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Hello, and welcome to Western SIEV. In today's Bonus author interview, I

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sit down with historian Peter Cyrus and
we discuss his newest book on Justinian.

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It really is an all encompassing historical
biography. It touches on every aspect of

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Justinian's life and his impact on the
Byzantine Empire. There's whole sections on,

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of course, military affairs Belisardius,
Assassinid, Persian Empire, and the reconquest

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of the West. There's also lengthy
discussions of domestic policy, specifically Justinian's involvement

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in theology, which is fascinating topic
in and of itself. The historian discusses

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the rise of Isophia and the Church
and the miracle that that was, and

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in terms of its construction. There's
something in this book for everyone. I

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know a lot of my listeners are
avid Roman history bands, and so this

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is going to be right up your
alley. Now. The book is several

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hundred pages long, so we do
not have time to get to everything.

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I tried to touch on what I
felt were some of the most interesting highlights

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and also some of the more interesting
historical what ifs. But if you're interested

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in more information, about justin Ian. Go ahead and clink the link in

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the show notes to purchase the book. You will not be disappointed. And

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so, without further ado, here's
the interview. All right, welcome back.

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So, as I mentioned a moment
ago, I'm sitting down with historian

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Peter Saris and we're talking about his
most recent book, Justinian Emperor Soldier Saint.

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And I think the title really kind
of summarizes, to a large extent,

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what is a fantastic book and the
complex personality that is the Emperor Justinian.

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When I was an undergrad, I
took a course on Byzantine history and

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we discussed Justinian, but it focused
almost entirely on military exploits, particularly his

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efforts to reconquer the West. And
then when I was in law school,

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took a history of law course and
it focused on Justinian. But Justinian in

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that case, the lawgiver, Justinian, the code maker. Justinian one of

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the four runners of early modern jurisprudence, and so it's interesting to think about

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him in a lot of different ways. But to start the conversation here,

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I think we should frame ourselves and
remind the listener is of what the Byzantine

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Roman because they would have called themselves
Roman world look like at the turn of

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the sixth centuries or in sixth century
CE, and that's the time that Justinian

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comes to power. And so what
would the you know, Eastern Mediterranean and

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generally you know, European situation would
have looked like at the turn of that

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sixth century. Yeah, from the
perspective of Constantinople, really at the start

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of the sixth century, the East
Roman Empire ruled from Constantinople was in what

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I would think of as a sort
of position of ambivalent strength. On the

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one hand, it was still one
of the two great superpowers of Western Eurasia,

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alongside its great rival the Susanian Empire
of Persia. From his season Contentinople,

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the emperor had a sway extending over
still Greece, past the Balkans,

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Anatolia, Asia Minor, Syria,
Palestine, and Egypt, particularly important given

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its the sort of economic powerhouse of
the Mediterranean. But beyond that, in

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a sort of geopolitical sense, there
are two great challenges which are really I

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think playing upon people's minds in Constantinople
at the start of the century and just

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prior to Justinian come into power,
the first is that over the course of

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the fifth century, the Western Roman
Empire had gradually disappeared, and we have

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the emergence to a series of independent
Romano Germanic successor kingdoms under primarily barbarian rulers.

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Now, some of these rulers would
still acknowledge some sort of loose overlordship

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emanating from Constantinople, but others certainly
wouldn't and openly reject Constantinopolitan political claims.

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So you have an emperor in Constantinople
who is claiming universal authority, but that

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universal authority is manifestly contested by the
facts on the ground, and core sectors

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of the Mediterranean coastline are now under
Barbarian domination and court out to the Empire

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Italy, North Africa, Spain,
Gaul in particular. So those are the

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challenges from the west to the east. One factor that had enabled the Eastern

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Roman Empire to surmount the crisis of
the fifth century was that they had been

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abled the authorities there had been able
to negotiate a detente with the Susanian Empire

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of Persia. Both the Persians and
the East Romans are face a common foe

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in the Huns and so they cooperate
against the Huns with one another. At

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the start of the sixth century,
that peace with Persia suddenly breaks down when

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the Persian Shah Caabad launches what the
Romans perceived to be a completely unprovoked attack

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on Roman territory in Syria. And
getting the Persians out of Syria requires a

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massive mobilization of manpower and resources.
So you have this growing cent of insecurity

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in Constantinople, resulting from an awareness
that Roman power in the West is no

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more, and now this intense sense
of insecurity across the lands of the Near

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East, which also plays into political
conditions and content in Ople because many members

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of the Senate there own estates in
the East. So I think you have

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this sort of this paradoxical position of
what is still a great power. It's

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economy is booming, its population is
rising, cities are growing, commerce is

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living, but in political terms,
it feels increasingly constrained and challenged. Yeah,

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and I think one of the things
that is always interesting about this era

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is that coming so close on the
heels of the collapse of the West,

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you know, there has to be
a question in the minds of a lot

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of people of is this a temporary
situation, Is this a temporary reprieve for

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some Western territories, or is the
Western Roman Empire gone forever? And the

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other thing worth pointing out here is, of course, just to remind the

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people who are listening at home,
that we are talking about a geopolitical situation

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prior to the rise of Islam.
So just bear that in mind as we're

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going forward here, that that is
going to be a major shakeup that does

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come in the future, but post
dates Justinian. Now, getting to Justinian

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more specifically for a second, he
isn't someone that you would expect to come

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to power, certainly not in his
early formative years, and the way that

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he does come to power is kind
of interesting and leads to some interesting historical

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what ifs. So I was hoping
you could kind of walk through a little

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bit of Justinian's background, his family, and how does he wind up being

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in this position of becoming arguably one
of the most powerful men in the world.

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Yeah, so I think we have
to wind back a bit to the

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middle of the fifth century. Justinian
is born around the year four eight two,

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but we need to go back a
little bit before that. So Justinian

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and his family really come from the
regions the sort of south or southwest of

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the city of Nish Romans of Ignaisus
in what's now sort of southern Serbia,

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and Justinian would later founder a city
near the village where he claimed to have

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been born, the remains of which
you can still see now. In the

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mid to late fifth century, this
was really the Empire's sort of wild west,

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as a zone which had been subjected
to massive military insecurity in the middle

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years the fifth century, subjected to
Hunnic attacks and attacks by Goths. It

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clearly did enormous damage to the local
infrastructure at the time when around the middle

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of the fifth century, this is
probably a region where it's not clear who's

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in control. The Romans are claiming
it, other barbarian groups are claiming it.

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It's probably a sort of no man's
land where no one group is in

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total control, but where poverty is
endemic. Disruption has been massive. Now

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just In Justinian's family are basically peasants. It would appear from the region around

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to the south of nis Natius,
his uncle, and really the rise of

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the family begins with his uncle Justin, who later source tells us as a

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young man as a swineherd. Now, as with a lot of impoverished but

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ambitious young men, the young Justin
wants out of the situation he finds himself,

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and probably around the year four seventy, he and a couple of friends

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of his decide to head to Constantinople. They go there on foot the hope

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of bettering their fortunes by joining the
Imperial Army. Once in Constantinople, Justin

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is extraordinarily lucky in as he arrives
at a moment when the authorities are overhauling

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the arrangements for the Palace Guard.
Justin, we're told, is of striking

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appearance. He's tall, he's good
looking, he's what you want standing outside

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the palace advertising imperial power. So
he gets recruited into the new guards units

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in the Palace. So this suddenly
project this swineherd from the Balkans into the

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center of imperial power in the greatest
city in the known world. Justin is

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clearly a man of some talent.
He rises up through the ranks and by

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the time he's in his sixties he's
head of the Palace Guard, and he's

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quite an education of sorts. Through
the army. He has a great career.

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He marries a loving wife, but
they don't have kids, and so

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at some point it's probably, I
would say, about four ninety Justin writes

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to his sister back home, suggested
she send her son to Constantinople to be

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raised by Justin, and she does
this. I think the boy is probably

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about eight, and his name is
Petrus. Once in constant and this will

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be our Justinian, because once in
Constantinople, Justin will give this boy an

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education, he will adopt him,
giving him the name Petrus Eustinianus, where

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we get our Justinian from. And
he then arranges for this boy to be

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recruited into the palace guards himself.
So we have, as it were,

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a career that opens up to Justinian
by virtue of Justin's childlessness. Phase one,

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Phase two round the five eighteen.
In the five eighteen, the Emperor

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Anastasius is ailing and then dies,
but he hasn't made arrangements for his succession,

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and there's a struggle for power at
the palace court, and finally no

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one can agree on any between any
of the obvious candidates, so they agree

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on Justin to be made emperor as
a sort of compromise candidate in the expectation

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he's going to be around for much
longer. He's in his late sixties now,

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So Justin becomes emperor, and that
extraordinary step then opens the way for

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Justinian. Now Justin doesn't initially,
as it were, a point Justinian's a

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very high office, but he gives
the young man a stage on which to

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advance himself. And from that moment
on, from the moment Justin is emperor,

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we see Justinian starting to try to
prepare the way for his own rise

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to power, sidelining opponents, having
at least one assassinated, it would appear

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I'm reaching out for allies in the
church, on the streets of Constantinople,

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through the circusfactions like sports supporters clubs, reaching out for allies at court,

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and progressively he manages to persuade his
uncle to appoint him to high and higher

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rank, until really, by the
time Justin is drawing towards his death,

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Justinian has managed to get himself set
in place as the heir apparent. So

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it's a series of strokes of good
fortune for the family and Justinian matched with

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and matched by very careful preparation and
politicking on Justinian's part once his uncle or

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father has become emperor. That's really
interesting. One of the things that I

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find fascinating about both Roman history and
Byzantine history is by looking at the individual

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emperors, and there seems to me, oftentimes, and I'm certainly not the

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only person who's ever argued this,
that there's a great distinction and quality of

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emperors oftentimes between those who have to
do something to obtain their position and those

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who are the quote unquote born to
the purple. And I wanted I love

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that story, and it's important because
I want to point out that even though

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Justinian does succeed justin he doesn't have
to sure, he doesn't have to conquer

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the empire, doesn't have to win
a civil war. But by no stretch

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of the imagination, was he is
no, By no stretch of the imagination,

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is he committists. Okay, by
no stretch of the imagination, is

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he sort of just born to this
and this is something he's going to get.

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And that kind of brings me to
my next question, which is an

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impossible question to answer, and I
concede that at the outset, but it's

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a question that just comes up all
the time, you know, whether whenever

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we're talking about pre modern individuals,
people want to know, well, what

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were they like? You know,
what was what was their personality like?

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You know, how did how did
they behave? And of course we don't

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have any tweets from Justinian. We
don't have any. I suppose they're not

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tweets anymore. Sorry, we don't
have any. We don't have any video

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of him. But you know,
we I think we could discern something of

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his personality. So I was hoping
you could tell us all, you know,

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as much as you can. You
know, what do we think Justinian

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was like as a person and as
an emperor? Yeah? Unfortunately, because

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he leaves so much legal material behind
in his own voice, and you know,

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we have reason to believe that bits
of it are genuinely penned by the

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emperor, and we have theological tracts
by him, and we have accounts of

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him from written by people who are
close close to the center of imperial power.

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We can actually come away unusually with
Justinian, with an emperor, become

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away the sense of emperor whose personality
really does come across from the sources quite

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consistently. In particular, he's clearly
a workaholic. He tells us that he

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works deep into the ninth night,
and critics confirmed this. He has a

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constant urge to micro manage. When
we look at legislation that's emerging from his

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court, it goes into the finest
of detail on the levels of remuneration and

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command structures, on the very distant
fringes of empires. He's sometimes been compared

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with Stalin compared to Stalin, and
that of comparison is largely to do with

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this, this obsession with micro management. He has a fiery temper, and

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we see him losing his rag on
a number of occasions, even with quite

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high ranking holy men and priests.
He has a very prickly sense of his

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own dignity, which is partly informed
by the fact that, as you alluded

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to, Okay, he is the
son of someone who's become emperor, but

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the family's background is quite obscure.
They're from quite an insignificant background. Surrounding

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him at court are lots of members
are very prestigious Roman senatorial families, and

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his center of his own dignity and
his sensitivity to being slighted is I think

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sharpened by that He's constantly in a
hurry. Whether he's writing to the Pope

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about theology, or to his architects
about constructions, or to his legal team

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about legal reform, he's constantly saying, hurry up, hurry up, hurry

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up. And then in terms of
his own mindset, one thing that is

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a uniting thread from priority when he
becomes emperor all the way to his dying

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days is he is fascinated by theology
and obsessed with Christian doctrine in a way

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that's really very unusual. And I
say we can trace this e long before

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his emperor. So when he is
really just a guards officer at court,

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the nephew or adopted son of an
emperor, but still not yet holding very

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high position, we see him writing
to the Pope in Rome, trying to

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engage him in detailed doctrinal discussion.
Now, this would have come across very

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strangely in Rome, and it's very
unusual. I think that really gives us

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an in trusting insight into him.
He has a romantic streak in that,

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rather like his uncle, he marries
a wife. It would appear the empathy

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Adora. Really it's only explicable in
terms of a love match. I mean,

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she is a very lowly background herself, and he could have required a

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much posture wife in court circles who
would have been much more politically useful had

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he wanted to. And there are
flashes of a sense of humor. I

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think I found one joke in the
entirety of his legislation, and it's a

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very loyally joke. But you know, we don't have and I'm not aware

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of many other jokes. And Byzantine
emperors as a ruler, he has enormous

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difficulty letting go or delegating responsibility,
and perhaps tied into that, he has

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a tendency to exhaust those he works
with, driven on by a very strong

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sense of moral purpose, which ties
in to the theological interests as well.

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Yeah, when I picture the Emperor
Justin he and I oftentimes picture someone.

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I mean, there's there's the famous
mosaic from Ravenna, which is probably the

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image that just about everybody has when
they think about Justinian. But I imagine

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someone meetings all day and then wanderings
the halls of the palace, unable to

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sleep at night, consumed by thoughts
of things going on in distant reaches of

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the empire, and it's it is
remarkable the level of micromanaging that he attempts.

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And I say attempts because you know
we are you know, this is

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the classical age. You know,
a message travels as fast as a horse

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can ride or as fast as a
ship can sail, so circumstances oftentimes may

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have changed dramatically by the time the
message goes from wherever to Constantinople and then

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from Constantinople back. So to think
that you're going to be able to send

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relevant orders is kind of an interesting
theory for him to think. But I

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want to then ask a little bit
about you. You talked about this about

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the rise of Sosanid Persia. Well
not the rise, but you know,

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the breakdown of peaceful relations between you
know, the Roman Empire slash Byzantine Empire

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and the Sosanids in the start of
the sixth century. And Rome always has

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done typically well when it has peaceful
relations with whatever permutation of the Persian Empire,

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it happens to be dealing with,
whether it's the part the instance,

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sonets, so on and so forth, and tends to struggle more when it

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has to engage in military affairs.
And I think to an extent this because

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you know, they're the only two
quasi modern states. They're the only two

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states capable of marshaling the resources to
engage in lengthy wars of conquest. Yeah.

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I mean you've got, you know, different tribal entities. You've got

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the Avars, You've got the Huns, who might from time to time strike,

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but you're not necessarily concerned that they're
going to take large swaths of territory

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and hold it. That's not the
case with Persia. You might legitimately lose

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Antioch and not be able to get
it back. So that's a big,

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big, big problem. What does
Justinian do as a way to try to

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confront this rising threat that's I suppose
reignited in the East. Yeah. I

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think this is one of those areas
where because the breakdown in relation to Persia

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predates Justinian's rise to power, one
arguably has the highest degree of continuity between

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his reign and those of his immediate
predecessors, not just his uncle Justin,

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but also Anastasius before him, under
whom the war with Persia has re rupted.

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So broadly speaking, one distinguishes between
the direct frontier zone between the East

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Roman Empire and Persia that's essentially the
frontier between modern Syria and Irac at all

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intents and purposes, and then the
zone into the butted to north and South

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Arabia and the Caucasus. In that
direct frontier zone, Justinian follows in the

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footsteps of his predecessors in a massive
program of investment in the defensive infrastructure of

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those eastern frontiers, of the Eastern
Frontier, trying to achieve a measure of

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sort of defense in depth, trying
to limit the damage that any marauding Persian

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foe can inflict if they break through
into Roman territory that's very much continuity along

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the desert frontier. The problem the
Romans have is that their desert frontier is

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very extensive and largely undefended, and
so very prone to the Persians striking across

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the desert zone. So there Justinian
affects the creation of a pro Roman Arab

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tribal confederacy known as the Jaffnids,
who he will build up as agents of

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imperial influence in the region to try
to block any ability on the past of

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the Persians to strike from that direction
with their Arab allies, the Nazareth.

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This struggle for power between these two
powers in Arabia will start to have increasingly

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pronounced consequences in the Arabian world itself, leading to much greater state formation and

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military development there, which is important
for the background to Islam. Then heading

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north in the Caucasus, this is
where in many ways, the strategic interests

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of the two empires most clash.
Here we see Justinian crucially creating a new

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command structure, creating a new field
army under a new general to take command

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of warfare in the Caucasus. We
see him trying to use Christianity to extend

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imperial influence in the region, and
also as Christianity is used to meet as

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a means of sort of cultural imperialism
in the Caucasian zone and as people are

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drawn towards Concertinople that way, seeks
to impose much more direct rule on those

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Caucasian territories where the Romans manage to
get a toe hold. He tries to

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more fully integrate Armenian territories, he
tries to impose direct rule and other frontier

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ones. So we have this combination
of military tactics, diplomatic tactics, fortifications,

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but also in terms of diplomacy,
especially later in his reign, he

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will really play upon a key feature
of the Susanian Empire. The Sasanians perceive

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themselves to be massively vulnerable to attack
from the world of the Eurasian step the

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stretches out east towards China. At
Hanik attacks in preceding centuries had done massive

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harm to the Sasanians. So every
time the Persians appeared to be under pressure

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from a nomadic foe, just in
An intervenes to try to extract greater concessions

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from the Persians. And we see
him deploying that strategy, I said,

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particularly at the end of his reign, but it is a theme throughout when

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he engages with the great superpower rival
East. Yeah, it's interesting. You

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know a lot of times, you
know, I'll listen to people who are

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very critical of the Byzantine Empire,
and I'm just going to use that term

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for just to draw a distinction between
that and the unified Roman Empire for the

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purposes of right now. Who are
very critical of the Byzantine Empire for being

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oh they're too diplomatic as opposed to
you know, you're the power of the

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of the Roman legions, you know, marching across the world, which I

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think that ignores a couple of things. First of all, war is uncertain,

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you know, there's there's no indication
that if you go to battle that

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you're going to win, especially with
an evenly matched opponent. And second of

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all, let's just face it,
wars are kind of expensive, and diplomacy

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is a lot cheaper, and it's
a lot cheaper to get someone else to

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fight your war for you if you
can't. Certainly, as you point out,

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Justinian's intervention with the tribal peoples of
the Arabian Peninsula is going to to

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some extent facilitate the Arab explosion of
military expansion that's going to come later on.

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He didn't know that at the time. And I'm not going to sit

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here and Monday morning quarterback him from
thousands of years ago. I don't think

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that's worth you just raised about the
Justinian is perfectly willing when he deems it

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appropriate to buy peace with Persia through
massive diplomatic subsidies. And there is an

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interesting correlation I've spotted before in the
sixth century whereby because Justinian is, in

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terms of his career structure, a
military man is in the palace guards.

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That's the sort of the mindset is
inculcated with. In general terms, it

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tends to be in the sixth and
seventh centuries, Roman emperors or byz Antine

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emperors of military background who are most
willing to pay for peace. Is the

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civilian emperors who's as it were,
political base, are most anxious about their

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tax money being given away to barbarians
who are most inclined to be aggressive on

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that front and to prefer war over
diplomatic subsidies. And that's a very interesting

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correlation, and Justinian very much fits
into that model. As you said,

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the military have a great appreciation of
the dangers of war once it kicks off.

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Yeah, I mean, it's true. It's it's also true. I

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mean, if you even want to
look at more modern history of most of

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most American presidents who have engaged in
most of the major conflicts are not the

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military presidents. They're they're not there. They tend to be the civilian president.

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So it is interesting that and I
think that that's that is a theme

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that kind of runs throughout much of
history, is that people who have engaged

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in combat are much less willing to
roll the dice on other people's lives than

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those who have not, which I
suppose makes sense from just a practical standpoint.

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But and and not to jump around
a bit, but I want to

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make sure that we do cover all
aspects of Justinian. So I want to

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ask about the law code for a
moment, because his roles as a law

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maker are really unprecedented in a lot
of ways and incredibly dramatic. And I

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wonder if maybe, if you want
to look at, you know, long

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term contributions to society, if maybe
this isn't the most important contribution that Justinian

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bequeaths to sort of the Western world. Is this incredible law revision that he

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undertakes. So I wondered if you
could talk about that, about what is

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he seeking to accomplish by this,
and just how big of a project are

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we talking about here. There are
two aspects to Justinian as a law giver

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which we have to think about,
both of which are very important, and

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they're interconnected. First of all,
Justinian as codifile. Now when it comes

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to power, the problem is there's
just so much legal material in circulation that

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it's very hard to work out what
the law on any given situation is.

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And this is sort of recipe for
chaos. I mean, the reason for

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00:27:48.720 --> 00:27:55.319
this is that Roman law is inherited
by Justinian, has different sources of law

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00:27:55.480 --> 00:27:59.440
and different sources of legal authority.
So you have laws issued by emperors.

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00:28:00.039 --> 00:28:04.720
You also have in circulation extensive legal
writings by legal scholars from earlier centuries which

337
00:28:04.759 --> 00:28:10.279
can be cited in court and an
interpretation. Now, an effort had been

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00:28:10.279 --> 00:28:14.920
made earlier in the fifth century to
impose some order on laws issued buy emperors,

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00:28:15.799 --> 00:28:18.240
and you have the collation of the
so called Theodosian Code in the early

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00:28:18.240 --> 00:28:21.960
fifth century. But since then many
more laws have been issued by the subsequent

341
00:28:21.960 --> 00:28:25.440
emperors, so again that problem has
returned. There's just a lot of legal

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enactments. Sometimes they're contradictory. How
do you decide between which laws? An

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attempt had also been made to try
to give priority to some legal scholars and

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00:28:34.680 --> 00:28:40.000
their writings over others. But even
in terms of those given precedents, you're

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still talking about, you know,
sort of around three million lines of Latin

346
00:28:45.000 --> 00:28:48.880
text or two thousand volumes. So
this is a huge, massive material for

347
00:28:48.960 --> 00:28:53.319
people to try to marshal when deciding
the law. Now, Justinian decides very

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00:28:53.359 --> 00:28:59.119
early on in his reign to impose
order on this situation and to edit and

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00:28:59.200 --> 00:29:03.160
boil down the legal texts so as
to express a single unified opinion and will

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00:29:03.319 --> 00:29:07.000
presented as that of Justinian. And
it's a sign of how successful he and

351
00:29:07.079 --> 00:29:11.880
his commissioners are that it's almost impossible
for us to really work out in any

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00:29:11.920 --> 00:29:15.359
detail now what Roman law was like
before they got to work, because they're

353
00:29:15.400 --> 00:29:18.200
so good, as it were,
air gushing out what they don't approve of.

354
00:29:19.519 --> 00:29:22.880
So we have, first of all, the order five two eight,

355
00:29:23.039 --> 00:29:27.240
a year after it comes to power
to issue his own codex replacing the Theodosian

356
00:29:27.279 --> 00:29:34.839
Code in reforming all the inherited legislation
issued by emperors to express a single unified

357
00:29:36.000 --> 00:29:40.640
will and model, as it were, removing contradictions and not have you.

358
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That initially completed by five two nine, although there's signs that his law commissions

359
00:29:45.640 --> 00:29:48.079
have done it in too much of
a hurry, because he's been urging them

360
00:29:48.079 --> 00:29:52.079
onto aggressively, and they end up
having to produce a second version in five

361
00:29:52.160 --> 00:29:56.079
to three four. But then more
extraordinarily, he does try something which no

362
00:29:56.119 --> 00:30:02.480
one had ever tried before, which
was to impose order on this swirling mass

363
00:30:02.559 --> 00:30:06.400
of jurisdic opinions written by the legal
scholars, the so called jurist consults,

364
00:30:06.920 --> 00:30:11.880
and in an extraordinary program between five
thirty and five to three three, his

365
00:30:12.000 --> 00:30:19.079
law commissioners go through these inherited legal
texts and reduce them by ninety five percent

366
00:30:19.559 --> 00:30:26.920
to create this extraordinarily condensed version of
Roman legal thinking which can be used more

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00:30:26.960 --> 00:30:30.480
readily alongside the laws of the Codex. Now it's still a massive work when

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00:30:30.480 --> 00:30:34.200
it emerges. I mean, Justinian's
Digest is still one and a half times

369
00:30:34.200 --> 00:30:38.839
to size the Bible. But it's
an extraordinary achievement. And Justinian tells us

370
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when he started giving instructions that it
be put into effect, the compilation to

371
00:30:44.519 --> 00:30:48.440
Digest. Many said it was impossible, others say it would take ten years.

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His law commissioners get it done into
three. At the same time,

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they also produce a new legal textbook, the Institute, which is like a

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00:30:56.240 --> 00:30:59.960
map of the law, showing how
these different bits of the law and Roman

375
00:31:00.039 --> 00:31:04.640
law as a system cohere and operate. So that's the codification, and that

376
00:31:04.720 --> 00:31:11.559
is the form then in which Roman
law will be received by subsequent European societies.

377
00:31:11.920 --> 00:31:15.759
And really it's the common law of
Europe until Napoleon iss used his own

378
00:31:15.799 --> 00:31:22.319
code in the nineteenth century. But
at the same time he's also issuing an

379
00:31:22.519 --> 00:31:26.599
enormous amount of legislation himself. And
once again here we see his real interest

380
00:31:26.599 --> 00:31:30.960
in the law long before he comes
across his chief legal officer, Trebonian,

381
00:31:30.000 --> 00:31:34.039
who relies upon for the codification to
a great extent. And we see this

382
00:31:34.039 --> 00:31:38.279
from the fact, for example,
that you know Justin the first his uncle

383
00:31:38.599 --> 00:31:44.160
wasn't a lazy administrator or a lazy
emperor. But we have this period of

384
00:31:44.240 --> 00:31:51.480
five months during which Justinian is co
emperor alongside Justin, because Justin is now

385
00:31:51.519 --> 00:31:56.480
ailing, and it is a remarkable
fact that a third of all the laws

386
00:31:56.519 --> 00:32:00.759
we have from Justin's reign are issued
during those five months when Justinian has managed

387
00:32:00.759 --> 00:32:07.240
to get himself alongside in power in
his eight and a half year reign.

388
00:32:07.680 --> 00:32:10.160
For his eight and a half year
reign, we have about thirty laws that

389
00:32:10.240 --> 00:32:15.440
survived from Justin as emperor. For
the first eight years of Justinian's reign we

390
00:32:15.519 --> 00:32:22.279
have over four hundred. I mean, the pace of legislation just skyrockets,

391
00:32:22.480 --> 00:32:28.480
and we see him intervening on almost
every aspect of life as lived in Roman

392
00:32:28.519 --> 00:32:32.400
society at this time. He's codifying
the Roman law of marriage, he's christianizing

393
00:32:32.440 --> 00:32:37.960
it. Every aspect really is addressed, and he starts to push Roman legal

394
00:32:38.079 --> 00:32:45.119
thinking in fundamentally new directions which are
also going to lay the foundations for really

395
00:32:45.119 --> 00:32:49.640
Byzantine law, which has very different
conceptions of things like the family, for

396
00:32:49.680 --> 00:32:52.400
example, as compared to classical Roman
law. And this is something emerging from

397
00:32:52.759 --> 00:33:00.279
Justinian's court during this extraordinary period of
legal activism. Yeah. Interesting is as

398
00:33:00.319 --> 00:33:05.400
you're talking, you know, I
don't want to like, no, I

399
00:33:05.440 --> 00:33:09.279
don't want to call other like previous
Roman emperors or Byzantine emperors lazy, but

400
00:33:09.759 --> 00:33:16.000
certainly by comparison to Justinian, most
people look like, what are you doing

401
00:33:16.119 --> 00:33:21.599
taking Saturdays and Sundays off? You
know, he's he works NonStop and this

402
00:33:21.640 --> 00:33:27.039
is the sort of project that only
somebody who has this level of sort of

403
00:33:27.119 --> 00:33:31.240
dedication to the state and to state
craft is going to be able to undertake.

404
00:33:32.200 --> 00:33:37.519
And it's just if you take nothing
else away from this conversation today,

405
00:33:38.000 --> 00:33:43.359
just remember that when you think about
European common law to an extend American common

406
00:33:43.400 --> 00:33:45.759
laws, of course we adopt English
common law as well. You know,

407
00:33:45.920 --> 00:33:51.400
it forms the basis it comes from
Justinian. Justinian, like you say,

408
00:33:51.440 --> 00:33:54.599
we don't really have a sense of
what Roman law was prior to this point

409
00:33:54.640 --> 00:34:01.400
because of the massive reorganization and restructuring, to an extent streamlining of everything that

410
00:34:01.480 --> 00:34:06.400
we have. I mean, that's
a huge takeaway. Another one that I

411
00:34:06.400 --> 00:34:13.519
want to ask about is Isosophia,
which, of course the massive church constructed

412
00:34:13.599 --> 00:34:15.320
net today. Of course it's all
I think it's actually a museum, or

413
00:34:15.360 --> 00:34:20.000
maybe it's a mosque. I get, oh, it's a mosque again.

414
00:34:20.039 --> 00:34:23.119
Okay, thank you. I know
that it had gone both ways. So

415
00:34:24.360 --> 00:34:35.159
but I think it's you know,
to to understand what someone would have experienced

416
00:34:35.920 --> 00:34:40.119
in the sixth century visiting this site, I think is just almost mind blowing.

417
00:34:40.440 --> 00:34:45.760
You write the book it's nothing less
than miraculous the construction of this building.

418
00:34:46.400 --> 00:34:49.719
And I wanted you to break that
down for a second because I think

419
00:34:49.760 --> 00:34:53.719
after reading that your chapter or section
of the book on the Isosophia, I

420
00:34:53.760 --> 00:34:58.880
came away with that exact same word
miraculous. This is nothing less than a

421
00:34:58.960 --> 00:35:02.159
miracle, and I think people in
that time period would have seen it that

422
00:35:02.280 --> 00:35:09.639
way too. So what is it
that makes the construction of Isophia so miraculous,

423
00:35:12.400 --> 00:35:15.039
well, I think for those worshiping
within it. And this is something

424
00:35:15.119 --> 00:35:19.360
very hard to really appreciate when you
go and visit the modern the building its

425
00:35:19.360 --> 00:35:23.679
current state, not the modern building
in its current state due to the number

426
00:35:23.719 --> 00:35:30.000
of windows. What have you been
blocked out? Is that Agasophia, as

427
00:35:30.360 --> 00:35:38.440
reconstructed by Justinian after the nikobriots,
is an extraordinary combination of acoustic engineering and

428
00:35:38.599 --> 00:35:49.119
lighting engineering, and as it were, it's attempts to create a total sensor

429
00:35:49.119 --> 00:35:52.480
you experience for the worshiper. And
we've become more and more aware of this

430
00:35:52.480 --> 00:35:59.000
thanks to fantastic work being done by
acoustic engineers and also by musicologists such as

431
00:35:59.000 --> 00:36:04.280
the group who in the US and
of Capella Romana have done amazing work reconstructing

432
00:36:04.280 --> 00:36:07.760
the liturgy of the Great Church at
its heights. And when you draw these

433
00:36:07.760 --> 00:36:13.079
things together, you get a real
sense of the very careful, the extraordinary

434
00:36:13.760 --> 00:36:19.119
evocation of the numinous which the authorities
are aiming at and which they achieve,

435
00:36:19.280 --> 00:36:24.559
because even Justinian's critics like Procopious emphasize
this. Then beyond that, in terms

436
00:36:24.599 --> 00:36:29.800
of how people would have understood it
as a sort of miraculous structure. I

437
00:36:29.840 --> 00:36:34.519
think you know you've touched upon the
two crucial ones. It is the extraordinary

438
00:36:34.559 --> 00:36:38.679
speed with which it is constructed to
start off with, I mean it's destroyed

439
00:36:38.760 --> 00:36:44.039
during the n The old Hagiasophia is
destroyed during the nikerriot of January five to

440
00:36:44.119 --> 00:36:51.719
three two. The new Hagiosophia is
formally inaugurated barely five years later, December

441
00:36:51.719 --> 00:36:54.480
five three seven. Now you compare
that to the length of time it would

442
00:36:54.480 --> 00:36:58.760
take to build medieval cathedrals in the
West, and you get a cent of

443
00:36:58.760 --> 00:37:04.519
how staggering that is. It's a
gargantuan mobilization of manpower and resources. Later,

444
00:37:04.559 --> 00:37:07.840
Byzantine observers would assume that there was
the work of a miracle, the

445
00:37:07.000 --> 00:37:10.840
Justinian be given the design by an
angel. They claim that ten thousand workmen

446
00:37:10.880 --> 00:37:15.400
were required and that it cost the
equivalent equivalent of a year's tax revenues from

447
00:37:15.480 --> 00:37:19.880
Egypt. Now those aren't necessarily real
figures, but they're giving you a sense

448
00:37:19.920 --> 00:37:25.280
of how Byzantines understood the scale of
the project. The speed is something really

449
00:37:25.280 --> 00:37:30.519
worth emphasizing, though, because in
order to construct it, Justinian has to

450
00:37:30.639 --> 00:37:34.119
ransack the cities of the Near East
to get the building materials, which is

451
00:37:34.119 --> 00:37:37.159
why actually it's a bit hotchpodg inside. You know some you know, not

452
00:37:37.239 --> 00:37:39.320
all the columns are the same length, and some have had to be sort

453
00:37:39.320 --> 00:37:43.159
of doubled up and what have you. It's you can see one again,

454
00:37:43.159 --> 00:37:45.679
the Justinian's always in a hurry,
and you see that actually in the internal

455
00:37:45.719 --> 00:37:51.519
construction of Hagia Sophia. But its
scale is also exceptional. I mean,

456
00:37:51.840 --> 00:37:55.119
the internal height of it, beneath
the central dome is equivalent to a fifteen

457
00:37:55.159 --> 00:38:00.480
story building. It would be the
largest domed construction anywhere in the world until

458
00:38:00.519 --> 00:38:05.440
the sixteenth century. And it is
domed. I mean, no Roman emperor

459
00:38:05.760 --> 00:38:09.639
had ever attempted to build a domed
structure on this scale. And this really

460
00:38:10.079 --> 00:38:19.280
clearly pushes his engineers to the absolute
limits of their knowledge and their technical capacity.

461
00:38:19.719 --> 00:38:22.960
And once again, I think,
both in his architecture and to some

462
00:38:22.079 --> 00:38:25.320
extent in his lawmaking and in some
of his military endeavors, I mean,

463
00:38:25.360 --> 00:38:30.639
he really pushes those under him to
the maximum, sometimes up to and just

464
00:38:30.679 --> 00:38:35.599
beyond what they're really capable of.
Yeah, and at the speed, by

465
00:38:35.639 --> 00:38:37.239
the way, for those who want
me to put this into context, for

466
00:38:37.280 --> 00:38:40.639
you for a second, and some
of this is a little hyperboleep, but

467
00:38:40.880 --> 00:38:45.159
you know, Notre Dame took about
two hundred years. You know, if

468
00:38:45.159 --> 00:38:49.960
you want to go from beginning to
end by comparison to five for this,

469
00:38:51.320 --> 00:38:52.360
I mean, if you want to
talk about miracle, yeah, I mean

470
00:38:52.360 --> 00:39:00.159
it would seem like it would be
conceivable for someone in the military, perhaps

471
00:39:00.239 --> 00:39:02.719
a noble to be away from the
city for five years and come back and

472
00:39:02.760 --> 00:39:09.519
it's done. And that I mean
that in terms of pre modern building capacity,

473
00:39:09.639 --> 00:39:14.400
that's unheard of. That's just simply
unheard of for a project of this

474
00:39:14.559 --> 00:39:19.199
scale and shape. And again,
I think gives us an indication of Justinian's

475
00:39:19.239 --> 00:39:24.480
personality and his drive to see this
project finished. Not twenty years from now,

476
00:39:24.800 --> 00:39:28.639
right now. I want it done
today, and that's when we're gonna

477
00:39:28.639 --> 00:39:30.840
get it done. All right,
Let's talk about the West, because you

478
00:39:30.880 --> 00:39:36.559
know, most people are when they
think Justinian, are gonna think Belisadius and

479
00:39:37.159 --> 00:39:42.440
his efforts to reconquer the lost Roman
territories in the West. And it starts

480
00:39:42.440 --> 00:39:47.320
with North Africa and is kind of
shockingly I suppose, or maybe it's maybe

481
00:39:47.320 --> 00:39:52.679
surprisingly easily successful. But you know, to start, you know what gets

482
00:39:53.400 --> 00:39:59.440
Justinian involved in North Africa, because
it would seem like he has plenty on

483
00:39:59.519 --> 00:40:05.280
his plate with the Sosani Empire.
Yeah, in North Africa, just by

484
00:40:05.280 --> 00:40:07.639
way of a bit of background,
had fallen to this group of Vandals in

485
00:40:07.679 --> 00:40:13.199
the fifth century Carthage, fall to
them in four three nine, and they

486
00:40:13.280 --> 00:40:17.639
establish a very prosperous and very it
will appear stable kingdom initially. Now,

487
00:40:19.559 --> 00:40:22.840
the Romans had last attempted to intervene
there in four six' eight, when

488
00:40:22.880 --> 00:40:27.280
an imperial fleet had been destroyed by
the fireships of the Vandal king. Geiseric

489
00:40:27.800 --> 00:40:31.719
Byzantine armada is wiped out, and
now after the Byzantine policy is one of

490
00:40:31.719 --> 00:40:35.880
positive engagement really in so far as
they can. But as I think a

491
00:40:35.960 --> 00:40:39.960
sense in which the authorities in Constantinople
are always minded to intervene in Africa if

492
00:40:40.000 --> 00:40:44.960
they get the chance. One reason
is because it's so prosperous. So the

493
00:40:45.039 --> 00:40:47.280
landscape of North Africa is good for
tax revenues if you can get it back.

494
00:40:49.000 --> 00:40:52.360
Second, the Vandals have a major
fleet, and that can pose a

495
00:40:52.440 --> 00:40:55.519
threat to East Roman continuing control of
the sea lanes of the Central and the

496
00:40:55.519 --> 00:41:02.480
Eastern Mediterranean should that be a problem. And lastly, the Vandals are followers

497
00:41:02.679 --> 00:41:07.320
of a fourth century churchman called Arius, who was regarded as a heretic in

498
00:41:07.320 --> 00:41:14.320
Constantinople. And there are constant reports
of the members of the Imperial the so

499
00:41:14.400 --> 00:41:17.960
called Catholic or Orthodox Church, being
persecuted at the hands of the Aryan Vandal

500
00:41:19.000 --> 00:41:22.440
authorities. So you have all these
reasons for Byzantin to be minded perhaps to

501
00:41:22.480 --> 00:41:30.719
intervene should the opportunity arise. Now
Justinian has courted previously the heir to the

502
00:41:30.800 --> 00:41:35.239
Vandal throne, a certain Kilderic could
come to power in five to two three,

503
00:41:35.559 --> 00:41:38.320
and under whom the treatment of the
Catholic clergy seems to improve, and

504
00:41:38.360 --> 00:41:45.199
we start seeing a diplomatic tilt back
towards Constantinople. But Kilderic is not a

505
00:41:45.320 --> 00:41:49.800
very militarily effective king, and in
these early medieval societies in the West,

506
00:41:50.079 --> 00:41:55.440
military effectiveness is the key requirement for
good kingship. And eventually, by virtue

507
00:41:55.519 --> 00:42:00.880
of his military failings in five point
thirty he has brought down by his cousin

508
00:42:00.239 --> 00:42:06.760
Gelimer, and we start seeing signs
of tension and of this kingdom starting to

509
00:42:07.239 --> 00:42:13.159
fragment. The governor of Sardinia casts
off Vandal overlordship there's revolved by the Romans

510
00:42:13.360 --> 00:42:19.000
in Tripoli. So this gives Justinian
an opportunity and a pretext to intervene,

511
00:42:19.559 --> 00:42:22.480
but interestingly he doesn't do so then
in five point thirty. Instead, the

512
00:42:22.480 --> 00:42:27.840
intervention only comes after, first of
all, a peace has been negotiated with

513
00:42:27.920 --> 00:42:30.719
Persia in five to three to two, and also in the aftermath of the

514
00:42:30.760 --> 00:42:37.119
Niker riots, when Justin has almost
been deposed from the throne in an outbreak

515
00:42:37.119 --> 00:42:39.880
of rioting which members of the Senate
appear to have tried to take advantage of

516
00:42:40.039 --> 00:42:45.519
to depose the Emperor, his legal
activism actually being a source of enormous anxiety

517
00:42:45.559 --> 00:42:50.840
to them. So I think on
one level, the intervention there is driven

518
00:42:50.960 --> 00:42:57.639
by both an opportunity provided by political
instability in the Vandal kingdom combined with now

519
00:42:57.679 --> 00:43:01.079
a need to try to rebuild the
police call credibility of the regime at home

520
00:43:01.480 --> 00:43:06.880
by making an opportunistic formay to the
West. So I think that explains the

521
00:43:06.920 --> 00:43:14.559
timing of it. An opportunistic is
kind of the right word here in Justinian,

522
00:43:14.599 --> 00:43:17.159
and we'll talk about this at the
end. You can be criticized in

523
00:43:17.199 --> 00:43:22.639
these efforts to reconquer parts of the
West, and that well does he deplete

524
00:43:22.679 --> 00:43:29.920
resources needed to actually counteract Persia in
their assassenods in the east in order to

525
00:43:30.000 --> 00:43:36.880
try to reconquer parts of the empire
that cannot really be reincorporated. But to

526
00:43:36.920 --> 00:43:44.599
an extent, if you are looking
at where can we be militarily successful for

527
00:43:45.199 --> 00:43:52.639
the least cost, certainly the Vandal
Kingdom of North Africa looks much more like

528
00:43:52.679 --> 00:43:57.519
an easy target compared to the Sosanids
to the east by a million stretches of

529
00:43:57.519 --> 00:44:00.960
the imagination, and they proved to
be. The other thing that is always

530
00:44:00.960 --> 00:44:07.679
worth remembering is that we have to
disabuse ourselves of what comes to mind when

531
00:44:07.719 --> 00:44:13.559
we picture North Africa right now,
because what we picture North Africa right now

532
00:44:13.559 --> 00:44:17.840
would have not been what North Africa
was like during this time period. It

533
00:44:17.880 --> 00:44:22.719
was much more agriculturally productive, much
more fertile. It would have been a

534
00:44:22.920 --> 00:44:29.519
useful portion of the empire to add
it back and bring it back into the

535
00:44:29.599 --> 00:44:36.360
Roman sphere of influence. Belis Adius
is dispatched under as you indicate, and

536
00:44:36.679 --> 00:44:43.960
is successful in winning a pitched battle
against the Vandal Kingdom and essentially toppling it

537
00:44:44.000 --> 00:44:49.639
over. But I always wonder about
this because I think sometimes maps can be

538
00:44:49.719 --> 00:44:52.320
misleading, especially at certain points.
You put this big color on the map

539
00:44:52.360 --> 00:44:55.800
and you say this is Rome,
and this is not Rome, and so

540
00:44:55.960 --> 00:45:00.639
Rome has control over this. But
the question that I want to ask use

541
00:45:00.679 --> 00:45:07.239
even after North Africa is i'll say, reincorporated into the Byzantine sphere of influence,

542
00:45:07.280 --> 00:45:10.239
brought back into the Roman fold.
To what extent is that true?

543
00:45:10.239 --> 00:45:14.119
Because I think you did a nice
job in the book of sort of outlining

544
00:45:14.400 --> 00:45:19.559
you know, how firm is Roman
control once it's re established in this area

545
00:45:19.760 --> 00:45:23.719
compared to you know, some areas
that are much much closer to Constantinople.

546
00:45:25.800 --> 00:45:30.840
The emphasis from the start, and
I think this probably gives one the sense

547
00:45:30.840 --> 00:45:36.920
of the core strategic objectives appears to
have been very much on controlling the cities

548
00:45:37.000 --> 00:45:43.679
of the coastal zone along the Mediterranean
coastline and their immediate hinterlands, which were

549
00:45:43.800 --> 00:45:50.800
agriculturally extremely productive, and also on
controlling the key islands of the western and

550
00:45:50.880 --> 00:45:54.639
central Mediterranean which the Vandals had also
controlled, such as Sardinia and the bally

551
00:45:54.719 --> 00:46:00.920
Arics. They're really not that interested
in the areas beyond that. These sort

552
00:46:00.960 --> 00:46:07.159
of the hinterlands of the old Vandal
Kingdom where the Vandals had confronted various bear

553
00:46:07.199 --> 00:46:12.840
bear war lords. So as a
result, during the course of both the

554
00:46:12.840 --> 00:46:19.440
wars and then the Roman reoccupation,
really was seeing ongoing bear bear encroachment coming

555
00:46:19.440 --> 00:46:24.159
in from the tribal zone of Mauritania
and Numidia beyond. But that the main

556
00:46:24.199 --> 00:46:29.480
focus is on the most taxable territory, the coastal territory and the islands are

557
00:46:29.480 --> 00:46:34.239
a crucial for pinning down once more
control of the Mediterranean. It's also worth

558
00:46:34.239 --> 00:46:39.239
emphasizing that as you say that really
it's the defeat of the Vandal kingdom,

559
00:46:39.800 --> 00:46:45.360
it really centers on the defeat in
battle then ultimately the capture of the Vandal

560
00:46:45.440 --> 00:46:49.119
king. In the early medieval West
you see the emergence of these sort of

561
00:46:49.199 --> 00:46:53.199
king focused societies where if you can
capture the king in a political sense,

562
00:46:53.239 --> 00:46:57.639
you have the kingdom as we see
most obviously, the best example would be

563
00:46:57.840 --> 00:47:00.280
what happens to England in ten sixty
six with the Omans. Same thing really

564
00:47:00.320 --> 00:47:05.199
with with Howld. So he's taking
advantage of the sort of new dynamics of

565
00:47:05.239 --> 00:47:10.760
power that have emerged in the West
in order to achieve this result, and

566
00:47:10.800 --> 00:47:15.440
then you know, it goes further, and you know, Justinian has this

567
00:47:16.239 --> 00:47:21.280
I'll say, you know, ace
up his sleeve. He's got this general

568
00:47:21.320 --> 00:47:25.719
by the name of Belisarius, who
is unbelievably effective in the field, like

569
00:47:27.000 --> 00:47:32.320
just just incredible, and in short
order is able to then move from eventually

570
00:47:32.360 --> 00:47:37.239
North Africa to Sicily, to southern
Italy, to Rome and to Ravenna.

571
00:47:37.320 --> 00:47:45.320
And that's just a remarkable sort of
a series of military achievements in such a

572
00:47:45.360 --> 00:47:50.679
short period of time. And I'm
just kind of curious if you could speak

573
00:47:50.719 --> 00:47:54.159
to that for a second, because
I've always wondered about this military campaign.

574
00:47:54.519 --> 00:48:00.320
You know, to what extent was
this part of an overarching strategy, or

575
00:48:00.360 --> 00:48:05.519
to what extent was this just simply
byzantine opportunism, To what extent was this

576
00:48:05.760 --> 00:48:08.519
just I can't believe we keep winning, but we keep winning easily. So

577
00:48:08.719 --> 00:48:13.360
let's just keep rolling the dice.
You know, where where do we end

578
00:48:13.440 --> 00:48:17.760
up on that spectrum? Here?
Yes, I think it's I don't think

579
00:48:17.800 --> 00:48:22.960
that Justinian comes to power, as
it were, with a plan to reconquer

580
00:48:22.960 --> 00:48:27.280
the Western Roman Empire. There's one
moment in one law at the height of

581
00:48:27.320 --> 00:48:30.000
ambition in five fee five, where
he raises that prospect. But I think

582
00:48:30.000 --> 00:48:35.599
he's probably getting a bit over excited
there. I think what we see is

583
00:48:35.679 --> 00:48:38.960
much more piecemeal, much more opportunistic. But his policies in the West are

584
00:48:39.079 --> 00:48:45.719
always united by common analysis of power, which is understanding that these kingdoms in

585
00:48:45.719 --> 00:48:51.639
the West are always vulnerable when there
is a succession dispute, or a dispute

586
00:48:51.679 --> 00:48:54.280
over the military effectiveness of the ruler. It's this king focused nature again.

587
00:48:54.599 --> 00:48:59.800
Now, the same circums, very
similar circumstances that had arisen in Africa that

588
00:49:00.000 --> 00:49:05.000
open the way the Byzantine intervention there
then arise in Italy. The old king,

589
00:49:05.079 --> 00:49:07.440
Theodoric, who is a fantastic ruler, had died in five two six.

590
00:49:08.480 --> 00:49:12.719
There hadn't been an adult male heir
to succeed him capable of stepping into

591
00:49:12.760 --> 00:49:16.880
Theodoric's war boots. Instead, you
have a boy king Athalaric, who reigns

592
00:49:17.079 --> 00:49:21.280
under the care of his mother,
a Mala Suntha, a marvelous woman,

593
00:49:21.280 --> 00:49:24.679
but she can't lead the army.
And he then dies in five three four,

594
00:49:25.199 --> 00:49:29.880
just before he's old enough to start
to be a militarily effective king.

595
00:49:30.039 --> 00:49:35.880
And we then have this struggle for
power at the court in Italy ruled from

596
00:49:35.920 --> 00:49:40.400
the Venna between Amalasuntha and her cousin
Theoda Had. Amalasuntha is assassinated and this

597
00:49:40.519 --> 00:49:45.800
now once again opens the way for
Justinian's armies, led by Belisarius, who

598
00:49:45.800 --> 00:49:52.519
he's talent spotted when Belisarius was a
fighting soldier, to intervene. So the

599
00:49:52.519 --> 00:49:58.599
circumstance in terms of the analysis of
power are very similar. Belisarius leads his

600
00:49:58.719 --> 00:50:02.480
armies into Sicily. It's effectively an
unopposed campaign. There's not much by way

601
00:50:02.519 --> 00:50:07.079
of Gothic garrison troops in Sicily.
The Gothic army is concentrated to the north,

602
00:50:07.119 --> 00:50:13.840
where you would normally expect Italy to
be attacked from. What then happens

603
00:50:14.199 --> 00:50:17.920
as Belisius crosses onto the mainland is
that the Gothic high commands sort of goes

604
00:50:17.960 --> 00:50:22.320
into meltdown. The king theodor Had, who again has no military credentials,

605
00:50:22.480 --> 00:50:30.320
is assassinated. They have a new
king, Vitigis Ritiguis, who is more

606
00:50:30.320 --> 00:50:36.280
militarily effective, but he has to
face the problem that Belisius is advancing into

607
00:50:36.360 --> 00:50:40.039
Italy from the south. More Roman
forces are also advancing on northern Italy,

608
00:50:40.400 --> 00:50:45.280
and the Romans have also mobilized their
allies, the Franks, who are also

609
00:50:45.719 --> 00:50:50.679
now bearing down on northern Italy.
So Vitigis has to choose between trying to

610
00:50:50.760 --> 00:50:57.199
hold out in Rome, on which
Belisara's advancing, or pulling his men back

611
00:50:57.559 --> 00:51:01.400
to consolidate his control of the Ostro
god big heartland, which is to be

612
00:51:01.400 --> 00:51:06.199
found in the land to the north
of the River po around Wavenna, which

613
00:51:06.239 --> 00:51:09.199
is the political capital and the area
from which the gods have always expected any

614
00:51:09.199 --> 00:51:13.559
attack to come from the world of
the North. So really Belisaras is able

615
00:51:13.639 --> 00:51:19.119
to enter Rome essentially unopposed because Vitigis
has taken the strategic decision to pull back

616
00:51:19.159 --> 00:51:23.599
to Levenna. Once again, the
authority is playing on the vulnerability of Italy

617
00:51:23.679 --> 00:51:29.559
to attack from the north. He's
then able. There's a lot of toing

618
00:51:29.599 --> 00:51:31.800
and throwing. We went at times
going to hear, but then we end

619
00:51:31.840 --> 00:51:37.119
up in a situation where by about
five three nine to five forty Vitigis and

620
00:51:37.199 --> 00:51:43.159
his regime is hold up in northern
Italy, hold up in Ravenna. But

621
00:51:43.280 --> 00:51:47.199
Justinian is now minded to try to
draw the Italian campaign to a close the

622
00:51:47.199 --> 00:51:52.880
Persians and mobilizing on the eastern frontier. He really wants Belisarius his services back

623
00:51:52.920 --> 00:52:01.519
there again, and Vitigis offers to
essentially partition Italy with Justinian, with the

624
00:52:01.559 --> 00:52:07.239
Goths maintaining a rump state to the
north of the Poe, keeping Ravenna acknowledging

625
00:52:07.039 --> 00:52:12.880
Justinian's overlordship, but Justinian having the
rest, so Justinian can have Italy south

626
00:52:12.920 --> 00:52:16.119
of Italy can have Rome, he
has Sicily, and Justinian seems minded,

627
00:52:16.239 --> 00:52:22.400
his ambassadors seem minded to accept this. The problem is that the ambassador's sense

628
00:52:22.480 --> 00:52:25.559
to do this deal. The problem
they're faced with is that the Goths expect

629
00:52:25.599 --> 00:52:31.719
Belisarius to sign the peace treaty as
well, and Belisarius prevaricates. He thinks

630
00:52:31.800 --> 00:52:37.320
Justinian can get more out of this
situation. This is recorded by his secretary,

631
00:52:37.400 --> 00:52:40.159
the historian Procopius, who is with
him during these campaigns and who's writing

632
00:52:40.280 --> 00:52:45.960
his account of it. So and
an extraordinary episode then appears to ensue,

633
00:52:45.000 --> 00:52:52.039
whereby Belisarius doesn't sign the peace treaty, and the Gothic nobility and ultimately King

634
00:52:52.079 --> 00:52:58.000
Vitigus himself approach him and say,
look, if you cast off Justinian and

635
00:52:58.079 --> 00:53:05.760
make yourself Western Roman emperor. We'll
support you Justinian. So I'm Bensias gives

636
00:53:05.760 --> 00:53:07.480
them the impression he's going to go
along with this. As a result,

637
00:53:07.519 --> 00:53:12.199
the doors of Anna the Gate Avenna
are open to him and his armies and

638
00:53:12.239 --> 00:53:15.320
they are able to occupy the city. And before the Goths know what is

639
00:53:15.320 --> 00:53:17.679
happening, their king's been arrested,
is on the ship to Constantinople, and

640
00:53:17.679 --> 00:53:23.320
they've had themselves over to Justinian.
It's an extraordinary episode in military history.

641
00:53:24.960 --> 00:53:30.599
Yeah, it's it is. It
is interesting because it is a series of

642
00:53:30.639 --> 00:53:36.159
events and what Justinian is really good
at doing here and what this example shows,

643
00:53:36.840 --> 00:53:39.800
and also what you brought up previously
of taking advantage of whenever the Persians

644
00:53:39.840 --> 00:53:45.000
are attacked by one of those step
peoples, is he's excellent at recognizing when

645
00:53:45.039 --> 00:53:50.119
there is the opportunity, when there's
the opportunity to intervene, and he doesn't

646
00:53:50.159 --> 00:53:53.360
pass those opportunities by. When there
is the opportunity, he takes it,

647
00:53:53.519 --> 00:53:57.920
and he takes it consistently, and
that is sort of the hallmark of a

648
00:53:57.960 --> 00:54:01.960
good emperor. But it's it's interesting, yeah, And he does the same

649
00:54:02.000 --> 00:54:06.360
in the five fifties in Spain as
well. Again we get a succession dispute

650
00:54:06.400 --> 00:54:08.800
in the Visigothic kingdom in Spain,
and now and behold, his army is

651
00:54:08.800 --> 00:54:13.440
suddenly turned up on the Spanish coastline, exactly the same circumstances, exactly an

652
00:54:13.440 --> 00:54:17.840
analysis of power of work his purposes. Yeah, but then, of course,

653
00:54:17.960 --> 00:54:22.559
you know, something happens in five
point forty one that's going to sort

654
00:54:22.599 --> 00:54:28.880
of change Justinian's fortunes, and that
is that from one of the plague folk

655
00:54:28.880 --> 00:54:34.000
guy that are natural in the world, bubonic plague irrupts and the plague of

656
00:54:34.199 --> 00:54:37.639
Justinian begins, and the plague of
Justinian is obviously going to have has a

657
00:54:37.920 --> 00:54:44.880
dramatic effect the latter half of his
reign. And so I was hoping,

658
00:54:45.039 --> 00:54:46.880
you know, before we get to
our last question, I was hoping you

659
00:54:46.920 --> 00:54:53.519
could talk a little bit about the
plague and how it if impacted his overall

660
00:54:53.639 --> 00:54:58.679
fortunes. And I often wonder,
I think there's a historic what if here

661
00:54:58.760 --> 00:55:02.920
of what happens if the plague doesn't
occur. You know what happens, and

662
00:55:02.960 --> 00:55:07.320
I know it's an impossible question.
Is he able to accomplish more? I

663
00:55:07.320 --> 00:55:12.000
think obviously the question. The answer
to that is probably yes, if the

664
00:55:12.000 --> 00:55:15.000
plague doesn't happen, or you know, would the last years have played out

665
00:55:15.039 --> 00:55:22.440
in the same sort of fashion.
The arrival of bubonic plague, in the

666
00:55:22.480 --> 00:55:28.960
words of my old professor in Oxford
sil Mango, was perhaps the most important

667
00:55:28.960 --> 00:55:32.800
event of the sixth century in the
absence of modern medicine. Bubonic plague is

668
00:55:32.920 --> 00:55:37.920
one of the most devastating diseases known
to mankind. And as you say in

669
00:55:37.960 --> 00:55:45.079
five four one, we have the
first securely datable outbreak of this disease in

670
00:55:45.119 --> 00:55:50.360
the history of the Roman Mediterranean.
Possibly visited North Africa a few centuries earlier,

671
00:55:50.360 --> 00:55:53.360
but this is the first truly trans
regional pandemic of it. It reaches

672
00:55:53.400 --> 00:55:58.800
cons Dowtinople in five four to two, where we're told justin In himself contracts

673
00:55:58.800 --> 00:56:04.280
a disease, but miraculous he survives
it soon is in Armenia, Italy.

674
00:56:04.639 --> 00:56:09.039
It even reaches where I am now, so half an hour from the cottage

675
00:56:09.039 --> 00:56:13.840
I'm sitting in as an Anglo Saxon
burial site at a place called Edig's Hill,

676
00:56:14.119 --> 00:56:19.239
where a few years ago we found
evidence for a mass mortality episode to

677
00:56:19.239 --> 00:56:22.920
do with the Justinianic plague there from
again the mid sixth century, so it's

678
00:56:22.960 --> 00:56:29.599
even reaching rural parts of the Anglo
Saxon world. Now I think that this

679
00:56:29.639 --> 00:56:36.639
will have this will cause mounting difficulties
for Justinian over the years ahead. Initially

680
00:56:36.679 --> 00:56:42.360
we see him and his courtiers introducing
a series of crisis driven measures aiming to

681
00:56:42.400 --> 00:56:46.119
sort of shore up the fiscal and
legal foundations of the Roman state as mass

682
00:56:46.119 --> 00:56:52.480
mortality episodes lead to problems collecting text
revenues, problems raising troops for the army,

683
00:56:53.480 --> 00:56:59.000
legal confusion as to who owns what
has so many heirs are dying in

684
00:56:59.079 --> 00:57:02.440
quick succession. And those crisis driven
measures I think are quite good at initially

685
00:57:02.480 --> 00:57:09.400
containing the first ramification to the plague
during the first five years down to about

686
00:57:09.400 --> 00:57:15.840
five four seven. But then we
start getting mounting evidence for just the cumulative

687
00:57:15.920 --> 00:57:22.360
waves of this disease having an ever
more severe impact. As it takes all

688
00:57:22.679 --> 00:57:27.719
its toll on the rural population the
urban population, you have fewer taxpayers.

689
00:57:27.840 --> 00:57:34.119
Fewer taxpayers means fewer less revenue with
which to pay the army. The hard

690
00:57:34.199 --> 00:57:37.000
it is to pay the army,
the hardred is to fight wars to both

691
00:57:37.000 --> 00:57:39.639
east and west and the problem for
Justinian is from the early five forties you

692
00:57:39.679 --> 00:57:45.960
have now simultaneous warfare in the West
and against the Persians, and an increasingly

693
00:57:45.000 --> 00:57:50.679
problematic situation in Africa as well due
to bare bear pressure and military mutilely as

694
00:57:50.880 --> 00:57:53.840
military pays and the forthcoming. So
I think in many ways I said,

695
00:57:53.840 --> 00:58:01.000
it's going to increasingly constrain the Emperor's
opportunities in terms of military strategy, internal

696
00:58:01.039 --> 00:58:07.199
domestic reform. But I think above
all, I don't for me, but

697
00:58:07.239 --> 00:58:14.400
what I see the justin aetic plague
doing primarily is exacerbating internal weaknesses and tensions

698
00:58:14.599 --> 00:58:19.159
that had long bedeviled the Empire long
before the advent of the plague. During

699
00:58:19.840 --> 00:58:24.480
his extraordinary legislation of five thirties,
Justinian is complaining about the difficulty in raising

700
00:58:24.599 --> 00:58:29.320
enough tax revenues. He overhauls the
structures of the Roman state to try to

701
00:58:29.400 --> 00:58:36.400
pump as much fiscality out of the
Empire as possible. So tax raising is

702
00:58:36.400 --> 00:58:39.960
already a problem. He's already complaining
that the costs of warfare make it necessary

703
00:58:40.079 --> 00:58:46.119
to really improve the tax collecting mechanisms
of empire. The plague now raises those

704
00:58:46.119 --> 00:58:50.599
fiscal problems to a new order of
reality. And I think that's true of

705
00:58:50.639 --> 00:58:54.480
some of the political problems as well
well. And listeners are of course very

706
00:58:54.519 --> 00:58:59.159
aware that you know, we just
recently went through a pandemic of our own,

707
00:58:59.480 --> 00:59:05.159
and those of existential crises tend to
simply reveal existing cracks and exacerbate them.

708
00:59:05.159 --> 00:59:07.239
And I think I agree with you
that to a large extent, that's

709
00:59:07.280 --> 00:59:10.079
what this did. Of course,
it creates new problems of its own,

710
00:59:10.119 --> 00:59:15.079
but any existing problem, it is
just going to dump fertilizer on top of

711
00:59:15.800 --> 00:59:16.920
I want to ask, because we're
coming up on time, but I want

712
00:59:16.960 --> 00:59:21.679
to ask the last question you pause
it in the book. I mean,

713
00:59:21.679 --> 00:59:28.000
I might not get the quotation exactly
correct, but did Justinian ruin the empire

714
00:59:28.079 --> 00:59:32.039
that he set out to restore?
And that I think is a fascinating question

715
00:59:32.199 --> 00:59:37.840
that reasonable people can discuss and maybe
even come to different conclusions on. But

716
00:59:38.000 --> 00:59:45.960
I want to ask, in your
opinion, did he no? I think

717
00:59:45.000 --> 00:59:49.960
in short, it's true that in
the second half of his reign in particular,

718
00:59:50.519 --> 00:59:55.320
and in the centuries of the decades
ahead under his successors, the Empire

719
00:59:55.360 --> 01:00:02.239
would find mount face mounting social the
mounting difficulties in the second half of the

720
01:00:02.280 --> 01:00:07.000
sixth century, we have ongoing problems
with raising taxes. We have growing fiscal

721
01:00:07.320 --> 01:00:13.239
instability that feed into growing political instability. Is later emperors have to try to

722
01:00:13.280 --> 01:00:16.639
cut back on expenditures, they try
to restrain military pay and this will lead

723
01:00:16.679 --> 01:00:21.480
to military mutinies and civil war,
which will then open the way of first

724
01:00:21.480 --> 01:00:28.480
Persian and then ultimately Arab conquests.
So the Empire is clearly getting increasingly fragile

725
01:00:28.639 --> 01:00:32.199
and unstable after Justinian's reign. But
I don't think we can causially connects that

726
01:00:32.280 --> 01:00:37.400
instability to his policy agenda. Really, I think the growing travails of the

727
01:00:37.400 --> 01:00:42.079
empire and the second half of the
sixth century and in the early seventh are

728
01:00:42.119 --> 01:00:47.800
really due to a phenomena which are
primarily outside of Justinian's control in any meaningful

729
01:00:47.880 --> 01:00:53.840
sense. The five point thirty is
the period of major climate change then problematizes

730
01:00:53.960 --> 01:00:59.360
agriculture in a way that has economic
consequences moving forward. We have the devastating

731
01:00:59.559 --> 01:01:04.159
outbreak the bubonic plague, which repeats
itself and it's not a one hit wonder

732
01:01:04.199 --> 01:01:07.360
as it were. This is,
you know, we have major outbreaks going

733
01:01:07.400 --> 01:01:10.920
through throughout the sixth and into the
seventh centuries, it only peters out.

734
01:01:12.119 --> 01:01:16.679
In the eighth century, we have
a renewed era of instability on Eurasian step

735
01:01:17.239 --> 01:01:22.239
that leads to the restward migration of
a group known as the Avars. As

736
01:01:22.239 --> 01:01:25.320
a results of their migration, new
Barbarian fed will emerge. The Lombards will

737
01:01:25.320 --> 01:01:30.800
migrate into Italy, undoing Justinian's reconquest
there. Slavs will start infiltrating the Roman

738
01:01:30.800 --> 01:01:36.039
position in the Balkans, hollowing out
Roman power there. And as I say,

739
01:01:36.119 --> 01:01:38.079
in the aftermath of the Roman Persian
Wars, when two each of these

740
01:01:38.079 --> 01:01:43.960
empires are exhausted, the Arabs will
arrive. But these are this unraveling of

741
01:01:43.960 --> 01:01:47.039
the empire that takes place in the
early seventh century in particular, I think

742
01:01:47.039 --> 01:01:54.400
really is the result of cumulative problems
resultant from these great external forces climate change,

743
01:01:54.880 --> 01:02:00.119
plague, migrations. The Justinian sitting
in Constantinople, for all his claims

744
01:02:00.119 --> 01:02:08.119
to universal authority and autocratic omnipotence,
could never really contain or contrast it.

745
01:02:09.880 --> 01:02:14.000
Yeah, I agree, you know, I don't think that. I think

746
01:02:14.079 --> 01:02:20.679
it's unfair for us to assume that
Justinian has more capabilities than the leader of

747
01:02:20.719 --> 01:02:27.719
a modern nation state. A modern
nation state struggles with pandemics, they struggle

748
01:02:27.760 --> 01:02:34.599
with climate change, they struggle with
huge external forces to expect Justinian, as

749
01:02:34.599 --> 01:02:37.800
you say, and I think it's
point correct to point it out again sitting

750
01:02:37.880 --> 01:02:40.639
in Constantinople. I mean, he
may in the middle of the plague dispatch

751
01:02:40.719 --> 01:02:44.800
a letter to someone that by the
time the letter has arrived is dead,

752
01:02:45.719 --> 01:02:49.000
and there isn't anything that he can
do about that. You know, he

753
01:02:49.119 --> 01:02:54.760
is still dealing with the technological limitations
of his age and trying to get things

754
01:02:54.760 --> 01:02:59.199
successful. You need to be highly
skilled and you have to get a little

755
01:02:59.280 --> 01:03:05.239
lucky it. Justinian had good luck
to a large extent at the beginning of

756
01:03:05.280 --> 01:03:08.360
his reign through the middle in the
second half not as much, and none

757
01:03:08.400 --> 01:03:14.480
of that is necessarily his fault.
But anyway, well, we didn't get

758
01:03:14.519 --> 01:03:17.199
to talk about a lot of the
book, but that's because it's an excellent

759
01:03:17.239 --> 01:03:22.320
book. It's very detailed. I
really recommend it. I hope that people

760
01:03:22.360 --> 01:03:25.880
pick it up. We didn't talk
at all about theology, and there's a

761
01:03:25.960 --> 01:03:30.440
huge portion of the book that's about
that, and I know that my listeners

762
01:03:30.480 --> 01:03:34.519
are going to be really interested in
that. So the book is available right

763
01:03:34.559 --> 01:03:37.400
now if you're listening to this,
and if you'd like to pick it up,

764
01:03:37.440 --> 01:03:40.079
you can click the link in the
show notes and we'll go from there.

765
01:03:40.719 --> 01:03:44.719
But thank you so much for coming
on. This was a wonderful conversation.

766
01:03:45.039 --> 01:04:00.639
Think it's suit you. S

