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We're back with another edition of The
Federalist or Radio Hour. I'm Emily Kashinsky,

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culture editor here at The Federalist.
As always, you can email the

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show at radio at the Federalist dot
com, follow us on Twitter at fdr

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LST. Make sure to subscribe wherever
you download your podcasts, and to the

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premium version of our website as well. I'm joined today by Joe Pastell.

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He is a Hillsdale College professor.
He's the author of the book Bureaucracy in

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America and also the author of a
relevant paper to Today's conversation called Congress in

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Limbo that was published by the Heritage
Foundation. Joe, thank you for joining

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us. It's great to be with
you. I was reading the New York

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Times. I don't know why,
but I was over the weekend, and

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they had an article doing some interesting
finger pointing, basically casting as a very

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dark kind of situation or dark reality, the fact that Jim Jordan is threatening,

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allegedly according to their sources, to
like unleash the rage of voters on

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the House of Representatives if you know, he's if they sort of create obstacles

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to him getting the speakership. Now, Joe, you have all kinds of

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I think helpful perspective on what the
speakership battle means all of that. But

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I actually thought this was a good
place to start because it speaks to our

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concept of the House of Representatives.
And when you have the Beltway media that

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we have, it's sort of ikey
that the House of Representatives would do any

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like actual representation because what they represent
is very sort of icky to the Beltway.

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I don't know whether or not you
agree with that, but I wanted

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to start there and just ask,
you know, whether maybe fundamentally also our

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concept of the House of Representatives is
in some peril at the moment as well.

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Yeah, I think, well,
I mean to see where the problems

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lie in terms of what's going on
in the House of Representatives today, it

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would take us probably a lot longer
than the kind of time we have,

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So, you know, there are
a lot of different things that are contributing

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to what's going on right now,
but the idea that the House of Representatives

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is the representative of the people,
and that's the problem. I think that

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way of thinking is exactly part of
the reason why we've gotten to the point

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that we're at. So to accuse
the House of Representatives of being too representative,

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I think actually signals that something's gone
wrong. And I really think that's

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a good place to start thinking about
how we got to the place that we're

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at. Yeah, so you know, from your perspective again, you wrote

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this paper for Heritage called Congress and
Limbo. You know again you made a

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really good point not long ago about
how this could take us forever to kind

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of hash out. But the thekin
a short version of this is how did

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we get to this position right now? Where you know, they went through

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fifteen ballots in January. We covered
this here a lot fifteen ballots in January.

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Kevin McCarthy lasts, you know,
longer than some people thought was possible,

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especially because they got him down on
the motion of a kate, which

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was something he really, really,
really really didn't want to do. And

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here they are speakerless for about a
week now. They've got Patrick McHenry as

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pro tem. They weren't able to
elect Steve Scalise despite nominating him as a

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conference he didn't have the floor votes. So all of that, you know,

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with all of that context, and
by the time this airs, something

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may have changed. The bottom line
is Republicans had a speaker that was elected

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on fifteen ballots that didn't even last
a year, and here they are.

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What is the kind of condensed version
of how we got here? Yeah,

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well, I think the first place
to start. And this is actually a

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bit of a difficulty for probably a
lot of our listeners and for me personally.

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The more I looked into this is
this is a tough thing for us

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to swallow. But I think part
of the reason why this is a problem

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is because of the Constitution itself.
And what I mean by that is that

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this is famous essay in the Federalist
papers, Federalist number ten. Even high

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schoolers in America read it today.
It's the most famous of all of the

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Federalist papers. And there James Madison
says, well, we're creating a large

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republic that has extended over a large
territory. And what that's going to do

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is it's going to create so many
different interests and so many different factions that

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it's going to be really hard for
all of these people with different incentives to

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get together and work together and solve
and promote national solutions to these local problems.

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Now, when Madison writes that essay, He's saying, this is a

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virtue of the system, that this
Congress that we're creating will be so gridlocked

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it'll be impossible for a majority tyranny
to emerge. Well, of course,

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the problem here is that the same
mechanism that makes it hard for a majority

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tyranny to emerge also makes it hard
for a cohesive majority to emerge at all.

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And I think that is kind of
the starting point for what happened to

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the House of Representatives. Right when
Madison's writing there four million people really scattered

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along the Eastern Seaboard. The range
of interests in different opinions there is,

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according to Madison, quite vast,
but from our point of view today,

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is actually very limited. Think about
what Madison would say about the number of

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interests and the number of factions we
have today when we're stretched over a much

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larger territory, we have a much
higher population, four hundred and thirty five

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different members representing four hundred and thirty
five different districts, and so anybody who

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tries to sort of lead from the
top down in this sort of framework is

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really asking to take on a challenge, and that I think has been the

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problem with the speakers that preceded Kevin
McCarthy, John Bahner, and Paul Ryan,

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at least on the Republican side,
is they had a sort of top

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down idea that they represent ended the
whole country, and they could tell these

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members in these districts how to vote, which tough votes they were going to

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have to take, that they're going
to have to go back to their constituents

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and tell them, hey, I
voted to increase the debt limit. I

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didn't get many concessions from the Democrats
in return. And so I think in

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a way, the system's not built
to have that kind of national leader just

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impose his or her will on the
whole system. So, in other words,

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the House of Representatives, in short, is supposed to be a collection

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of a lot of different people with
a lot of different points of view,

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and it's going to be really hard
for those people to agree on much of

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anything. And that can be a
real virtue, of course, but it

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also can be a challenge because it's
hard to get any kind of majority assembled

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in the House of Representatives for a
long period of time. And really,

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I think that's in a nutshell kind
of the start of explaining what happened to

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Kevin McCarthy. And you know there
also obviously was a motion to vacate filed

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what one other time that was unsuccessful. So this was not only that this

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was the first successful motion of vacate. So it's not just that it was

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one of two times that it's happened
in American history. It's also that this

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was the only one that was successful. What can you tell us about the

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history there, Joe, Yeah,
So the turning point, I think in

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Congress's entire history, at least the
House of Representatives entire history, was the

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first time that the motion to a
kate was brought on the floor of the

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House of Representatives, and that's in
nineteen ten, and it's brought by Speaker

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Joseph Cannon against himself. So those
are listeners that have been to Washington,

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d c. And toured Capitol Hill
might be familiar with the Canon Office Building,

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which is a very large house office
building on the House side of Capitol

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Hill. It's named after Joseph Cannon, who's one of the two greatest czar

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speakers of the House of Representatives in
American history. The other was Thomas Brackett

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Reid of Maine, who was Speaker
in the late nineteenth century. Cannon was

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speaker in the early twentieth century during
the presidency of Theodore Roosevelt and a few

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other presidents and Canon and the speakers
such as Reading Cannon at this period of

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time, say late nineteenth century or
early twentieth century, they were called czars.

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They ruled with an iron fist,
and really they had these three powers

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that basically gave them total control of
the House of Representatives. First, they

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had this right of recognition. They
could decide who to call on if a

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person rose to offer an amendment or
resolution or anything like that. So you

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really couldn't get to speak on the
House of Representatives on the floor of the

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House unless this speaker called on you. Second, they had power over this

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thing called the Rules Committee, which
for listeners who aren't familiar, this is

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really important committee in the House of
Representatives that decides which bills go to the

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floor. You really can't get any
bill voted on in the House unless you

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go through the Rules Committee. If
it's a bill, it's not going to

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be just carried by voice vote.
And so the speaker controlled the Rules Committee,

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so he controlled every bill that reached
the floor. And then third,

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the speaker got to name all the
committees and the committee chairs. So if

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you wanted to be on a committee
like agriculture, because you were from a

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state or a district where agricultural interests
were the dominant interests, you needed the

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Speaker to put you on that committee. So imagine you're a first term member

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of the House of Representatives. You
can't pass a bill on the floor of

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the House without the speaker's permission.
You can't get on a committee you want

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to get on without the speaker's permission. You can't speak on the floor without

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the speaker's permission. So basically,
these speakers Canon and Read and these others.

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At this time they had very strong
powers. Again, they were called

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stars and the progressives in the Republican
Party. Canon was a Republican. The

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progressives in the Republican Party revolted against
Canon in nineteen ten and they stripped him

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of his power over the Rules Committee. And they did this because Canon was

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a conservative. Theodore Roosevelt was a
progressive president who wanted progressive legislation, and

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so they had worked for years to
try to get their progressive bills through the

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House of Representatives. Finally, in
this dramatic Saint Patrick's Day revolt. They

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get the power back from Canon,
and as soon as Canon does that,

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he loses this power. He introduces
the motion to vacate on himself, and

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he says, well, look,
if you Republicans are going to vote with

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the Democrats to take my power away, I can no longer lead the House.

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And therefore it's time for you Republican
progressives to join with your Democratic colleagues

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and elect a new speaker, because
clearly the Republicans don't have a majority that's

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cohesive enough to govern on the floor. In many ways, actually this kind

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of resembles the situation that the Republicans
were in a week or two ago with

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McCarthy, that there were a few
Republicans voting with the vast majority or all,

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in the case of McCarthy, all
of the Democrats to take out the

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speaker. And so Canon said,
the logical extension of what the Progressive Republicans

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did was to get rid of me
as speaker, and so he introduces the

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motion to vacate against himself, and
ironically, the Progressive Republicans immediately vote to

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sustain him as a speaker. So
they basically tried to have it both ways.

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They wanted him to be speaker,
but they wanted to be the ones

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that held all the power. And
so that was really I think the turning

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point in Congress's history where we moved
from a system where there were much stronger

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parties in the House of Representatives to
a system that we have today where party

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leaders are relatively weak. I can't
help but notice the timing there also sort

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of coincides with the punting of a
lot of congressional duties to the administrative state.

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And actually, you wrote a book
about bureaucracy in America, so this

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is probably a great question for you, Joe. How much of the sort

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of erosion here did or has And
this is not a leading question, I'm

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genuinely curious, gone hand in hand
with a lot of punting of those kind

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of congressional duties to the executive branch. Yeah, that's my core thesis is

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that when the Progressives took out party
leadership in the House of Representatives, they

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knew that this would mean Congress would
have to start delegating power over to the

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bureaucracy. Because what the parties had
done in Congress was they had made it

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possible for a majority to rule.
Remember, we were just talking about Federalist

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ten. The basic idea of Federalist
ten is we want to make it really

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hard for a majority to govern in
Congress. While the party solved the problem

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by giving party leaders a lot of
power and then letting those party leaders set

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a majority agenda and get a majority
agenda through the Congress, by taking out

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the ability of party leaders to set
a majority agenda in Congress, they paralyzed

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Congress, and the Progressive is new
By paralyzing Congress, this will ensure Congress

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will pass off its powers to the
bureaucracy, which has none of the gridlock,

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none of the checks and balances that
the other institutions have, and we

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can get laws passed very easily through
an administrative agency. We can create dozens

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of them. We can create an
administrative agency for food and drug regulation,

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for trade regulation, for railroad regulation, and we can have them all basically

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be legislatures over their own areas of
expertise, and Congress will turn into less

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of a legislative body and more of
an oversight body. Woodrow Wilson is expressly

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interested in doing this. He writes
this at the end of a book called

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congressional government. He says Congress is
spending too much of its time writing laws,

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which, of course, when my
students read this at Hillsdale they sort

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of laugh, like, of course, that's what Congress does. That's what

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the point of the Constitutions Particle one
is to create Congress as a law making

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body, and Wilson says Congress will
be much better served doing less legislating and

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a lot more overseeing of administration.
And so what you see after nineteen ten

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is a decentralization of power into committees, and the committees basically serve now as

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oversight bodies, and the legislative powers
have been transferred over to the administrative state.

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So the argument I'm making in a
nutshell is if by taking out parties

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and party leaders in Congress, the
Progressives crippled Congress and facilitated the rise of

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some really smart people in Congress right
now, you know, freedom concress people.

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I'm thinking particularly of Chip Roy.
And you know, not every member

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of Congress is as aerad dite and
has this sort of well formed substance of

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understanding of the process you just described, but some, some of them really

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do and they're operating under this correct
understanding of the process here. And I

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wonder, Joe, what you think
the kind of solution is. Let's say,

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you know, hypothetically, there is
a speaker, Jim Jordan, there's

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a speaker, Chip Roy. They
have, you know, this power at

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their disposal, which is limited,
and maybe you can get into some of

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that. You know, I don't
think most of the country even realizes that

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we're without a speaker. I don't
think most of the country can name at

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any point in time like who the
Speaker of the House is, even though

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it sort of has Washington d C. Here you embroiled in the sort of

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palace intrigue. What should that kind
of roadmap to making Congress, you know,

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taking Congress as you put it in
the Heritage paper out of limbo.

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What does that look like? Yeah, well so that's a really difficult question.

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But the one thing I'll say about
it is that I think conservatives,

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and this includes people on the Freedom
Caucus side of things, Jip Roy and

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Jim Jordan, who looks like you
very well maybe the next speaker, I

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think conservatives have a bit of a
blind spot here. They tend to really

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love the idea of regular order.
They're very nostalgic for the idea of regular

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order. They love the notion of
the committees being back to doing the legislative

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work that the committees used to do. And they're right about this, they

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say, in the seventies and the
eighties, you know, forty or fifty

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years ago, committees were places where
you did see serious legislative work. You

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had markup sessions where you would dig
into a bill and you would mark it

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up. You would you know,
you would amend it, and then you

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would vote it out of the committee
and it would go to the floor.

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I mean, this is Schoolhouse Rock, right, that famous you know,

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short video of how a bill becomes
a law. And there's something beautiful about

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that image. Where the committees are
these many legislatures, they get all this

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expertise, and they do all of
this, they do all this serious work.

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The problem with that vision, and
again this is the vision that many

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Freedom Cocus members want to return to, is that the committees tend to be

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captured by the interest groups. This
is essentially the iron triangles that we used

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to describe when we would talk about
how Congress works. People don't go seek

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out positions on the Agriculture Committee because
they just want to do serious legislative work

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on agriculture. They get on the
Agriculture Committee so that they can protect their

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constituents' interests. And so what happens
in a lot of these committees is that

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they work in tandem with the administrative
agency to whom they've delegated power and the

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interest groups, which of course grow
up around those administrative agencies. So take

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something like military base closures or you
know, Rivers Harbor's Infrastructure Transportation Committee legislation.

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These things tend to actually be less
about what's good for the whole country

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and much more about what's good for
the interest groups that are overly represented on

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these committees. So, in other
words, what the Freedom Caucus tends to

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like is the idea that the committees
will be revived as the places where legislative

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work happens, and the leadership the
Speaker's office basically becomes just a facilitator of

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what the committees are doing. I
think the problem with that is it gets

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captured very easily by special interests,
and that's why you need strong parties who

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can think about the national interest and
offset all of these interest groups as they

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try to capture the government in these
various committees. So there's a reason why

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Newt Gingrich and other conservatives over the
last you know, generation or so saw

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the need to nationalize elections and in
so doing, nationalized Congress and put more

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hands in the put more power in
the hands of the party leaders. They

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did that because they saw the administrative
state thrives when there is no national party

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leadership in Congress. So I would
warn anybody on the on the in the

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Freedom Caucus or serious conservatives that if
you try to put the committees in charge

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of the process, you're going to
find out that you're going to get a

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lot less conservative legislation out of those
committees than you think you would. That

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is a really interesting point, and
it's one that I rarely hear when these

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conversations come up. And you know, I think the last time Speaker Gingrich

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was on the show. Someone can
go back and listen and correct me if

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I'm wrong. I want to say, I asked about the kind of counterintuitive

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effect of also slashing congressional staff,
and I wonder, Joe, if you

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have some thoughts on ging Gritchian changes
that were made to Congress that after four

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decades of democratic role in the House
of Representatives did feel fresh and actually refreshing

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at the time in the nineteen nineties, but may have had deleterious attacks effects

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on the body downstream of that over
the last couple of decades. Again,

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that is not a leading question.
As somebody who talks to a lot of

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these Hill staffers, you kind of
watch the twenty two year olds, right

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the bills, questions do come up, what's your take on whether that kind

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of the Gingrich revolution had some counterintuitive
effects? And the nationalization point is an

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interesting one. Are there others?
Yeah, so it's a great question the

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ging Grish Revolution. Everybody likes to
point the finger a New Gingrich for why

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Congress is so broken. In fact, if you google New Gingrich Congress broken,

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you'll find articles in The Atlantic.
I think one title is I think

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this is a direct quote how New
Gingrish broke American politics. So he's sort

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of like the evil genius of the
nineteen nineties who comes along and just destroys

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everything. I think that is a
dramatic over simple of what's happened over the

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last fifty years in Congress. And
in fact, I've made this argument in

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a few places online. The real
turning point in Congress that gives rise to

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this nationalization effect, it's the middle
of the nineteen seventies. That's when it's

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the post Watergate election in nineteen seventy
four, when a bunch of left wing

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Democrats come in and they basically overthrow
their speaker, a man named Carl Albert,

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who says, I tried to be
the leader of this group that refused

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to be led because Carl Albert from
Oklahoma was a sort of moderate conservative Democrat.

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And of course the left wing Democrats, as the Democratic Party moved to

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the left, they had to overthrow
their party leaders because they wanted a more

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monolithic party, a more ideologically cohesive
party, and so they sort of took

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the party over from the grass roots. And what they ended up doing then

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was replacing Carl Albert and then turning
over more power into the hands of the

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speaker of the House. This led
to a guy like Jim Wright in the

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nineteen eighties becoming a very partisan speaker. You know, this is the thing

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about these movements in Congress. For
every action, there's an equal and opposite

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reaction. So as the Democrats kicked
out the conservatives from their party as they

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became more monolithically liberal, they centralized
power in their speakers' hands, and then

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this gives rise to a more conservative
Republican Party, a more combative Republican party.

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And Gingrish's rise is really a counterweight
to the rise of a more liberal

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Democratic Party. So it's not that
the Republican Party moved right, it's that

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the Democratic Party moved left, and
that caused the Republican Party to become more

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monolithically conservative. And so Gingrish is
really kind of a symptom of a deeper

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trajectory in American politics over a long
period of time. But then to get

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to Gingrish more specifically, some of
the things he did worked very well.

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He really did by centralizing power in
the speaker's hands, he disciplined these committees

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that were full of Republicans who wanted
to do business as usual. And in

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fact, what did we get by
the time Gingrich had become speaker for a

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few years. We got budget surpluses, we got negotiation between Clinton and Gingrich.

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You know, everybody thinks about Clinton
as a sort of triangulation third way

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moderate Democrat. Well, the point
is he was forced to be that way

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by a very powerful speaker who had
united the Republican Party behind a conservative agenda

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instead of letting all these these Republicans
sort of, you know, do business

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as usual. So Gingrich I think
had a good strategy in the broad scope

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of things to nationalize power, or
to centralized power and nationalize elections. He

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did make some mistakes. I think
the biggest one that most people on the

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right have identified is the just absolute
gutting of staff on the House of Representative

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side really has destroyed oversight, the
ability of the House of Representatives to hold

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the administrative state accountable. So I
think even Gingrish himself, if you know,

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he were forced to reflect on that
aspect of if his plan, I

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think, or at least I hope
he would, i'd say admit that that

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was a mistake. And one of
the things I think conservatives and Republicans can

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agree on right now is it would
probably be a good idea to strengthen the

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House by adding more staff. The
problem is, it's really hard to pitch

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that to your base because it kind
of looks like a swampy thing to do.

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But sometimes increasing the power of the
House and increasing the staff of the

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House is needed. To offset the
permanent government that exists in the administrative state

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right and to disincentivize the revolving door
to some extent as well. If you

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can't make a middle class living raising
a family in the House of Representatives in

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Washington, d C. Where super
expensive to live. Anyway, this sounds

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like, you know, crocodile tears
for Washington, d C. But there's

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a very important point actually that you're
making. It's also you get the revolving

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door because you can't you can't make
a career on the hill totally, and

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that means you end up leaving by
the time you're thirty, and then you

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go and you know, use all
those contacts for industry and et cetera.

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It's not a great thing, but
everyone who follows this closely season happened just

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about every single day now. Kevin
McCarthy is a really really interesting figure,

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I think a very misunderstood figure in
the media, and I wanted to ask

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Joe about how he was very much
a reaction to Nancy Pelosi's speakership. Nancy

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Pelosi was a very intentional speaker.
I always say, when she passes away,

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there will be buildings here in d
C named after her, certainly in

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San Francisco, but she she's just
a towering figure in Washington, d C.

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In no small part because she was
so intentional as Speaker of the House

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of Representatives. Kevin McCarthy interviews with
me and other journalists and even up to

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just this last month, has repeatedly
said, you know a lot of this

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when he when he lost the vote
on the floor, he came out and

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said, you know, I think
we lost a lot of this when Nancy

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Pelosi started yanking people off committees or
or you know, not allowing Jim Banks

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and Jim were going to be on
the January sixth committee and doing the first

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impeachment. You know, a lot
of people talk about how on the House

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side that was. Kevin McCarthy talks
about how for him that was kind of

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a make or break moment when he
had his eyes opened to almost what you

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were describing from the nineteen seventies show. What is the interplay between how Pelosi

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governed and then how Kevin McCarthy sort
of stepped into her shoes ended up saying

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he wasn't going to put ilhan Omar
on foreign affairs and Eric Swallwell on intelligence.

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What does that dynamic tell us about
you know, Congress and Limbo.

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Yeah, it's hard to know exactly
what to make of it. I'll take

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a stab, but it's hard to
It's really hard to figure out what's going

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on on the Democratic side right now. So one thing we can say for

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sure is historically the Democratic Party has
been much more united than the Republican Party

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in the twenty first century in the
House when it came time for the Democratic

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Party to push for hard left legislation, for say, the Affordable Care Act

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Trade Dodd Frank, this is all
the stuff that gets done in Obama's first

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term. You have a very sizable
number of blue dog Democrats, moderate Democrats

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who say, this is not what
our constituents want us to vote for.

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And in fact, we're going to
be taking a really big hit in the

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twenty ten midterm elections because you're governing
from the far left instead of kind of

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where the party is as a whole, which includes some moderate districts. And

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Pelosi got those, even those Democrats
representing moderate or even conservative districts to vote

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for all that stuff, even though
it sort of against their own interests,

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and of course they lost their seats
in twenty ten, but the lot of

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the legislation is still with us.
So Pelosi manages to managed when she was

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Speaker, really to keep the party
much more together than say Speaker Bainer or

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Speaker Ryan or Speaker McCarthy. However, I don't know if that's going to

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continue indefinitely because one of the things
I'm suggesting here in our conversation is that

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parties in American politics are actually quite
weak, and party leaders are actually quite

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weak. It's the incentives for individual
politicians is to go against their party leaders

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if their constituents want them to,
and there's not much that the parties can

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do to maintain that kind of cohesion
or maintain that kind of unity. I

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don't know how Pelosi did it so
effectively. I mean, she raised a

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lot of money, and she could
distribute that money to a lot of members

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to help them with their reelections,
so that certainly played a role, but

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that didn't help McCarthy. McCarthy gave
a lot of money to a lot of

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Republican members, and I suppose you
could say it helped with the overwhelming majority

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of them, and it only took
eight for McCarthy to be ousted, but

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one of the most telling things I
think involving the Democrats in this respect is

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that in twenty fifteen, when Speaker
Bayner was facing the motion to vacate,

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it had basically already been threatened,
and he knew he was going to have

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to have a vote on the floor
of the House to maintain his speakership speak

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or Nancy Pelosi, then, of
course, Minority Leader, told Bayinner that

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she would have all of the Democrats
vote present in that vote, basically in

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order to save Speaker Bayner. So
in twenty fifteen, the Democrats were ready

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to set out such a vote in
order to maintain the power of the Republican

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Speaker. I think because they interviewed
Pelosi about this, and she said,

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no person can govern, no person
can lead or set an agenda. When

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ten percent of your own conference has
a knife right to your back, right,

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that's just a recipe for a disaster. And so that's twenty fifteen,

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and that's Pelosi leading the party.
What happens in twenty twenty three is that

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under Hakeem Jeffries, the Democratic Party
is now much more eager, just on

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a purely partisan basis, to embarrass
the Republican Speaker and so what you see,

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I think is that the Democrats are
no longer interested in thinking institutionally,

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or to put it a different way, the Democrats are doing kind of the

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same thing that the Republican Party has
done over the last twelve years, which

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used to say when the Democratic Speaker
Jeffries, if and when that day comes,

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00:30:04,720 --> 00:30:08,279
when he's Speaker of the House,
he's going to find that his left

409
00:30:08,319 --> 00:30:11,599
flank, that the squad is going
to be much more difficult to deal with

410
00:30:12,200 --> 00:30:15,079
as with him as leader than it
was for Pelosi. I'm not sure how

411
00:30:15,119 --> 00:30:22,119
Pelosi kept those people from destroying the
Democratic Party agenda, but I don't think

412
00:30:22,160 --> 00:30:25,480
that if he becomes Speaker, I
don't think that Speaker Jeffries will be able

413
00:30:25,559 --> 00:30:32,359
to do the same that yeah,
the Democratic dynamics. I also wonder if

414
00:30:32,359 --> 00:30:37,799
there's sort of what the kind of
precedent is going back for Democrats either helping

415
00:30:37,839 --> 00:30:44,000
Republicans or Republicans helping Democrats, or
maybe even before those are the two major

416
00:30:44,039 --> 00:30:48,720
parties when it comes to electing the
speakers, there anything where they've because right

417
00:30:48,759 --> 00:30:52,000
now, for example, the centristwing
of the Republican Party is kicking around the

418
00:30:52,039 --> 00:30:56,839
idea of working with the centris stwing
of the Democratic Party to cobble together a

419
00:30:56,880 --> 00:31:02,000
coalition and support someone for speaker,
which I mean, I think there's virtually

420
00:31:02,119 --> 00:31:07,519
zero percent chance that that would work
out. There is some I guess mathematical

421
00:31:07,759 --> 00:31:10,599
You could put the math down on
paper and say, I guess, in

422
00:31:10,680 --> 00:31:14,279
theory there's a way to do this, But is there any precedent for anything

423
00:31:14,319 --> 00:31:17,440
like that. There is, but
you have to go back a long way

424
00:31:17,559 --> 00:31:22,880
and the context is completely different.
So coalition style governments have existed in American

425
00:31:22,920 --> 00:31:27,319
politics, but they're basically a relic
of the nineteenth century. And in fact,

426
00:31:27,359 --> 00:31:30,039
if you look at some of the
speaker races prior to the Civil War,

427
00:31:30,359 --> 00:31:33,880
I think there's one where there was
over one hundred, maybe even over

428
00:31:33,920 --> 00:31:37,279
one hundred and thirty ballots to choose
the House Speaker of the House prior to

429
00:31:37,359 --> 00:31:40,640
the Civil War. There's one point
in which they just give up and they

430
00:31:40,680 --> 00:31:41,920
say, okay, well it's a
plurality vote. Now, you don't need

431
00:31:41,960 --> 00:31:45,200
to get a majority of the members
to vote for you. It's just whoever

432
00:31:45,240 --> 00:31:48,640
finishes first. And this is because
of course the two party systems breaking down

433
00:31:48,720 --> 00:31:52,359
leading up to the Civil War,
a lot of people are going to draw

434
00:31:52,440 --> 00:31:56,200
some interesting comparisons here, right that
you know, what happens to the two

435
00:31:56,200 --> 00:31:59,200
party system in the nineteenth century as
we get closer and closer to civil war,

436
00:31:59,319 --> 00:32:02,160
you basically get sectional parties and the
splitting up of the two parties into

437
00:32:02,200 --> 00:32:07,039
four parties, right, Northern Democratic
Party, a Southern Democratic Party, a

438
00:32:07,039 --> 00:32:10,359
Northern Whig Party, and a Southern
Whig Party. And people will draw analogies

439
00:32:10,359 --> 00:32:14,440
to today, right, the sort
of cold civil war that we're in,

440
00:32:14,960 --> 00:32:17,519
and look at what's happening to the
parties that they're governing like coalitions now instead

441
00:32:17,519 --> 00:32:21,960
of two parties. I don't really
think that's what's happening though. I think

442
00:32:22,000 --> 00:32:27,160
what's happening really is that there's no
incentive for anybody to work towards the middle.

443
00:32:27,839 --> 00:32:34,680
So the problem essentially is that you
have there's no way a coalition style

444
00:32:34,720 --> 00:32:37,720
government would work in this context because
Democrats would never move to the middle in

445
00:32:37,799 --> 00:32:43,759
order to capture those twenty moderate Republicans
that they would need to maintain their coalition.

446
00:32:43,960 --> 00:32:46,680
Like if we sort of game theorized
this out, you know, the

447
00:32:46,720 --> 00:32:52,440
Democrats could get to a majority by
grabbing like fifteen Republicans, but in order

448
00:32:52,519 --> 00:32:54,960
to do that, Democrats would have
to start governing from a more centrist position,

449
00:32:55,640 --> 00:33:00,920
and the members of Congress and the
House on the Democratic side would immediately

450
00:33:00,920 --> 00:33:04,920
start to look like they were compromising, they were selling out, and then

451
00:33:04,920 --> 00:33:08,599
they would face primary challenges back home. So their incentives aren't actually they'd rather

452
00:33:08,640 --> 00:33:14,119
govern, or they would rather not
govern and be in the minority so that

453
00:33:14,160 --> 00:33:19,039
they can be reelected, then build
a coalition compromise to do that, and

454
00:33:19,039 --> 00:33:22,759
then get primary out of their seats. So and increasingly then you see the

455
00:33:22,759 --> 00:33:28,519
Democratic votes fall off. So I
don't see the opportunity. I mean there's

456
00:33:28,519 --> 00:33:30,480
an opportunity, but I don't see
Democrats actually being able to pull it off

457
00:33:30,480 --> 00:33:35,119
where they can get Republicans to vote
for a Democratic speaker. And so I

458
00:33:35,119 --> 00:33:38,480
think you're left with just a situation
in which the majority party is going to

459
00:33:38,519 --> 00:33:43,839
have to be the one to assemble
the majority to govern. And this again

460
00:33:43,880 --> 00:33:46,359
shows how the Democrats, as opposed
to the twenty fifteen when they were willing

461
00:33:46,400 --> 00:33:51,119
to set the vote out, the
Democrats aren't thinking institutionally, what are they

462
00:33:51,200 --> 00:33:52,680
likely to get as the result of
all of this. It looks like they're

463
00:33:52,720 --> 00:33:55,480
going to get Speaker Jim Jordan.
Now, from the point of view of

464
00:33:55,519 --> 00:34:00,640
the Democratic Party, this is not
improving their situation, right, They're not

465
00:34:00,640 --> 00:34:04,799
getting a speaker that's more amenable to
their priorities. They're getting a speaker who's

466
00:34:04,839 --> 00:34:08,840
going to be less amenable to their
preferred bills. I suppose what they're thinking

467
00:34:08,920 --> 00:34:13,800
is that they can just retake the
Chamber in twenty twenty four and that they're

468
00:34:13,800 --> 00:34:15,840
thinking, well, if we embarrass
the Republicans, that we can score points

469
00:34:15,840 --> 00:34:20,199
in order to do that. So
which you're really seeing that is the perpetual

470
00:34:20,239 --> 00:34:23,719
campaign instead of a bunch of people
getting together and trying to govern. And

471
00:34:23,760 --> 00:34:30,760
how much of that can be explained
by maybe special interests captured too, Because

472
00:34:30,159 --> 00:34:35,159
one of the conversations going on right
now, this is like a tertiary storyline

473
00:34:35,199 --> 00:34:38,679
in the presidential election, is that
you have people like John Huntsman and Joe

474
00:34:38,840 --> 00:34:45,280
Manchin kicking around the idea of,
you know, a third party run.

475
00:34:45,440 --> 00:34:49,679
Robert F. Kennedy Junior obviously announced
the third party run, but no labels

476
00:34:49,760 --> 00:34:54,079
is such in particular, that is
such an interesting group because where Joe Manchin

477
00:34:54,119 --> 00:34:59,960
and John Huntsman so ostensibly a Democrat
and Republican are able to find common ground,

478
00:35:00,039 --> 00:35:04,280
and that strikes a lot of people
as really appealing and attractive. But

479
00:35:04,440 --> 00:35:08,320
in reality, where they are able
to strike common ground and where people in

480
00:35:08,480 --> 00:35:15,760
Washington are going to find themselves striking
common ground between Democrats and Republicans on committees

481
00:35:15,800 --> 00:35:17,679
and then on the floor, it's
going to be on things like the farm

482
00:35:17,719 --> 00:35:22,320
bill. It's going to be on
That's why they love the omnibuses. They

483
00:35:22,400 --> 00:35:25,880
love those freaking things. And so
to a lot of people on the right,

484
00:35:25,960 --> 00:35:29,800
they would hear, you know,
there's no incentive to move to the

485
00:35:29,840 --> 00:35:32,840
center and think hell yeah, like
that's awesome, and you know, go

486
00:35:34,000 --> 00:35:37,119
Matt Gates. You know, we're
at a great position now, Like who

487
00:35:37,159 --> 00:35:43,760
cares Congress isn't working? Congress is
in limbo to borrow phrase, screw it.

488
00:35:43,800 --> 00:35:47,280
Is there is that kind of air
of celebration in any way appropriate or

489
00:35:47,480 --> 00:35:52,079
is the bigger story here that something
is fundamentally broken and it's not working for

490
00:35:52,119 --> 00:35:59,320
the American people? Yeah? I
think it's the latter, And I encountered

491
00:35:59,400 --> 00:36:05,239
with thinking all the time what we
really like is the fact that Congress is

492
00:36:05,280 --> 00:36:09,159
now broken, Congress is now dysfunctional
with a speaker who's really going to govern.

493
00:36:09,320 --> 00:36:13,880
From our point of view, that
means that nothing will get done because

494
00:36:13,880 --> 00:36:15,679
there will be no compromise. But
that's a good thing because that means that

495
00:36:15,760 --> 00:36:20,800
the government is crippled. That whenever
the parties get together and do something,

496
00:36:20,880 --> 00:36:23,880
it's always bad. And therefore we
want the parties not to be working together.

497
00:36:23,920 --> 00:36:28,360
We want there to be gridlock.
We want Congress to be crippled.

498
00:36:29,639 --> 00:36:31,639
I think in order to believe that
that's good for conservatives, you have to

499
00:36:31,679 --> 00:36:37,760
presuppose that if Congress doesn't pass bills, nothing happens in Washington, DC.

500
00:36:37,480 --> 00:36:44,440
And that's the fundamental error because that
presupposition is wrong. When Congress doesn't act,

501
00:36:44,639 --> 00:36:49,320
the administrative state just goes on autopilot. What we need right now and

502
00:36:49,360 --> 00:36:52,519
this is this sort of reversal thinking
that is a challenge for people on the

503
00:36:52,599 --> 00:36:58,559
right. We need to actually reverse
our thinking. The constitutional checks and balances

504
00:36:58,599 --> 00:37:02,480
are not working against us, because
once you've entrenched the administrative state, you

505
00:37:02,559 --> 00:37:06,960
now need government to put together a
coalition to take power back from it.

506
00:37:07,760 --> 00:37:12,800
And this means that you have to
proceed as if Congress must act in order

507
00:37:12,840 --> 00:37:15,119
to reign in the EPA or in
order to reign in Oshia or in order

508
00:37:15,159 --> 00:37:19,679
to reign in some of these other
agencies. To this point, we've said,

509
00:37:20,119 --> 00:37:22,719
we know Congress isn't going to reign
in these agencies, let's hope that

510
00:37:22,719 --> 00:37:27,760
the Supreme Court will do it.
And I think that strategy might be working

511
00:37:27,760 --> 00:37:30,119
in the short term, but it
is going to fail in the long term.

512
00:37:30,599 --> 00:37:34,400
It's already putting enormous stress on the
Supreme Court as everybody kind of realizes.

513
00:37:35,039 --> 00:37:37,440
What we really need is for the
American people to take power back from

514
00:37:37,440 --> 00:37:42,000
the administrative state, and they have
to do that through their elected representatives,

515
00:37:42,400 --> 00:37:45,719
but that means that they are going
to be compromises along the way. You

516
00:37:45,800 --> 00:37:50,239
never accomplish great things in a republic
all at once. You always accomplish them

517
00:37:50,280 --> 00:37:53,079
incrementally. You build the consensus,
you accomplish something, you show that you

518
00:37:53,119 --> 00:37:58,679
can govern responsibly, and then you
expand that consensus and you take steps further

519
00:37:58,760 --> 00:38:02,880
and further and further. That's the
kind of institutional and incremental and strategic thinking

520
00:38:04,400 --> 00:38:07,000
that we need, and I think
it's the kind of thinking we don't see

521
00:38:07,079 --> 00:38:09,679
very much on the right these days. So it's sort of counterintuitive, right,

522
00:38:09,719 --> 00:38:13,639
What we really want to do is
to shut everything down. But the

523
00:38:13,679 --> 00:38:15,760
ironic thing here, the paradox here, is that in order to sort of

524
00:38:15,760 --> 00:38:20,880
take power back, you can't shut
it down because you can't shut the administrative

525
00:38:20,920 --> 00:38:28,159
state down unless Congress affirmatively acts.
So I think something is fundamentally broken here,

526
00:38:28,559 --> 00:38:30,519
but it got broken over the last
century, and it's not going to

527
00:38:30,519 --> 00:38:34,679
be an easy fix, and we
really are going to have to work incrementally,

528
00:38:34,800 --> 00:38:37,239
and that means compromise in the short
term in order to get to where

529
00:38:37,239 --> 00:38:44,599
we want to be in the long
term. You started by talking about Madison

530
00:38:44,719 --> 00:38:47,440
and Federalist ten and one of the
big questions I have and wanted to ask

531
00:38:47,519 --> 00:38:52,079
you, I think about this a
lot. There's that John Adams quote people

532
00:38:52,119 --> 00:38:57,440
go to all the time about,
you know, how a republic depends on

533
00:38:57,639 --> 00:39:00,320
a virtuous citizenry, and are some
Madis quotes to that effect. Now,

534
00:39:00,679 --> 00:39:06,960
the specific ones are eluding me at
the moment that there should be an incentive

535
00:39:07,039 --> 00:39:09,159
to sort of move to the center, even though they're the Madisonian kind of

536
00:39:09,239 --> 00:39:16,760
obstacles to just pure direct democracy like
California has demonstrated just so beautifully, So

537
00:39:17,639 --> 00:39:22,599
you know, there should be an
incentive to kind of work together, but

538
00:39:22,239 --> 00:39:27,320
it does seem like we're on such
different pages now. It does seem like,

539
00:39:27,760 --> 00:39:32,800
you know, the question of whether
a citizenry is virtuous when you know

540
00:39:32,880 --> 00:39:39,679
you are nationalized to the anth degree
you have social media, you know,

541
00:39:39,960 --> 00:39:45,840
it's tempting to not just see these
as evolutions in the human strains on constitutional

542
00:39:45,840 --> 00:39:51,679
republicanism, but something that is a
new threat altogether, because you know,

543
00:39:52,199 --> 00:39:54,960
it feels now like in the country
where wop was what the top song for

544
00:39:55,039 --> 00:40:00,639
however long, we just we just
don't have a virtuous enough it doesn't to

545
00:40:00,639 --> 00:40:06,440
sustain a constitutional republic at this point. Is there evidence of that as we

546
00:40:06,480 --> 00:40:09,360
look at the abject chaos that has
enveloped Congress for the last year or so.

547
00:40:10,280 --> 00:40:15,440
Yeah, I think I am on
both sides of that question, and

548
00:40:15,480 --> 00:40:19,239
it's really hard to know which of
my impulses is actually the correct one.

549
00:40:19,400 --> 00:40:22,199
So all of the evidence that you're
start of putting together, right, the

550
00:40:22,239 --> 00:40:25,960
rise of social media, the fact
that people seem to be behaving in less

551
00:40:27,039 --> 00:40:30,440
civil ways, just some of the
positions you see people staking and being proud

552
00:40:30,480 --> 00:40:36,320
of it these days are pretty remarkable
and seem to be positions that no sane

553
00:40:36,320 --> 00:40:38,599
person was taking twenty or thirty years
ago. It does kind of look like

554
00:40:38,639 --> 00:40:44,519
we've just lost virtue. We've lost
basically the necessary prerequisite for self government.

555
00:40:45,159 --> 00:40:47,840
On the other hand, when you
look at American history, I think you

556
00:40:47,880 --> 00:40:52,400
see a lot of moments where everybody
was saying the same stuff that we're saying

557
00:40:52,480 --> 00:40:54,599
right now. They say, oh, well, you know, it's all

558
00:40:54,639 --> 00:40:59,760
over. The republic is lost,
We've lost our virtue. And they're even

559
00:40:59,800 --> 00:41:05,039
saying this in like seventeen ninety eight. The Jeffersonians and the Madisonians and the

560
00:41:05,039 --> 00:41:08,960
Democratic Republicans are saying this because they
think the Federalists have turned the system into

561
00:41:08,960 --> 00:41:14,559
a monarchy, they've basically corrupted the
entire government. And then when they win

562
00:41:14,599 --> 00:41:16,280
the election of eighteen hundred, the
Federalists all say, well, basically,

563
00:41:16,320 --> 00:41:21,079
now all of the vicious people,
all of the demagogues have gained power,

564
00:41:21,119 --> 00:41:25,119
all of the Jacobins and the French
revolutionaries have taken over. So I don't

565
00:41:25,159 --> 00:41:30,360
think that virtue is ever completely lost
in a self governing republic, and I

566
00:41:30,400 --> 00:41:36,719
think that there's always hope to recapture
it. And I also think probably we

567
00:41:36,760 --> 00:41:39,000
spend a little too much time looking
at social media and taking that to be

568
00:41:39,199 --> 00:41:44,679
sort of where most Americans are.
I think that most Americans aren't even on

569
00:41:44,840 --> 00:41:47,599
these platforms, and so we're getting
a bit of a skewed sample when we

570
00:41:47,679 --> 00:41:52,920
look at those places, those places
for gauging what's going on in terms of

571
00:41:52,960 --> 00:41:57,199
the virtue of our republic. I
guess maybe the last thing I would say

572
00:41:57,239 --> 00:42:00,239
about that is because this is a
point that's sort of been in my mind

573
00:42:00,280 --> 00:42:04,719
a few times during this conversation,
but I've not quite been able to sort

574
00:42:04,760 --> 00:42:08,079
of added into the discussion. If
you look at what's happening in state governments,

575
00:42:08,280 --> 00:42:10,639
and this is not true of every
state, but it's true of many

576
00:42:10,679 --> 00:42:15,760
states. State governments are performing or
their functions at a much higher level than

577
00:42:15,800 --> 00:42:22,119
the federal government is right now.
And a lot of these things that you

578
00:42:22,199 --> 00:42:25,239
know we see happening in Washington,
the gridlock, the dysfunction, the inability

579
00:42:25,280 --> 00:42:30,199
of parties to work together to accomplish
goals, that's not really happening at the

580
00:42:30,199 --> 00:42:32,719
state level. So maybe one of
the things that we should be working to

581
00:42:32,800 --> 00:42:37,039
do to restore this kind of virtue
and self government in these habits is to

582
00:42:37,079 --> 00:42:40,880
be investing a little bit more on
what's going on in our states and trying

583
00:42:40,880 --> 00:42:45,920
to use those as mechanisms for rebuilding
our muscles for self government and showing how

584
00:42:45,960 --> 00:42:51,960
parties can function effectively in a legislative
body. And maybe we can sort of

585
00:42:51,960 --> 00:42:54,000
have that filter up a little bit
into Washington, d C. Which really

586
00:42:54,079 --> 00:42:58,400
was always the way the system was
designed, right, It was supposed to

587
00:42:58,559 --> 00:43:01,000
have Washington d C. As the
representative of what's going on in the states,

588
00:43:01,079 --> 00:43:07,320
rather than a top down model in
which Washington was imposing its model on

589
00:43:07,719 --> 00:43:10,280
the states. So, actually,
there are places that you can find virtue,

590
00:43:10,599 --> 00:43:15,159
There are places where you can find
hope, you just have to look

591
00:43:15,159 --> 00:43:20,199
for them, and maybe not the
usual the usual places. And last question,

592
00:43:20,239 --> 00:43:22,840
actually I realized as we were talking, I'd be remiss if I didn't

593
00:43:22,880 --> 00:43:28,199
ask whether the So we're waiting on
the or arguments in the Chevron deference case

594
00:43:28,280 --> 00:43:30,559
to take place in the next couple
of months, and that means within the

595
00:43:30,559 --> 00:43:35,599
next year we expected judgment on Chevron
deference that could be sweeping, could be

596
00:43:35,719 --> 00:43:38,320
minor, could be bad, could
be good. But if this current Supreme

597
00:43:38,360 --> 00:43:43,280
Court rules in a way that is
sweeping against Chevron deference, is that going

598
00:43:43,320 --> 00:43:47,440
to be again not a leading question. A big step to addressing this problem

599
00:43:47,519 --> 00:43:52,960
of bureaucracy in America is you wrote
at book's length about how serious is that

600
00:43:52,000 --> 00:43:55,159
a threat to the administrative state?
It, Yeah, I don't think it

601
00:43:55,199 --> 00:44:00,199
will change much of anything. So
the Chevron deference principle right, which says

602
00:44:00,239 --> 00:44:06,960
that judges have to defer to administrative
agencies when they issue their interpretations of law,

603
00:44:07,280 --> 00:44:09,280
and essentially pretty much everything an agency
does is, you know, a

604
00:44:09,280 --> 00:44:14,840
sort of interpretation of law. So
basically Chevron means the courts have to defer

605
00:44:14,880 --> 00:44:16,920
to the agencies, and this gives
more power to the administrative state. I

606
00:44:16,920 --> 00:44:21,880
think that's true, but I don't
think that getting rid of Chevron deference will

607
00:44:21,960 --> 00:44:25,559
change much because I think courts will
defer to agencies in a lot of cases

608
00:44:25,599 --> 00:44:30,400
anyway, because they're going to be
afraid to second guess the experts on things

609
00:44:30,480 --> 00:44:37,000
like food and drug regulation or energy
regulation. And so I think the courts

610
00:44:37,360 --> 00:44:40,320
will not save us from the administrative
state. And I think that's one of

611
00:44:40,400 --> 00:44:45,119
the things I've been trying to tell
conservatives now for close to a decade,

612
00:44:45,239 --> 00:44:51,599
is that we've been trying to use
the courts to fight battles in taking on

613
00:44:51,639 --> 00:44:54,880
the administrative state, and we've won
important short term victories. You know,

614
00:44:55,000 --> 00:45:00,360
West Virginia versus EPA sort of limits
the power of the EPA to implement climate

615
00:45:00,440 --> 00:45:06,199
change regulations. And we've used the
courts to strike down vaccine mandates issued by

616
00:45:06,199 --> 00:45:09,519
Ocean and so forth, and those
battles need to be fought. But I

617
00:45:09,519 --> 00:45:15,199
think in the long run the only
way we recover authority from the administrative state

618
00:45:15,320 --> 00:45:20,199
is through legislature rather than through the
judiciary. So then you have to ask

619
00:45:20,239 --> 00:45:24,199
the question, what do we do
to rebuild a functioning legislature? And I

620
00:45:24,239 --> 00:45:30,079
think the last couple of weeks have
put on pretty stark display that you have

621
00:45:30,159 --> 00:45:32,599
to have some form of leadership.
You have to have a party that's capable

622
00:45:32,599 --> 00:45:37,760
of acting together to some extent,
because you don't accomplish much of anything if

623
00:45:37,760 --> 00:45:42,159
you're constantly fighting amongst yourselves. And
really all that does is it opens up

624
00:45:42,159 --> 00:45:45,760
a lane for government and especially the
administrative state, to operate without any oversight

625
00:45:45,880 --> 00:45:51,519
at all. So I think the
Chevron case is important. I will be

626
00:45:51,559 --> 00:45:54,639
watching it very carefully. I have
my own I'm rooting for the fishermen and

627
00:45:54,679 --> 00:46:00,000
not for the government in that case. Not that that would surprise anybody listen

628
00:46:00,280 --> 00:46:02,480
to this. But and I care
about that case. I think it's an

629
00:46:02,519 --> 00:46:06,800
important case, but I think it
is a short term victory if it's won,

630
00:46:07,400 --> 00:46:09,159
and it's not one that will fundamentally. You know, the swamp will

631
00:46:09,199 --> 00:46:14,039
not be drained by the ending of
Chevron deference. It's a much bigger problem

632
00:46:14,360 --> 00:46:19,079
that requires a much more ambitious solution. Really helpful perspective. Joe Postel,

633
00:46:19,719 --> 00:46:23,000
professor at Hillsdale College, author of
Bureaucracy in America and also the author of

634
00:46:23,039 --> 00:46:27,760
the Heritage Foundation paper Congress in Limbo. Thank you so much for joining the

635
00:46:27,760 --> 00:46:30,880
show today. It was great to
be with you. Of course you have

636
00:46:30,000 --> 00:46:34,599
been listening to another edition of The
Federalist Radio Hour. I'm Emily Dashinsky,

637
00:46:34,639 --> 00:46:37,960
culture editor here at The Federalist.
Will be back soon with more. Until

638
00:46:37,000 --> 00:46:47,599
then, the lovers of freedom and
anxious for the friend I heard the fame

639
00:46:47,719 --> 00:46:49,920
by the reason
