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We're back with another edition of the
Federalist Radio Hour. I'm Emil Jasinski,

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culture editor here at the Federalist.
As always, you can email the show

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at radio at the Federalist dot com, follow us on Twitter at fdr LST.

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Make sure to subscribe wherever you download
your podcasts, and of course to

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the premium version of our website as
well. Today we're joined by Patrick Deneen.

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He is a professor of political science
at the University of Notre Dame.

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Not Notre Dame University, as he
said as an epidemic of missnomer is also

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for the purposes of today's podcast,
the author of one of the best books

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that I have read in a very
long time, Regime Change. It is

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out on June sixth. Patrick Deneen, Welcome to Federalist Radio Hour. Thanks

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a ry, Thanks having me Emily
appreciate it. The opportunity to pick your

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brain is just it's an honor.
And I want to start with the topic

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or the title I should say,
of the most recent book, Regime Change,

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because buried in that, not buried, but implicit in that is the

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idea that we should still have a
regime. And that's at the heart of

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the book itself. Could you tell
us a little bit about maybe why you

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wanted to title the book regime change, what it conveys about the argument itself.

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Yeah, I think probably people will
be talking about the title maybe more

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than the book itself, which that's
always a danger. But you know,

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kind of interesting titles maybe get people
to pick up something they didn't that they

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may not realize they'll encounter. But
you know that the phrase regime change,

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of course, is well known for
the way in which, for example,

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the war in Iraq, leading up
to the war in Iraq, what the

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aim of the US was at that
time to overthrow the regime the ruling class.

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Of course, at the top of
that Saddam Hussein. But I think

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more fundamentally, and even if you
go back and you revisit those those conversations

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and those debates, regime changes is
at its base the idea that every society

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has a core set of beliefs and
values that predominate, and a change of

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regime isn't just a change of government. It's not, you know, a

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different set of basis. A change
of regime is a change to those core

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set of values. It's it's in
fact, it may not even require a

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change of like everyone in the ruling
class, conditions may change such that,

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whether through kind of political pressure or
circumstance, the kind of prevailing set of

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commitments made themselves change. And the
argument of the book is that we are

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now and I think, at a
kind of critical juncture where the predominant regime,

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building on the arguments of my last
book, Liberalism, it seems to

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me have reached a kind of,
you know, in some ways, the

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kind of logical, somewhat baleful conclusion, how that we're kind of built into

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it and we are in need of
a regime change. I saw a Business

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Insider headline a couple of weeks ago
that said the average It was like,

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meet the average millennial. They're a
married parent with one hundred and twenty eight

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thousand dollars net worth. And to
that headline, a lot of people would

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look and say, liberalism has not
failed. And just to sort of confront

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that very common libertarian or even sort
of establishment democrat line of thinking, that

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there's a real, you know,
maybe at worst, the malaise that people

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sense right now, the populism is
part of a transition period. It's a

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tough time for liberalism, not the
end of liberalism. What would you say

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to that argument, Well, you
know, we can I'm sure we can

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harley back and forth with a lot
of the statistics that seem to us to

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be the most revealing of the addition
that we're in today, and so we

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could point you know, I think
many would point to, oh, yeah,

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we have all these various signs progress
and various signs of things getting better.

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But of course we also have signs
of things getting considerably worse for a

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significant portion of our fellow countrymen and
countrywomen. You know, we have rising

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deaths of despair. We have uh, you know, the kind of you

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talking about a sense of malaise.
I mean it's being manifested in health,

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in forms of addiction, forms of
devastated lives, and beyond that kind of

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both the economic and social dissolution of
life opportunities and chances for people who are

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you know, not they're not the
poorest of the poor. These are kind

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of used to be the kind of
you could think of them as the backbone

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of America, the kind of you
know, the kind of working class that

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you know, I think have been
lionized in the American tradition and now often

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among our ruling class are regarded as
a kind of backward and recidivious and sort

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of sad and sorry part of our
country. Ones who like Kevin Williamson once

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advised just rent a U haul and
get out of wherever, whatever backward place

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you are. But yeah, yeah, so, but beyond so, beyond

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all those um you know, the
statistics might marshal I view and who knows.

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I mean, I can't say this
is you know, this is a

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little bit looking in a crystal ball, but it's also looking backwards. It

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seems to me that one of the
things that history as well as classical philosophy

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teaches us is that society is always
riven between kind of two main classes.

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And this is what I talk about
in the book The Many and the Few.

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And we can differentiate those classes according
to different criteria, but there's a

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problem in every society, which is
that there's kind of natural division and even

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hostility between these two classes, and
one will always be seeking to get advantage

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over the other. And the tradition
teaches us that unless in some ways this

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divide is in some ways moderated or
overcome, the likely outcome and possibly even

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inevitable outcome unless it's somehow mitigated,
is either civil war or one kind of

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form of tyranny of one of these
classes over the other class. And this

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is the great fear in the tradition. I spend every year teaching authors,

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and this great traditional authors that we
think about is constituting the Western tradition and

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who and who argue pretty consistently until
relatively modern time that the way in which

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this division can and ought to be
mitigated is through something that they has been

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come to be known as the idea
of the mixed constitution or the mixed regime,

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which is one of the inspirations for
the title of the book, the

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idea of the mixed Regime. And
if this division is not mitigated through this

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effort to kind of have this form
of mixing between the classes, we can

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talk more about that, then the
outcome is going to be a kind of

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ongoing, royling, even oscillating form
of disorder in the politics. And it's

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just from where I stand right now, that just seems to me to be

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capture the world that we are seeing
right now. So you know again,

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yeah, it is. It is
a kind of roiling disorder that you know,

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maybe we come out of this fine, But it doesn't seem to me

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that we come out of this without
some kind of intention and effort, in

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particular to reduce the kind of consequences
of the division between these kind of two

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permanent classes, which I think are
really a marked marked or mark our particular

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division of our age. And tell
me if you don't think this is a

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helpful thought exercise. But you're in
South Bend or Notre Dame, and I'm

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thinking of you know, an elite
cadre of class traders can form a new

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elite to serve the people this prescription
for the country. If we focus on

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someone, maybe you get asked about
a lot because of another day of Pete

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Buddha judge, who is sort of
the avatar of technocratic elitism. How does

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the mixed regime model, how does
that fix a Pete Buddha judge, or

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how does that make a Pete Buddha
judge sort of work better for the country.

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Yeah, that's fring such an interesting
question. I knew Pete a bit

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when he was here. We both
have dogs, and so I would see

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him every so often in the dog
park. Have a few pictures of us

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together and our dogs together in the
dog park, and it was you know,

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it was interesting. Was that I
think as a mayor, I'll be

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the first to say this, I
think as a mayor, Pete was a

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great mayor. I think he was
a really wonderful mayor. I think he

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did a lot of good in the
city of South Bend. I know it's

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probably I'm driving many of your listeners
crazy by saying that that's okay, but

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but he did. He did some
wonderful things for this city. And it's

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interesting that when he was mayor he
would talk about things that really mattered to

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the flourishing of the lives of kind
of ordinary people. We have some really

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great parks now that we're kind of
set up or refurbished. During his time

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here, he did a lot to
help create a kind of more walkable,

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pedestrian friendly downtown, not just dominated
by automobiles and parking lots. It was

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when he began thinking and looking to
political office that he began, you could

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say, to more manifest those features
that we now think about as the kind

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of technocratic elite. That he really
began to mold himself or to really think,

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I think, to portray himself and
understand himself in those in those terms,

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and also to really begin to adopt
a lot of the we would say

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the more orthodox positions of the Democratic
Party. When he was married, wasn't

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clear whether it's a Democratic Republican at
all. So in some ways, you

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know, I think that's a really
good example of the way exactly in somebody's

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what I'm talking about, which is
that Mayor p is an elite, Like

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I'm an elite, you know,
I teach a Notre dame, like many

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people in our world probably listening to
this podcast, or elites. The problem

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is in elites. The problem is
is when the elites and somebody's become completely

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or almost completely detached from the kind
of everyday needs of average people who don't

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have the advantages that we have.
We don't have the advantages both financially but

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also frankly, I think socially today, where it's more and more difficult to

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have a family and to raise a
family, to have children, and to

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have expectation that they will have good
and flourishing lives. So it's not mine

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as in an argument per se.
In fact, it's it's most decidedly not

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an argument against elites. It's an
argument for good elites, and that good

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elites at some level have to be
sort of deeply ground in various ways and

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have a kind of deep understanding of
the needs and concerns a sort of ordinary

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people who don't share their benefits.
One of the things I found most compelling

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about this book is it's in so
many ways a history book. And one

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of the points you made was about
the era that we think of now conventional

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historian the conventional historical narratives that there's
the Gilded Age was the era of the

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robber barons. But that was an
elite very different from our elite today.

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And I found your comparison really helpful
there what can we learn looking back on

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the era of the so called robber
barons and comparing, you know, a

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Carnegie to a Zuckerberg. Yeah,
I mean, I'm not going to I'm

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not going to speak in unvarnished praise
of the of the Gilded Era as such.

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But one of the things, and
you're pointing out, or you're alluding

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to a kind of sequence in the
book where I talk about the some of

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the features of the contemporary elite,
so that maybe this technocratic elite that we're

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talking about and when I think of
the contemporary elite and I teach, you

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know, I teach them. I've
taught them now for about thirty years,

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started at Princeton and then Georgetown and
now at Notre Dame. More than more

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than whatever they major in. It's
the ability in some ways to have highly

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portable, non rooted, highly alterable
or malleable scales. That's really what you

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kind of get and you develop when
you're especially when you go to elite institutions,

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to elite university. So everyone's always
agonizing over what they should major.

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And I was almost in somebody's kind
of amused by this. Unless it's something

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really highly technical. In some ways, it doesn't matter because regardless of the

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major, you're all majoring in that
one thing, right, which is this

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kind of developing the property of your
own mind and your own skill set.

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And that's kind of the property that
we own. And it's kind of interesting

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today when you think of contemporary people, we generally very few of us is

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going to own property in the old
fashioned sense of the word. We're not

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landed aristocrats anymore. The elite is
no longer landed. Most of us will

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never own the property that notionally we
own, we'll own them, you know,

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well the bank money on what it
is we own. And these days

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you don't even own like a record
set or or a library, and you

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own, you know, sort of
digital rights to those things which may or

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may not actually remain depending on what
you know the fashion is today. So

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we really do own these sort of
portable skill sets. But this, this

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cultivates, we could say, this
results in a certain kind of ruling class

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that no longer really has a kind
of the fixed notion of a kind of

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commitment to certain people in certain places, and it kind of leads to this,

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you know, this ruling class that
floats above, you know, sort

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of above the surface level of what
lies below them, that they are capable

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of living anywhere, and thus see
themselves not merely even has people who come

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from from a region or from a
place, but even who come from a

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country, we are to understand ourselves
as most fundamentally cosmopolitan. And it's in

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the context of talking about this where
I contrast this with the age of the

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Robert Barons, which of course isn't
just Carnegial that's an example of one,

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but in which those people at least
in the form of the kinds of philanthropy

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that they engaged and was actually pretty
beneficial to particular places. And so,

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I mean, even close to where
I live, there's a really wonderful old

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corn Carnegie Library which is now no
longer a library, sadly, but a

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kind of reception hall where my son
held a wedding reception in, among other

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things. But you could say that
this was more broadly, that there was

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a kind of ethos of the ruling
class. And again, I don't want

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to engage in overly engage in nostalgia, but nostalgia also involves the idea of

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remembering, and so much of what
has we could say is still valuable about

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the many, many places in this
country, not just the New York cities

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and the Bostons of the Chicago,
but places like South Bend and places like

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where I grew up, Windsor,
Connecticut, a small town outside Hartford.

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Some of the most important institutions,
buildings, the societies, the opera houses,

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the civic theaters, you know,
all these institutions that you could say

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become a kind of public utility of
the people in those places. They were

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built by elites who weren't just vacuumed
up by elite institutions and then remove from

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those places to become sort of,
you know, kind of hogs in a

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globalized economic order in which they would
never necessarily develop those kinds of commitments,

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and therefore that kind of the ideal
of building a kind of institutional legacy as

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a gift to the people in the
places from which they came. You know,

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I think of where I'm from in
Milwaukee. One thing we're very proud

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of is the Papst Theater literally guilded
right downtown. Gorgeous. I've been there,

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It's just absolutely amazing. Yeah,
So again I think we need to

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understand that this is the mixed legacy. I'm sure the Paps had, you

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know, certain peccadillos and so forth, but those things are you know,

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those are really extraordinary features of our
landscape. And now when I think of

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you know, when I'm sure there
are we still have evidence of these things.

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But so much of the kind of
philanthropy that we see today really moves

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now more in the direction of well, you know, think of all of

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the hundreds and hundreds of millions of
dollars that get that get donated to a

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universities by people who went to those
universities. Do these places really need more?

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It's a place that really need you
know, another dormitory name for another

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multi billionaire. Yeah, so another
jungle gym, Yeah yeah, climbing wall.

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Yeah. Tim Cook here and DC
restored a Carnegie Library into an apple

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store. It did a beautiful job
on the restoration, but the motive was

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obviously yeah, so I imagine,
yeah, I imagine I'm going from a

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library to an apple store. It's
perfect. Well, another historical element that

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you draw to the surface here is
the influence of John Stuart Mill. You

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read a lot about John Stuart Mill, and this was fascinating history and the

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influence of his I guess perspective on
the question of subjective claims. She talked

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to us a little bit about how
we see that in the dynamics today.

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Yeah. I would say, if
there's any bettan noir as it were kind

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of the villain of my book,
it's it's John Stuart Mill. It was

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actually only rere it recently I realized
he was all over the place, so

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obviously was he was looming large in
just thinking about what are the kind of

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what in some ways the origins of
the current disorder, or the liberal disorder

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in particular. And what I really
was was striving to do in these various

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passages was to reshape and reframe.
I think, how many you know,

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kind of who many people who receive
a kind of you know, maybe some

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degree of training or education in political
philosophy, how they perceived John Stuart Mill,

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largely as a kind of a foundational
thinker, which he certainly is,

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who establishes certain kinds of especially libertarian
perspectives that have become almost default, you

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know, default in terms of how
we think about what is the nature of

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politics and in particular what is what
are the justifications of the exercise of political

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authority? And the limitations on personal
liberty as an area where Mill is quite

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famous, and he argues in his
very famously in his eighteen fifty nine book

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on Liberty, he argues that there
should really be no limitation upon the expression

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an exercise of personal liberty, speech, action, thoughts, and so forth,

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unless those those actions or even those
words or thoughts result in harm have

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the consequence of harming another person's famously
described as the harm principle, and so

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this the result of this argument is
that it leads to kind of an assessment

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of whether or at any sort of
thought, word, deed, and so

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forth can be shown or proven to
result in harm, and if not,

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then there should be no limitation upon
those those forms of thought and expression.

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And so this reduces then a kind
of default into the you could say,

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into the political domain of a kind
of libertarian ethos. And this is why

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libertarians find Mill, of course to
be very attractive as a thinker. But

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the side of this argument that I
really want to draw out in the book,

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and I'm certainly not the first person
to draw this out, but I

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think I think it's the consequence of
this side of Mill's argument are not appreciated

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enough and not recognized enough, which
is that Mill was making these arguments less

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directed against the constraints of the government, in other words, less I mean,

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it certainly includes the ways in which
government can restrain our liberties, but

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is real concern and he states us
at the opening of the book, he

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says, we've actually been pretty successful
at limiting government. And this is now

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a couple hundred years into the at
least one hundred years into the liberal project.

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He said, we've been had fair
success at that what we haven't had

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succeed yet is limiting the ways that
other people, especially through custom, especially

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through tradition, especially through religious belief. We haven't been successful in limiting those

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domains that limit whatever it is we
want to say. So it's you know,

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we could say, you know,
I grew up in a world in

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which dropping an F bomb was something
you didn't do generally unless you were really

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really angry, and then you knew
it, like when Dad was angry,

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you know, you might, but
otherwise you just didn't hear it nearly as

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much as you hear today. I
watched, you know, the last episode

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of Succession. I think they counted
like five thousand F bombs that episode.

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It's just it's just commonplace now.
And so that you could say we you

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know, Mill was describing a world
in which there was a lot of social

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constraint, right, He's living in
the Victorian Age, so there's a lot

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of social constraint. And so the
effort of Mill. Mill's argument really is

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to say, or its core effort, is to say, we need to

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overturn what he describes as the despotism
of custom. The despotism not just that

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custom is a way of sort of
organizing society and its folk ways. It's

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a form of despotism, and it's
in some ways more dangerous and more insidious,

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more pervasive than any government form of
despotism or government restriction upon our liberty,

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because it's something that so environs our
everyday life that we internalize it,

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this custom. And so the argument
of on liberty is to say, those

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people that are nonconformists, that seek
to do something different from whatever custom or

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tradition demand, these are the people
who, in some ways should be given

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the place of a kind of priority, or to use the word of the

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month, a place of pride in
our society. That this is, this

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is what should become in some ways
the default. The person who wants to

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do something different needs to be protected
from the despotism of everyone around them in

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terms of how they think, in
terms of what they believe. And you

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can see how it switches the default
in a very important way, in a

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way that think that often escapes us. That the person who defends custom and

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tradition is now regarded as the despot
and the person who is the nonconformist is

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now seen as that's what the norm
of our society is. And so you

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go from a world in which you
know, the uh, you know,

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in some way sorts of kind of
sense that there's a kind of respectable way

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of doing things, to one in
which being them the disruptor, being the

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person who challenges all of the you
know, the conceptions and so forth.

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This becomes the dominant way in which
we recognize what a good society is.

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And again when you think, I
just watch watch advertising today, you know,

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just think about how we how you
know, everyone has and somebodys present

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themselves as a disruptor. This,
I think Mill's influence is quite powerful.

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And which one last thing, This
turns out to have its own power dynamic

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because now the people who argue for
let's say, more traditional or customary forms

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of life, these people have to
be constrained. These people, you know,

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now constitute the despoit, the threat
to the free society. And so

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when we see a world in which
it's now today, the people who are

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deemed judgmental people have a religious faith
or tradition especially, these are the people

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who need to be quiet. These
are the people who are not allowed to

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speak, you know, these are
the people who now constitute a threat to

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the liberty of other people. So
it's not it's not a neutral society that

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Mill ultimately argues for, it's one
that's going to have its own power dynamics,

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right. And this is the This
is really what I'm trying to draw

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out those various passages on J.
S. Mill, is that the ruling

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class today, which I think is
very much shaped and formed by these arguments,

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without ever necessarily leaving ever having read
Mill to any extent, has imbined

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this basic sort of philosophical viewpoint,
and I think helps to describe how we're

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experiencing this new radical, transgressive class
as a kind of oppressive or even a

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kind of, as some have described, a kind of new kind of tatelitarianism.

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It makes me also think of the
Christopher Caldwell book Age of Entitlement,

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in the ways in which identity come
to become their own despots as they replaced

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custom. And I wonder is in
that sense is John Stuart Mill almost understood

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as the grandfather of postmodernism? Are
we drawing a line from from Mill to

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Nietzsche to Butler? Is that,
you know, is that a fair sort

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of lineage? Interesting? I mean, I think you could say there's a

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yeah, there's a there's a kind
of logic within Mill's argument that in which

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the transgressive figure is always going to
be given in some ways that the place

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of kind of priority, right,
it becomes I often describe it as it

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becomes the kind of the default way
of thinking about what's the basis around which

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we understand and organized society, That
this transgressive, anti norm individual becomes the

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way of thinking about of thinking about
this. But I guess there's there's you

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know. One of the things that
Mill that I think Mill also helps us

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to reveal, and this is a
main theme in the book, is that

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the ruling class in many ways is
now defined by those who see themselves as

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the more progressive of the society and
sees the greatest threat coming from those who

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are less progressed. Now, in
Mills understanding, this is going to be

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the masses, the many, right, So mills great fear is that the

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many, the demos, however we
want to describe them, the masses of

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people, that they have a kind
of almost instinctive attraction to this kind of

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world of custom. They just kind
of do things in the same way as

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their ancestors did. And in Mills, you it's because they're just uninquisitive.

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They're sort of ignorant. They're not
philosophers. You know, if we take

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Edit and Burke's argument, Burke's argument
is that they do so because it turns

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out that certain things work over a
long period of time, and you cold

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00:27:52,079 --> 00:27:56,359
onto them, you continue to do
them because a more conservative mindset is one

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in which you don't anything in the
name of simply let's just have anue experiment

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in our society. Mill is going
to praise what he calls experiments in living,

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and Burke is going to say,
be wary of those who want to

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disrupt longstanding ways of life in the
name of some unknown yet untried way of

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organizing things. So how does Mill
then propose to institute this change of default

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from a society of tradition to a
society of disruption and transgression. Well,

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he proposed to do this essentially by
putting in place a ruling class that will

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restrain and restrict the many, the
demos, and so in the domestic realm

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and one of his books, he
famously argues that those who are more progressed

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should be given more vote, that
they should be given several votes in order

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to sort of combat the sort of
the electoral advantages of the many, and

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in the international sphere, you may
just have to engage an outright imperialism and

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colonialism to sort of train up the
backward peoples of other countries. So he

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really does talk about this in terms
of having a progressive ruling class who dominate

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over a kind of unwashed masses.
And so to me, it's just amusing

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to see libertarians who don't like wokeness
and don't like the progressive despotism of our

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days. To me quite amusing,
if not downright alarming, to see them

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invoking John Stuart Mill as they're great
hero because in many ways, the thing

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that they dislike the most about today's
progressive agenda and its mindset arises right from

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the heart of Mill's own philosophy.
That's such an important point. You write

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about the Macavellian means to achieve Aristotilian
ends, and you sort of prescribe the

364
00:30:00,079 --> 00:30:03,920
cure of aristo populism going forward,
and what that might look like if we

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hone in on the Machiavellian means um. You know, people will It's flesh

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out in the book, and people
should should get the book. But just

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as a taste of how you sort
of envision Machiavellian means in twenty twenty three,

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what does that look like? Yeah, so I can already tell that

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in addition to the title regime change, that little phrase Machiavellian means to Aristutilian

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ends this is going to cause a
lot of brains to break. And in

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fact it's you know, this is
again I'm a political theorist by training,

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so I mean this in a somewhat
different way than the popular way that people

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tend to think. Machiavelli and means
of course sounds like oh he just you

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know, the end justifies the means, so like one can do anything,

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one one is allowed to do anything. And I'm quite clear that in fact

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I'm what I'm speaking of. It's
it's in the chapter that, as you

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suggest, it's called aristo populism.
It's the effort to begin to sort of

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shape what would what would it look
to have a ruling class. As I

379
00:31:02,279 --> 00:31:07,279
was saying earlier, that has a
kind of it is deeply informed by the

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ethos and condition and experiences of ordinary
people who don't again share the advantages and

381
00:31:15,160 --> 00:31:18,759
benefits of being in the ruling class. What would it be like, What

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00:31:18,759 --> 00:31:23,720
would that look like to have a
ruling class that's closely aligned to the needs

383
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and conditions and that allow for the
flourishing of ordinary people without assuming that well,

384
00:31:30,319 --> 00:31:33,000
if everyone can just go to Harvard, will all be well? Right,

385
00:31:33,240 --> 00:31:36,720
This was almost literally, you know, Robert reichs I should say that

386
00:31:37,480 --> 00:31:41,119
Robert Reich back in the day was
making arguments that you know, it was

387
00:31:41,160 --> 00:31:44,880
basically early versions of the argument everyone
just needs to learn to program, and

388
00:31:45,640 --> 00:31:48,640
that that that's kind of the answer
from the ruling class. They just need

389
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to be more like us. So
when I speak of this the formation of

390
00:31:56,559 --> 00:32:00,759
this new ruling class, I revisit
this, this classical tradition of the idea

391
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of a mixed constitution, of mixing
the classes. And mixing the classes doesn't

392
00:32:07,039 --> 00:32:12,400
just mean, you know, you
know, mayor Pea should live, shouldn't

393
00:32:12,400 --> 00:32:16,359
have left South Bend or something.
It means, in some ways, correcting

394
00:32:16,720 --> 00:32:25,640
the likely vices of each class with
the let's say, the potential and likely

395
00:32:25,759 --> 00:32:34,440
virtues of the other class. So
the elite class has certain tendencies that lead

396
00:32:34,519 --> 00:32:37,119
to vices, right, and this
is true in everyday and age. They

397
00:32:37,359 --> 00:32:42,319
have the tools to dominate the many. Even though we might think, well,

398
00:32:42,880 --> 00:32:45,599
they can be overcome by the many, it's actually we know from history

399
00:32:45,599 --> 00:32:51,000
that a small group of powerful people
controlling money and controlling institutions, they can

400
00:32:51,039 --> 00:32:53,599
control awful lot of the society.
This is why most societies and some ways

401
00:32:53,640 --> 00:33:00,519
are ruled either by oligarchies or military
Huntas a small group of leads, they

402
00:33:00,599 --> 00:33:04,799
have, they have the tools,
they have the ability to have the ability

403
00:33:04,799 --> 00:33:07,920
to concert with each other. They
kind of know each other, and they

404
00:33:07,960 --> 00:33:12,680
have a kind of sense of self
congratulation about their condition. And this is

405
00:33:12,759 --> 00:33:16,880
kind of true across time and places. On the other hand, the many,

406
00:33:19,279 --> 00:33:22,559
the party of the many, the
party of the demos, is also

407
00:33:22,599 --> 00:33:25,920
inclined to certain kinds of vices.
They tend to be often they're poorer,

408
00:33:27,400 --> 00:33:30,680
which leads I'm not saying poverty is
a vice, but it can lead to

409
00:33:30,680 --> 00:33:37,640
certain kinds of advices, kind of
condition of being somebody's degraded coarseness, resentment,

410
00:33:38,720 --> 00:33:44,799
and the and that those those last
two in particular lead to maybe a

411
00:33:44,839 --> 00:33:50,839
predisposition. Predisposition to being influenced by
demagogues, by people who will stoke those

412
00:33:50,880 --> 00:33:55,599
resentments and then use the popular power
to sort of government their own behalf.

413
00:33:55,640 --> 00:34:00,839
I'm not speaking of anyone in particular
course here, but we might we might

414
00:34:00,279 --> 00:34:04,720
think of some examples from history.
But at the same time, in the

415
00:34:04,720 --> 00:34:07,920
classical tradition, the Party of the
Few, in the Party of the many,

416
00:34:08,000 --> 00:34:12,800
had certain kinds of potential virtues.
And the few, we could say

417
00:34:12,840 --> 00:34:16,920
would be some of them. We've
already spoken of kind of elevated taste and

418
00:34:17,000 --> 00:34:23,760
refinement. So concern with forms of
culture, creating civic theaters or operas,

419
00:34:23,840 --> 00:34:29,639
or sponsoring musicians, or art,
public art, right, great architecture,

420
00:34:30,000 --> 00:34:36,000
public architecture, great parks. They
have more leisure. Typically, they've often

421
00:34:36,039 --> 00:34:40,920
been better educated, so they've had
the advantage of a liberal education that is

422
00:34:40,960 --> 00:34:45,840
not you know, as famously as
John Adams once said in his Considerations on

423
00:34:45,320 --> 00:34:52,119
a Constitute, Thoughts on Thoughts on
Government, that the liberal education of the

424
00:34:52,239 --> 00:34:57,000
many was centrally important, but that
would come via an elite. It would

425
00:34:57,000 --> 00:34:59,480
become, you know, back in
those days, would probably come through the

426
00:34:59,519 --> 00:35:04,519
pews, probably come through ministers who
went to places like Princeton, which used

427
00:35:04,519 --> 00:35:08,000
to be a religious school. And
at the same time, the Party of

428
00:35:08,000 --> 00:35:14,639
the Many have certain kinds of virtues
they have ordinary virtues, only virtues.

429
00:35:15,159 --> 00:35:19,039
They tend to be more closer to
the ground. They know sort of how

430
00:35:19,079 --> 00:35:22,280
things work. They kind of are
often doing the work of hands or work

431
00:35:22,320 --> 00:35:27,039
of the fields, and so they're
aware of what the world can give us

432
00:35:27,039 --> 00:35:31,400
and what the world can't give us. They therefore are aware of limits,

433
00:35:32,239 --> 00:35:38,920
the limits of that the world places
upon us. They tend to be more

434
00:35:39,000 --> 00:35:44,920
rooted, less cosmopolitan, which can
be both bad and good. And one

435
00:35:44,960 --> 00:35:49,400
of the things Polybius says, which
is quite interesting, the Roman history writes

436
00:35:49,480 --> 00:35:52,440
the History of Rome says, they've
more inclined to be pious, and maybe

437
00:35:52,440 --> 00:35:57,559
that's bound up with being in touch
with the cycles of the world and in

438
00:35:57,639 --> 00:36:02,679
some ways the limits as well as
the potentials of the world. So the

439
00:36:02,760 --> 00:36:12,039
question that these thinkers of the mixed
constitution confront is how does one ultivate those

440
00:36:12,239 --> 00:36:19,679
best sides of those parties while reducing
the other sides of those parties. And

441
00:36:19,719 --> 00:36:23,760
the answer is consistently, you need
to have a mixed regime in which the

442
00:36:23,880 --> 00:36:30,199
one side is limiting the bed devices
of the other side while drawing out or

443
00:36:30,280 --> 00:36:36,480
encouraging the virtues of the other side. And so rather than having a vicious

444
00:36:36,519 --> 00:36:38,079
cycle, on which I think that's
what we're in right now, in which

445
00:36:38,159 --> 00:36:42,000
sort of the many and the few
are and kind of constantly making each other

446
00:36:42,039 --> 00:36:46,400
worse. You actually develop a virtuous
cycle in which they are making each other

447
00:36:46,440 --> 00:36:51,000
better. They're sort of demanding that
each other be better. And now we

448
00:36:51,079 --> 00:36:54,760
get finally to your question. Macuvellian
means to a ristite, Macuelli means to

449
00:36:54,760 --> 00:37:01,280
Aristotelian ends. There's a disagreement in
the classical tradition, and the disagreement is

450
00:37:01,280 --> 00:37:05,840
whether or not this idea of a
mixed constitution should be a kind of form

451
00:37:05,840 --> 00:37:09,960
of checks and balances. So should
there be basically a kind of antagonism between

452
00:37:10,000 --> 00:37:14,400
these two parties in which they force
each other to be better A House and

453
00:37:14,480 --> 00:37:17,719
Senate. Yeah, yeah, kind
of, although that's a that's a kind

454
00:37:17,719 --> 00:37:22,199
of, let's just say, a
fairly incomplete version of the idea of mixed

455
00:37:22,239 --> 00:37:27,159
constitution. Yeah, I mean it
basically, it's saying that the elites need

456
00:37:27,199 --> 00:37:31,159
to be checked, right, it
needs the elites need to check each other.

457
00:37:31,719 --> 00:37:35,840
But so you have But that's but
I mean, you're right that that's

458
00:37:35,880 --> 00:37:42,199
the basic feature of that part of
our constitution derives from one part of this

459
00:37:42,239 --> 00:37:45,079
tradition, which says that there's going
to be an antagonism between these two classes

460
00:37:45,159 --> 00:37:49,840
and they'll check each other. And
the figure who makes this argument maybe most

461
00:37:50,079 --> 00:37:55,599
powerfully is Nicolo Machiavelli in his work
The Discourses, the Discourses on Living,

462
00:37:55,960 --> 00:38:01,679
and he says Rome became great because
of this kind of antagonism and dispute and

463
00:38:01,760 --> 00:38:07,639
a kind of balance that arose between
the party of the many and the party

464
00:38:07,639 --> 00:38:12,079
of the few. And then you
have the Aristotelian tradition of Aristotle in particular,

465
00:38:12,119 --> 00:38:15,159
but also Thomas Aquinas, who argues
that there needs to be a kind

466
00:38:15,199 --> 00:38:22,840
of deeper synthesis between these two classes
that actually results in a much more blended

467
00:38:22,360 --> 00:38:28,239
regime in which the many and the
few basically take on the features of each

468
00:38:28,239 --> 00:38:34,239
other, and both classes in some
ways get to enjoy the virtues of the

469
00:38:34,280 --> 00:38:37,599
other class, in which the upper
class takes on certain virtues of the lower

470
00:38:37,599 --> 00:38:42,639
classes and the lower class takes on
certain virtues of the upper class. So

471
00:38:42,679 --> 00:38:46,360
now we get to the phrase Machiavelli
means to Aristotelian ends, and so we

472
00:38:45,960 --> 00:38:51,519
are we're at a moment right now
where it's likely that the elite will not

473
00:38:52,000 --> 00:38:59,880
reform itself without popular pressure, without
that Machiavellian assertion of a kind of antagonist

474
00:39:00,119 --> 00:39:02,760
popular power saying hey, things are
really bad for us out here, and

475
00:39:02,880 --> 00:39:07,920
we demand that you stop being so
self serving and stop giving yourself all these

476
00:39:07,960 --> 00:39:14,400
advantages at the expense of our prospects
for flourishing. And that's how I interpret

477
00:39:14,639 --> 00:39:19,480
the kind of populist uprising all around
the world, which is, you know,

478
00:39:19,519 --> 00:39:23,880
I think you're popular uprising against this
kind of liberal elite. I see

479
00:39:23,920 --> 00:39:29,920
it as a kind of Machiavellian moment. But my hope and the argument of

480
00:39:30,000 --> 00:39:35,840
this book is that my preference is
for a more Aristotelian foreign mixed constitution.

481
00:39:36,880 --> 00:39:43,840
So the Machiavelian means, I hope
moves toward Aristotelian ends. And that brings

482
00:39:43,880 --> 00:39:46,519
me to one of the biggest questions. There's just so much in this book

483
00:39:46,519 --> 00:39:51,039
that I agree with, But because
I'm a pessimist, I had this nagging

484
00:39:51,119 --> 00:39:54,719
question in the back of my head
about whether, you know, the populist

485
00:39:54,840 --> 00:40:01,599
uprising is representative of much more in
a sort of populous slice of the population.

486
00:40:01,679 --> 00:40:06,119
You know, people in Middle America
and the rest belt who have been

487
00:40:06,360 --> 00:40:08,719
very poorly served, and um,
you know, that's where you see concentrated

488
00:40:08,800 --> 00:40:13,760
doesn't despair, although there are plenty
in urban areas now too. But I

489
00:40:13,800 --> 00:40:22,360
just wonder is there a real movement? Is there a populist appetite for an

490
00:40:22,440 --> 00:40:27,320
end to liberalism? Or are people
sated by liberalism? Do they want more

491
00:40:27,760 --> 00:40:31,679
liberalism? When you look at you
know, Donald Trump, um in particular,

492
00:40:31,880 --> 00:40:37,880
somebody who went really viral early on
by placating Caitlyn Jenner, And this

493
00:40:37,039 --> 00:40:42,320
was fodder for memes and people really
enjoyed it. I guess I just wonder,

494
00:40:42,440 --> 00:40:45,880
you know, is there a populist
yearning for a return to Christian roots

495
00:40:46,039 --> 00:40:49,599
as you write, or I mean
I think there is. I mean,

496
00:40:49,599 --> 00:40:54,880
I think that's a deeply human inclination. M But but faced with the alternative

497
00:40:55,119 --> 00:41:01,280
of pure hedonism, technocratic hedonism,
I worry that's really what people want,

498
00:41:01,360 --> 00:41:06,519
and the populist packaging, um,
you know, might be covering up half

499
00:41:06,559 --> 00:41:08,880
of people who do want to return
to Christian roots and half of people who

500
00:41:08,880 --> 00:41:15,119
want something much darker. Yeah.
So I'm in a very odd position of

501
00:41:15,199 --> 00:41:19,519
being or at least trying to present
myself as less pessimistic than I am,

502
00:41:19,639 --> 00:41:22,480
because I'm also deeply pessimistic about our
or a moment. And at the end

503
00:41:22,480 --> 00:41:25,320
of my last book Why Liberalism Failed, people said, well, what hope

504
00:41:25,360 --> 00:41:29,239
is there? Right, what what
hope do you give us? And they

505
00:41:29,320 --> 00:41:34,639
kind of faulted me with not having
given more of a positive program um and

506
00:41:34,679 --> 00:41:37,800
maybe you know, some some vision
forward at the end of that book.

507
00:41:38,000 --> 00:41:43,360
And so I find myself in the
strange position now of sort of being accused

508
00:41:43,360 --> 00:41:45,719
of being, you know, too
wide eyed optimist about what the what the

509
00:41:45,880 --> 00:41:52,440
what the prospects are. Um.
It's with all, with all recognition of

510
00:41:52,480 --> 00:42:00,639
how um sometimes deeply, deeply dire
things look, and with little little,

511
00:42:00,639 --> 00:42:07,400
really good prospect for changing the basic
dynamic of our current condition, which does

512
00:42:07,440 --> 00:42:10,079
seem to be moving. I think
as you describe a condition in which sort

513
00:42:10,079 --> 00:42:15,519
of our you know, technocratic overlords
will will feed us, you know,

514
00:42:15,360 --> 00:42:20,880
constant titillation and distraction, so that
we're a little bit like the batteries and

515
00:42:20,920 --> 00:42:23,800
the matrix, you know, the
human batteries in the matrix in which we

516
00:42:24,599 --> 00:42:28,360
feed me, give me the kinds
of drugs and the you know, I

517
00:42:28,440 --> 00:42:30,559
mean up here you can't even walk
down. I mean, I was just

518
00:42:30,559 --> 00:42:34,639
in New York, you can't walk
through the city without smelling marijuana everywhere.

519
00:42:34,639 --> 00:42:37,360
I mean, just kind of letting
me be constantly sedated, self sedated.

520
00:42:37,960 --> 00:42:45,880
And I will gladly assent to this, the conditions of deep and profound human

521
00:42:47,280 --> 00:42:52,280
degradation that that that will be the
you know, the kind of the arrangements

522
00:42:52,280 --> 00:42:59,480
that we enter. It's there's I
would be the first to acknowledge the following.

523
00:43:00,480 --> 00:43:05,800
Whatever kind of populous moment we have
seen and may still yet be seeing,

524
00:43:07,480 --> 00:43:09,599
you can you can be certain and
I am quite certain I'm seeing this

525
00:43:10,000 --> 00:43:16,920
that massive efforts are being made to
not just defeat it, but really more

526
00:43:17,000 --> 00:43:22,360
dangerously, to co opt it,
you know, to take those energies and

527
00:43:22,480 --> 00:43:27,960
to basically sort of redirect them in
a very safe direction in ensuring the ongoing

528
00:43:28,119 --> 00:43:31,760
system is not disrupted. And I
think this is being This is actually true

529
00:43:31,760 --> 00:43:35,519
on both the left and the right. I think both the left and the

530
00:43:35,639 --> 00:43:37,880
right sometimes are kind of in the
moment, at the moment, co opting

531
00:43:38,840 --> 00:43:46,960
these populist energies in the pursuit of
essentially maintaining their status and position. On

532
00:43:47,119 --> 00:43:51,880
the left, I mean, I
think this is one of the deepest sources

533
00:43:51,880 --> 00:43:55,360
of identity politics. I don't think
it's cultural Marxism. I think it's really

534
00:43:55,480 --> 00:44:01,280
status and class maintenance, and it's
in other words, it's the appearance of

535
00:44:02,119 --> 00:44:10,119
deep commitment to equality, especially in
institutions that are designed to cultivate the elites.

536
00:44:12,320 --> 00:44:15,239
The more elite the institution, the
more certain you can be that these

537
00:44:15,280 --> 00:44:20,679
are the places where they're deep committed
to equality of the most loudly trumpeted.

538
00:44:20,880 --> 00:44:23,639
I mean, I teach at an
elite university, and this is constantly the

539
00:44:23,679 --> 00:44:28,119
refrain and the kind of the lack
of self awareness of exactly what's going on

540
00:44:28,280 --> 00:44:31,320
is just absolutely stunning. But at
the same time, the you know,

541
00:44:31,360 --> 00:44:36,519
the right today or the you know
it seems to me the sort of right

542
00:44:36,639 --> 00:44:42,519
liberal right is you know, seeking
to co op the populace energy in opposition

543
00:44:42,719 --> 00:44:47,559
to wokeness, which I don't disagree
with, but basically to say that this

544
00:44:47,760 --> 00:44:52,039
wokeness is basically it's a form of
cultural Marxism. It's a threat to the

545
00:44:52,159 --> 00:44:57,840
kind of a good functioning economic order
that we're all enjoying. So both the

546
00:44:57,920 --> 00:45:01,199
left and the right are kind of
in some ways engaged in this almost faux

547
00:45:01,239 --> 00:45:07,480
battle that will result in no real
substantive change that will benefit sort of the

548
00:45:07,679 --> 00:45:15,880
ordinary working class people of this country
and around the world. So I part

549
00:45:15,880 --> 00:45:19,119
of the book, and I actually
you said this earlier, and I say

550
00:45:19,159 --> 00:45:24,119
this as well. What would be
needed to make this populist up surge,

551
00:45:24,119 --> 00:45:28,440
which has really been a bottom up
phenomenon, hasn't been planned from the top.

552
00:45:28,840 --> 00:45:31,119
You're actually going to need a class
of elites who are going to effectively

553
00:45:31,239 --> 00:45:36,760
function as kind of class traders.
You're going to need a set of elites

554
00:45:36,840 --> 00:45:42,400
who are going to give some substantive
voice to these you know, I think

555
00:45:42,440 --> 00:45:46,039
the kind of instincts that we're seeing
right now, and recognizing that politics is

556
00:45:46,039 --> 00:45:50,079
always going to be the imperfect vessel
of this, but to try in some

557
00:45:50,119 --> 00:45:54,159
ways to orient politics in a direction
that moves us at least begins to move

558
00:45:54,280 --> 00:46:00,079
us beyond the kind of almost knee
jerk liberal responses and efforts to maintain the

559
00:46:00,239 --> 00:46:08,360
liberal order, whether it's social or
an economic forms, and to really begin

560
00:46:08,400 --> 00:46:14,599
to move beyond one that prizes above
all this kind of million idea of transgressive,

561
00:46:15,079 --> 00:46:21,599
radical liberation and autonomy as the default
method of thinking about what the purpose

562
00:46:21,599 --> 00:46:27,239
of politics and the purpose of our
social political order is. The book is

563
00:46:27,440 --> 00:46:30,760
Regime Change toward a post liberal future. Like I said earlier, it is

564
00:46:30,960 --> 00:46:34,400
one of the best books I have
read in a long time. I highly

565
00:46:34,400 --> 00:46:37,159
recommend you pick it up when it
is out on June sixth, Patrick Deneen,

566
00:46:37,320 --> 00:46:39,960
it's been an honor to pick your
brain a little bit. I appreciate

567
00:46:39,960 --> 00:46:44,159
it so much. Thanks so much
for having me. Of course, you've

568
00:46:44,159 --> 00:46:46,639
been listening to another edition of The
Federalist Radio Hour. I'm Emilijashnski, culture

569
00:46:46,719 --> 00:46:50,559
editor here at The Federalist. We'll
be back soon with more. Until then,

570
00:46:50,719 --> 00:47:04,599
be lovers of freedom and anxious for
the phrase right wrong me, scribes Ron
