, seven hundred
and ninety eight dollars per additional private insurance

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enroly and twenty thousand, seven hundred
and thirty nine dollars per additional non group

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enrollly, which is more than triple
the CBO's original projections of around ten thousand,

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well actually around eleven thousand and around
seven thousand, respectively. These numbers

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are astounding, and I guess I
wonder why it does from your perspective that

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this isn't being treated like a five
alarm fire by people on the right.

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So that's a great question. I
say. First, the way that we

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measured the efficiency was in this and
with the actuallys in this paper, they

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looked at what's the new government spending
divided by the number of new people that

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got coverage, and that sort of
gives you a measure of efficiency for these

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changes. How much are taxpayers bearing
for each additional enrollly, you know,

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I do think that Republicans viewed it
as a real serious problem and a good

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political issue for them through twenty sixteen. So when people started losing coverage and

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it was clear that President Obama assurance
that people wouldn't lose plans that they liked.

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Back in the fall of twenty thirteen, when millions of people started realizing,

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oh, I am losing coverage that
I like. Right, that was

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a real major problem, and there
were some band aids put in place by

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the Obama administration to sort of paper
over that problem. But Republicans got unified

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control of government in twenty seventeen,
and one of the reasons is because of

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how unpopular Obamacare was at the time. And I think it is an issue

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of the dog that caught the car, and they just weren't prepared with a

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plan for what to do to replace
the aspects of the ACA, and they

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had gotten into sort of this repeal
and replace slogan. This sounded good but

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didn't have any substance behind it.
It shouldn't have been the slogan. I

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would have liked to repeal most of
the ACA, but that the political exercise

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in twenty seventeen was really what can
we do to repair and reform the ACA

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and get rid of the worst aspects
of it. And I think the failure

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of the party in twenty seventeen to
really coalesce around something, to figure out

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what could pass both Houses of Congress
and be in improvement left the really bitter

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taste in the mouths of Republicans.
So I get asked now by reporters like

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they wanted to know why aren't Republican
presidential candidates talking about healthcare? And my

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answer is because there's so much else
they can be talking about right now,

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Like people are concerned about lots of
things with President Biden and his competency,

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They're concerned about the general economy,
They're concerned about rising energy prices. Like

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healthcare is a complicated issue. There's
serious problems with our healthcare sector, but

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it's not where Republicans have a bad
experience in twenty seventeen. And I think

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there's just so much else in the
political landscape right now. So some of

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the serious policy issues on healthcare are
being neglected. I think for those reasons.

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Yeah, that all makes sense.
And if we peel that sort of

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layer of the onion back even further
and then get to the next layer,

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the question of why there hasn't been
a real rallying consensus point about what to

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replace the ACA with. I'm fascinated
by your perspective on that brand because you're

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sort of behind the scenes as the
Trump administration and Republicans in Congress for a

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really long time, we're trying to
land on something and almost it got very

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close with you know, basically at
the very last minute, the late John

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McCain, you know, was one
vote away became that one vote of separation.

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But it still stands out that even
with a unified government, Republicans,

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after you know, ten years of
replaced, didn't have something to kind of

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rally around, and that was,
you know, an easy thing to do.

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Why is that so? I think
hardly. It was a process that

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was in place. So Republicans have
fifty two seats in the Senate in twenty

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seven team and had to use the
reconciliation process, and the reconciliation process allows

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you to pass legislation in the Senate
with just fifty votes. But the primary

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the provisions that you affect through that
process have to be primarily budgetary, so

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you couldn't get at all the harmful
aspects of the ACA or all the reforms

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that you would want to do through
the reconciliation process. So initially there was

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a thought, well, we'll do
it in two steps. We'll repeal the

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parts of the law that we can
repeal through reconciliation first, and then we'll

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come and we'll do replace and replace. Mate, you need to have bipartisan

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support to figure out what the replace
was. In retrospect, that's the play

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call that should have been run.
But the decision was made not to run

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that play. It was to do
repeal and replace simultaneously, and it was

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just too complicated for Republicans to figure
around what the replace mechanism was going to

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be. I can say so the
congressional effort failed in twenty seventeen, but

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the Trump administration, and this is
a large part of what I did when

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I was in the White House at
the time, was figure out what we

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could do administratively to help people that
had been most harmed by Obamacare. And

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there's really there were two sets of
people that were most harmed. One it's

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sort of middle class families without employer
sponsored insurance that faced doubling tripling of premiums

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and deductibles because of Obamacare. And
the second was small businesses in their workers,

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which were increasingly not able to offer
coverage because of how Obamacare had increased

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the price of coverage. So the
Trump administration did rules that allowed small businesses

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to band the gather to offer coverage, something called association health plans. We

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opened up alternatives that weren't subject to
any Obamacare rules and regulations called short term,

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limited duration insurance, and we allowed
employers another way to offer health insurance

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where instead of the employer having to
select the health plan for all the workers,

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the employer provides a contribution that the
worker takes which is not taxed,

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and the worker can then take that
contribution and buy a plan in the individual

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market that works best for them.
So there were some actions that the administration

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did on its own that I think
relieved some of the pain that people faced

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from Obamacare. But you still have
all of this inefficient, wasteful spending,

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these subsidies that go directly to health
insurance companies, and that are linked to

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the premiums. So this is one
of the problems with the Obamacare financing is

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that you have subsidies, and the
subsidies go up dollar for dollar as premiums

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go up, So all of the
premium increases over time have been borne by

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the federal taxpayer. The enrollees are
pretty insensitive because they don't pay the rising

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premiums over time, and insurers can
price knowing that they're enrolled. Lease are

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not price sensitive that it is the
taxpayer that's picking up the full cost.

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So you've got a very inflationary sort
of pricing dynamic there that leads to a

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lot of waste we'll spending. So
if you listen to this podcast by now,

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you've definitely heard about this crazy digital
dollar idea that's being talked about everywhere.

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It's the one where the government monitors
and could control your money. I

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mean, central banks and countries like
China, Andy and Australia have already begun

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transitioning to a digital currency, and
the Federal Reserve has been contemplating the same

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thing here in the United States.
With a digital currency, the government could

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00:17:37,079 --> 00:17:41,680
track every single purchase you make.
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dot com slash federalist. That's Goldco
dot com slash federalist. Yeah, and

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00:18:41,279 --> 00:18:44,000
again, as somebody who's worked really
closely on these issues for a while,

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people tend to see the healthcare industry
almost as a monolith, but of course,

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special interests are different, whether you're
talking about hospitals or pharma or any

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of these other kind of blocks of
the industry. That individual they might have

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interests that are competing with other interests
and it creates, you know, sort

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of a spider's web to untangle.
Can you tell us more about that and

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more about how that affects the system
that we have, maybe about how that

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affected Obamacare, because that's something people
don't talk about a lot actually, So

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so many of the decisions on how
to allocate resources in healthcare are made by

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the government. And when the government
has that much power over what prices are

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paid, whether things get reimbursed,
right, you've got allocation through the political

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process rather than through the market process. And the political process often advantages the

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incumbent providers and firms and protects them
from competition. So at both the federal

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and state level, we have enormous
amounts of regulation that are really just to

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protect incumbents from competitive forces. So
we've got things that protect doctors from competition

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from nurse practitioners and from physician assistants. We've got policies like certificate of need

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to protect hospitals, so certificate of
need are the least competitive policy that I

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have ever heard of. In order
to expand supply to bring on say you

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want to bring on X ray machines
or MRIs in many states, you have

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to get approval from a government board
to do that. And the government board

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is often controlled by the incumbent providers. So what incumbent providers are going to

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want to open up more competition to
them, so they get these certificate of

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needs, and then you've got sort
of provisions that advantage big insurers at the

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expense of smaller insures. So you
you know, in healthcare, it's why

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one of my main sort of principles
is we just need to deregulate just about

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everything to uh, to lessen the
political allocation and sort of the regulatory capture

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that occurs in healthcare. And yeah, I mean, this is going to

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sound like such a simplistic, like
crude understanding of all of that, but

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it's one of the areas where it's
so grossly overregulated and then at the same

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time does need some I guess,
basic guardrails, and that's you know how

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we ended up with like the individual
mandate, which was determined to be constitutional.

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I guess in a way, but
uh, you know that was a

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they had to really try to make
that case. And so what is it,

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you know, as somebody who's looking
at these issues from the right,

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you know, how do you make
the case that regulating an industry so many

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Americans feel like is taking advantage of
them? You know? How how do

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you think Republicans or conservatives can make
that case just from a messaging standpoint,

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because obviously it's it's difficult given you
know, there were some real problems before

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Obamacare came in, and a lot
of people probably remember that good question,

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you know. I think, uh, part of it is to say we

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trust people rather than third parties,
whether they be government bureaucracies or insurance companies,

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to figure out what the appropriate care
is at the appropriate time. And

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I think we just like there needs
to be more discussed of how government has

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caused so many of the problems in
our healthcare sector. And in some ways

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they're hard conversations. Like one of
the problems that we have in our healthcare

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sector is that most people get their
insurance through their employer. What other major

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financial decision or product do people have
if they don't make the decision over it,

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they give it to their employer.
There's no other there's no other product

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like that. But people's health insurance
is tied to their place of work.

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So then if you lose your job, you lose your health insurance coverage,

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which is a real problem. Right, So how can we get at the

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government distortions that lead to sort of
so many of those problems that we see?

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And I do think like tying big
government to big industry is a message

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that conservatives should really hammer in healthcare
like Obamacare, the main beneficiary of Obamacare

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has been big health insurance companies.
They've gotten hundreds of billions of dollars of

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government payments in Medicaid expansion and in
these subsidies. Right, if we want

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to help lower income people get healthcare, the best way to do that is

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to subsidize those people directly, maybe
in health savings accounts, where they then

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have control over how to spend the
money on what works best for them,

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rather than funneling all the money directly
to health insurance companies or hospitals. Hey,

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00:24:45,359 --> 00:24:48,680
y'all, this is Sarah from the
Sarah Carter Show. Thanks for listening

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00:24:48,720 --> 00:24:52,480
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Sarah, And you've mentioned this just
a couple of times, naturally in

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00:26:14,119 --> 00:26:17,160
the course of the conversation. But
the report does talk so much about the

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00:26:17,200 --> 00:26:19,279
expansion of Medicaid in particular, and
I wanted to ask Brain if you could

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00:26:19,319 --> 00:26:25,119
flesh some of that out for everyone, just understanding what the ACA did to

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Medicare and then understanding how that is
sort of further distorting or interfering with the

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00:26:30,000 --> 00:26:41,279
market. Yeah, So Medicaid is
the federal government reimburses, so states decide

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sort of how to manage their Medicaid
program and they'll contract with insurers to deliver

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00:26:47,480 --> 00:26:52,000
benefits to people that are enrolled in
Medicaid. And then what the federal government

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00:26:52,079 --> 00:26:56,720
does is it reimburses state expenditures,
and on average, it reimburses about sixty

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00:26:56,720 --> 00:27:03,880
percent of state expenditures. What Obamacare
did is create this new population, able

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00:27:03,880 --> 00:27:10,880
bodied, working age adults and reimbursed
the full cost of states spending on them

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00:27:11,160 --> 00:27:15,440
for the first three years of the
expansion. Then the funding phase down.

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00:27:15,519 --> 00:27:21,000
But right now Washington is set to
reimburse states ninety percent of the costs of

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00:27:21,039 --> 00:27:30,519
their Medicaid expansion in perpetuity. So
two main problems. One, states now

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00:27:30,640 --> 00:27:37,680
have an incentive to over provide for
this new able bodied, working age population

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at the expensive traditional enroll lease.
And we've seen states that have expanded taking

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resources away from disabled individuals and away
from kids and spending more on the expansion

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00:27:51,759 --> 00:27:56,720
population, so that traditional Medicaid recipients
now have a harder time getting doctor appointments

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00:27:57,319 --> 00:28:03,559
because of Medicaid expansion. The second
is it just creates really bad incentives.

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So if the federal government is going
to reimburse almost the entire cost of state

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00:28:08,799 --> 00:28:14,680
spending on anything, states are not
going to get a lot of value from

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00:28:14,680 --> 00:28:18,000
whatever the spending in that area is. So we've seen just a surge of

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00:28:18,559 --> 00:28:27,119
enrollment and expenditures on the Medicaid expansion
population without good results, like actually mortality

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00:28:27,240 --> 00:28:33,319
worsened in Medicaid expansion states relative to
non Medicaid expansion states in the years after

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00:28:33,559 --> 00:28:38,599
Alabamacare took effect. And now I
mean with some of the the COVID policies

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that have kept people on Medicaid for
the duration of public health emergency, I

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mean, we have almost ninety million
people this spring who are enrolled in Medicaid,

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00:28:49,039 --> 00:28:56,079
so more than one in four Americans
getting their health coverage through a welfare

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program. I was just going to
ask you to talk a little bit about

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00:29:00,279 --> 00:29:06,519
how COVID, the Public Health Emergency
affected all of this. You know,

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00:29:06,640 --> 00:29:10,799
things were going in a particular direction
twenty nineteen, early twenty twenty. What

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00:29:11,000 --> 00:29:18,599
happened when COVID came in. So
Congress in early twenty twenty was afraid of

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00:29:18,680 --> 00:29:26,920
people losing their jobs, understandably and
losing their health insurance, so they required

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00:29:27,240 --> 00:29:34,200
they provided states additional money through Medicaid
on the condition that states not remove anybody

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from the Medicaid program, even people
who were no longer eligible for the duration

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of the public health emergency. Now
why that might have made sense in the

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00:29:45,279 --> 00:29:52,279
short term, It turned out that
the public health emergency lasted forever, like

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00:29:52,319 --> 00:29:56,160
the Biden administration just kept the public
health emergency going. So people went back

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00:29:56,200 --> 00:30:00,279
to work like people weren't. Most
people weren't unemployed that long because of the

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00:30:00,279 --> 00:30:07,799
pandemic. There was a real drastic
decline in employment. But then people went

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00:30:07,839 --> 00:30:12,400
back to work pretty quickly. So
people lost work, got went on to

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00:30:12,480 --> 00:30:18,319
Medicaid, went back to work,
got employer sponsor insurance but remained on the

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00:30:18,319 --> 00:30:22,920
Medicaid program to the extent that we
had eighteen million people, according to estimates,

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00:30:23,400 --> 00:30:27,640
enrolled in Medicaid who were not eligible
for the program aus of this spring.

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00:30:27,839 --> 00:30:33,200
So, just to think about the
loss of taxpayer dollars there where taxpayers

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00:30:33,240 --> 00:30:41,359
are sending money to health insurance companies
for people enrolled in Medicaid who have been

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00:30:41,400 --> 00:30:47,079
on other coverage, mostly like employer
sponsor coverage four years, but whose states

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00:30:47,079 --> 00:30:52,640
have been prohibited from removing people because
of these these sort of outdated pandemic policies.

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00:30:53,200 --> 00:30:56,440
And then here's, of course,
the much more than a million dollar

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00:30:56,519 --> 00:31:03,119
question you're probably very used to fielding. Say, there's another unified Republican government,

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00:31:03,279 --> 00:31:08,720
what does you know the right healthcare
policy look like? What what should

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00:31:08,920 --> 00:31:17,039
Republicans be pushing for? What can
fix what feels like an overwhelmingly dauntingly broken

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00:31:17,119 --> 00:31:21,519
system. Yeah, so, I
mean that's one of the reasons we have

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00:31:21,640 --> 00:31:26,279
Paragon is to think through what the
policy ideas would be. And I would

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00:31:26,319 --> 00:31:30,720
encourage you know, the listeners to
go to Paragon's website because on our home

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00:31:30,799 --> 00:31:36,039
page we actually have a set of
one page briefing documents that lay out what

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00:31:36,079 --> 00:31:42,039
we think is a practical free market
health policy agenda, and I'd say,

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00:31:42,279 --> 00:31:49,920
you know, on issues related to
Obamacare, we need to allow people to

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00:31:49,960 --> 00:31:55,880
purchase the coverage that works best for
them. So these one size fits all

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00:31:56,720 --> 00:32:00,480
health insurance plans like don't work for
a lot of people. We should let

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00:32:00,519 --> 00:32:07,920
people purchase the plans that work best
for them. And we obviously we need

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00:32:07,960 --> 00:32:15,799
fundamental medicaid reform. We need fundamental
medicaid reform. One of the major policy

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00:32:15,880 --> 00:32:22,559
problems facing the country is the unsustainable
levels of federal deficits. I mean,

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00:32:22,640 --> 00:32:27,559
our debt is now I think thirty
three trillion dollars and the fiscal trajectory that

359
00:32:27,599 --> 00:32:31,839
we're on. The main problem and
paragons that work on this is federal health

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00:32:31,880 --> 00:32:36,599
programs. It's federal health programs,
and it's the interest payments on the debt.

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00:32:36,839 --> 00:32:39,599
And the interest payments on the debt
with the rising interest rates are a

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00:32:39,599 --> 00:32:44,279
real problem. But we've got to
get The main thing we have to get

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00:32:44,279 --> 00:32:50,240
a hold of is the trajectory of
Medicare, Medicaid and the ACA, So

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00:32:51,279 --> 00:32:58,680
refocusing reforming subsidy structures so that they're
not inflationary and that so the spending is

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00:32:58,759 --> 00:33:05,359
under the control of the act visual
person has like health savings accounts contributions instead

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00:33:05,400 --> 00:33:10,079
of these subsidies that just go directly
to health insurance companies. Is I think

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00:33:10,920 --> 00:33:20,960
had to be a central focus of
conservative reform. The Watch Doot on Wall

368
00:33:20,960 --> 00:33:24,519
Street podcast with Chris Markowski. Every
day Chris helps unpack the connection between politics

369
00:33:24,519 --> 00:33:28,480
and the economy and how it affects
your wallet. Have you been thinking about

370
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your home as an investment this whole
time? If it's just another bill for

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you, do it the right way. If you've been stressed about paying back

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it. Don't become mortgage poor. Whether

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it's happening in DC or down on
Wall Street, it's affecting you financially.

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Be informed. Check out the Watch
dot on Wall Street podcast with Chris Markowski

376
00:33:46,720 --> 00:33:54,200
on Apple, Spotify, or wherever
you get your podcasts. And I also

377
00:33:54,240 --> 00:33:58,200
just wanted to ask if you could
take us behind the scenes of what it

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00:33:58,279 --> 00:34:00,960
was like, you know, to
go through the repeal and the place years

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00:34:00,079 --> 00:34:05,759
on House oversight, then jumping over
to Senate and then to the White House.

380
00:34:06,279 --> 00:34:10,360
There was so much zeal behind repeal
and replace, and obviously everybody remembers

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00:34:10,400 --> 00:34:15,639
this. It was, you know, basically the high point of the Tea

382
00:34:15,679 --> 00:34:19,280
Party years. Everything. You know, there was so much and also like

383
00:34:19,360 --> 00:34:22,360
so much populist anger that people kind
of forget about. There were a lot

384
00:34:22,400 --> 00:34:28,719
of average people that were outraged about
what Obamacare was doing, not just on

385
00:34:28,760 --> 00:34:35,440
the sort of practical pragmatic level,
but also the philosophical underpinnings of Obama Obamacare

386
00:34:35,440 --> 00:34:37,159
and everything that they were trying to
do to the market. Can you just

387
00:34:37,199 --> 00:34:39,599
take us behind the scenes and just
talk a little bit about what it was

388
00:34:39,719 --> 00:34:45,320
like during those years fighting on these
issues, and then you know the arc

389
00:34:45,360 --> 00:34:53,079
through the Trump years too. I
love this question. It's thank you for

390
00:34:53,119 --> 00:34:59,320
asking it. I don't get asked
this question that much. So. My

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00:34:59,599 --> 00:35:05,079
career and health policy started in the
spring of twenty ten when I was a

392
00:35:05,119 --> 00:35:09,880
graduate fellow at the Heritage Foundation,
and Obamacare passed a month later. And

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00:35:09,920 --> 00:35:15,440
the reason, one of the reasons
I did my career in health policy is

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00:35:15,440 --> 00:35:20,400
because of Obamacare and because I know
I want to focus on reducing the size

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00:35:20,400 --> 00:35:28,400
of government, maximizing sort of free
enterprise and Obamacare was a real I mean

396
00:35:28,440 --> 00:35:31,039
it was. It was the biggest
It's been the biggest expansion of government over

397
00:35:31,079 --> 00:35:37,199
the past several generations. So first
going to the House Oversight Committee and really

398
00:35:37,320 --> 00:35:43,559
developing what the oversight agenda was going
to be for trying to figure out how

399
00:35:43,679 --> 00:35:45,880
CMS was going to implement the law
and point out all the problems with the

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00:35:45,960 --> 00:35:50,880
law. And we were the key
committee that did the investigation, I mean

401
00:35:50,960 --> 00:35:54,119
several of the investigations. But when
Healthcare, the Obama administration launched the website

402
00:35:54,159 --> 00:36:00,320
healthcare dot gov in October of twenty
thirteen, and they hadn't tested the website,

403
00:36:00,000 --> 00:36:07,639
so it was such a debacle.
And we were I was leading the

404
00:36:07,679 --> 00:36:10,599
staff work for Congress. I'm getting
all the information about how bad it was,

405
00:36:10,679 --> 00:36:14,639
and we were uncovering things that we
would then send to you know,

406
00:36:14,679 --> 00:36:19,800
the CBS evening news that would lead
the CBS eving news coverage those nights on

407
00:36:20,559 --> 00:36:25,320
just how few enrollees got covered under
the law. I then went so I

408
00:36:25,360 --> 00:36:29,000
did that for about three and a
half years, and I could spend a

409
00:36:29,039 --> 00:36:32,239
whole podcast talking about the investigations.
I didn't Obama here then, but I

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00:36:32,280 --> 00:36:39,639
then went to the center Republican Policy
Committee, and Republicans took the majority of

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00:36:39,719 --> 00:36:44,320
the Senate, and there was a
Supreme Court case that was taken up at

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00:36:44,360 --> 00:36:49,599
the time called King v. Burwell, which was about the legality of subsidies

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00:36:49,840 --> 00:36:52,599
in about two thirds of states.
And I don't won't get into the legal

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00:36:52,599 --> 00:36:59,239
issues, but I had spent a
year working on that issue when I was

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00:36:59,280 --> 00:37:01,840
in the House over So Committee,
so I knew the issue better than probably

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00:37:01,880 --> 00:37:07,679
any other congressional staffer. Supreme Court
takes up the case and my boss,

417
00:37:07,840 --> 00:37:15,119
Senator Barasso, gets tasked by Leader
McConnell with developing a plan, legislative plan

418
00:37:15,559 --> 00:37:20,559
if the Supreme Court knocked out those
subsidies. So I sort of led staff

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00:37:20,599 --> 00:37:25,920
work for the first six months of
twenty fifteen working through what the Republican replacement

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00:37:25,960 --> 00:37:30,719
plan would be. And at that
point it became clear to me how difficult

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00:37:30,920 --> 00:37:34,800
the replace exercise was going to be
because you had to get lots of different

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00:37:34,800 --> 00:37:39,239
ideas from across the party. And
actually, I will tell you at the

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00:37:39,360 --> 00:37:47,039
time, Lamar Alexander was the chairman
of the Senate Help Committee, which is

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00:37:47,159 --> 00:37:52,679
one of the two primary committees that
is jurisdiction over healthcare. And his phrase

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00:37:52,719 --> 00:37:57,039
at the time was, if you
like Obamacare, you can keep it,

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00:37:57,480 --> 00:37:59,880
but for the rest of you,
we're going to give you another option.

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00:38:00,119 --> 00:38:04,280
I hated that phrase. I didn't
I think that was the right policy.

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00:38:04,360 --> 00:38:07,159
I was like, we've got to
repeal Obamacare root and branch in retrospect.

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00:38:07,960 --> 00:38:12,519
Alexander was right, like, that
is where we should have sort of tried

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00:38:12,559 --> 00:38:15,440
to focus. Was, Okay,
Obamacare has got all these problems, let's

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00:38:15,440 --> 00:38:22,119
just try to give people and states
escape patches from Obamacare. Like that that

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00:38:22,239 --> 00:38:25,880
should have been I think politically,
realistically, that's that's probably where we should

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00:38:25,920 --> 00:38:30,280
have gotten. Anyway, the Supreme
Court ruled the other way, six to

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00:38:30,320 --> 00:38:35,760
three. They upheld the subsidies and
the law. I then went to Mercadus.

435
00:38:35,800 --> 00:38:37,559
I was a Mericatas for eighteen months, sort of continuing to work on

436
00:38:38,039 --> 00:38:45,840
health reform and thinking about problems with
Obamacare, need to repeal and replace.

437
00:38:45,239 --> 00:38:50,400
And then I got asked to go
to the National Economic Council when President Trump

438
00:38:50,480 --> 00:38:55,320
got elected, and the National Economic
Council coordinates economic policy for the president.

439
00:38:55,880 --> 00:39:00,719
And you know, the first eight
months of that was the legislative effort,

440
00:39:00,880 --> 00:39:13,079
and it was really discouraging in retrospect
to go through that and for the Congress

441
00:39:13,280 --> 00:39:19,760
repealed the individual mandate tax penalty.
But you know, had an opportunity to

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00:39:19,760 --> 00:39:22,760
do much more to help Americans who
were hurt by the law, to reduce

443
00:39:23,760 --> 00:39:30,039
Obamacare's harmful provisions, and you know, we didn't get didn't get across the

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00:39:30,039 --> 00:39:37,559
finish line. For me, it
was very it was still like, Okay,

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00:39:37,559 --> 00:39:40,800
there's still a lot of work to
be done. I'm in a powerful

446
00:39:40,840 --> 00:39:45,440
position to try to help people that
have been harmed by the law. So

447
00:39:45,519 --> 00:39:49,400
that really motivated my work for the
next two years, right as in the

448
00:39:49,400 --> 00:39:53,239
White House where I did those you
know, led the implementation of those executive

449
00:39:53,280 --> 00:39:58,119
items that I mentioned, and it
wasn't easy to get some of those across

450
00:39:58,119 --> 00:40:04,239
the finish line, like there were
there's divisions within the Republican Party on certain

451
00:40:04,320 --> 00:40:08,800
things and where things that were like
first principles for me, like people should

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00:40:08,840 --> 00:40:12,679
be able to use their own money
to buy health insurance that works best for

453
00:40:12,719 --> 00:40:19,119
them. That was not a uniform
view in folks that I worked with in

454
00:40:19,159 --> 00:40:23,159
the administration. So you have to
like fight battles like that and look for

455
00:40:23,239 --> 00:40:30,159
opportunities and generate the best coalitions that
you can going into these meetings. I

456
00:40:30,199 --> 00:40:35,440
got to brief the President several times
on key matters related to health policy.

457
00:40:35,719 --> 00:40:38,679
And the last item that I mentioned
that I got across the finish line was

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00:40:38,719 --> 00:40:45,840
this policy where employers can just give
workers contribution and the workers take that money

459
00:40:46,159 --> 00:40:49,920
and use it to buy health insurance
that works best for them. That was

460
00:40:49,960 --> 00:40:54,360
about two years the work on that
rule, and we finalized it in the

461
00:40:54,400 --> 00:40:58,599
summer of twenty nineteen, and I
got to be the lead briefer to the

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00:40:58,639 --> 00:41:04,000
President that day and then he announced
it in a Rose Garden ceremony that afternoon,

463
00:41:04,119 --> 00:41:07,400
So that was sort of like the
capstone of my time there. I

464
00:41:07,400 --> 00:41:12,599
got to have my wife and parents
tom and be there for that, and

465
00:41:12,639 --> 00:41:17,920
then I was able to say,
Okay, I did the best I could

466
00:41:19,320 --> 00:41:24,239
on helping people who've been harmed by
Obamacare, and it is onto, you

467
00:41:24,320 --> 00:41:30,320
know, sort of the next next
phase. So sorry for that. Politics,

468
00:41:30,480 --> 00:41:31,440
no, no, no, I
think this is one of the most

469
00:41:31,480 --> 00:41:35,760
important stories in America politics, like
the last one hundred years, and nobody

470
00:41:35,760 --> 00:41:39,159
ever talks about it anymore. Yeah, I mean, I agree with you.

471
00:41:39,320 --> 00:41:43,280
And actually one of the things that
I was thinking of doing when I

472
00:41:43,360 --> 00:41:49,159
left was to write a book or
a long essay on sort of the Republican

473
00:41:49,199 --> 00:41:54,679
Party's failure on Obamacare and what we
could learn from it. But I just

474
00:41:54,800 --> 00:41:59,960
figured that, you know, there's
a lot, there's opportunity costs everywhere,

475
00:42:00,239 --> 00:42:02,840
and I wanted to focus more on
the future and what we could do to

476
00:42:02,880 --> 00:42:08,360
reform health policy going forward. And
it would just have taken a lot of

477
00:42:08,440 --> 00:42:15,480
work to do that book or a
long essay and uh uh. And also

478
00:42:15,559 --> 00:42:21,679
it would have been would have been
discouraging again to relive so much of that.

479
00:42:22,320 --> 00:42:25,159
So it's just like, you know, you just the fight never ends,

480
00:42:25,760 --> 00:42:32,199
so you just have to go on
and figure out what the next opportunity

481
00:42:32,320 --> 00:42:38,480
is and uh and get yourself best
positioned, put the policy that the best

482
00:42:38,480 --> 00:42:43,159
policy ideas forward, and figure out
how to build the coalitions and get those

483
00:42:43,239 --> 00:42:46,079
policies and acted, and fight the
ideas that the other side has that that

484
00:42:46,440 --> 00:42:52,960
you know, increase government control over
our healthcare. And again, Brian Blaze

485
00:42:53,039 --> 00:42:57,559
is the president of the Paragon Health
Institute. You can go to their website

486
00:42:57,559 --> 00:43:00,360
at Paragon Institute dot org and read
this report that we've been talking about.

487
00:43:00,760 --> 00:43:05,800
Brian, I just want to say
thank you for giving us this really helpful

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00:43:05,840 --> 00:43:10,639
briefing and reflecting on all your time
fighting for health care policy. Thank you.

489
00:43:10,840 --> 00:43:15,199
Just final, of course, you've
been listening to another edition of The

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00:43:15,239 --> 00:43:17,880
Federalist Radio Hour. I'm Emily Dashinsky, culture editor here at The Federalist.

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00:43:17,920 --> 00:43:22,440
We'll be back soon with more.
Until then, be lovers of freedom and

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00:43:22,559 --> 00:43:40,159
anxious for the fray.
