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We're back with another edition of The
Federalist Radio Hour. I'm Emily Joshinsky,

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culture editor here at the Federalist.
As always, you can email the show

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at radio at the Federalist dot com, follow us on Twitter at fdr LST.

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Make sure to subscribe wherever you download
your podcasts into the premium version of

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our website as well. Today we
are joined by the one and only Kim

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really Strassle. She's, of course, a member of the Wall Street Journal

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Editorial Board and the author of the
new book, The Biden Malaise, How

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America Bounces Back from Joe Biden's dismal
repeat of the Jimmy Carter Years. Kim,

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thanks so much for joining us,
Hi, thanks for having me.

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Such an interesting book and such an
interesting premise. And folks can see just

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from the title of the book right
there, it's kind of two parts.

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One you really make the case persuasively
that Joe Biden is peating the Carter years

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in a lot of different ways,
and two that the Reagan parallel is the

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appropriate way to kind of dig out
of the Biden malaise. So if we

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can start just with the first part
of that, the parallels between the Biden

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economy and the Carter economy, And
maybe inflation is a great place to start

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because you go through a number of
different parallels. What is so similar right

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now, almost eerily similar when we
look at inflation. Yes, so there

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are these incredible parallels, and they
run across everything inflation for instance, energy,

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immigration policy, foreign policy, dismal
foreign policy, cultural issues, crime

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and streets across country. It really
there's almost this eerie echo. But I

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really make the case that that is
totally unfair to Jimmy Carter, you know,

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for no, and because and we
go through it subject by subject,

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because you know, for instance,
take inflation, okay, which you just

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mentioned, Jimmy Carter inherited a great
number of his problems. Now it's true

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he made most of them worse,
okay, and phenomenally so. But you

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know, we were in the middle
of the Great Inflation in the nineteen seventies.

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We were already he inherited an inflation
rate that is about what we are

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now, and he did make it
worse, but we had a lot of

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trouble already. Joe Biden inflation was
two percent when he came into office,

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okay, and everything he has managed
to take what was an incredibly strong economy

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prior to COVID, it was already
ready to roar back. And he threw

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money at the economy over and over
and over again, as we know,

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trillions and trillions over two years,
encouraged the Fed to continue with sort of

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a loose money supply for way too
long. So he took a situation and

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destroyed it, whereas Jimmy Carter made
things worse. And I think the other

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thing why this is unfair to Jimmy
Carter is that Joe Biden had Jimmy's lessons

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to learn from. He was a
Senator when Jimmy Carter was the president.

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He also he had the lessons of
Jimmy Carter and the mistakes, and also

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he had the lessons of Ronald Reagan
showing us what went right. And nonetheless

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he managed to double down and make
things worse. You mentioned in the book,

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of course, Paul Voker and deregulation, which a lot of people forget,

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was sort of impressive under Carter's watch, despite adding to new cabinet agencies

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and everything else. But that also
raises this interesting question of why Joe Biden

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will never have a Paul Voker in
fact, you know, maybe his Larry

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Summer's example, like he didn't listen
to Larry Summers, and that says,

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I think something very different about the
Democratic Party, or something very important about

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why this Democratic Party is is different
than the one of the seventies and the

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eighties, Doesn't it? I mean, isn't there doesn't it seem impossible that

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Joe Biden would would listen to a
Paul Voker. Oh? Absolutely, And

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I think it's a really important point
again about why this comparison is a boat

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unfair to Carter. Carter made a
lot of mistakes, but you know,

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Carter was also a deeply religious man, a moral man. He was not

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above admitting when things were not going
right. You know, you saw this

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in a number of different ways he
did. You know, He'd had g.

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William Miller was his fed chief prior
to Vulker, and it was not

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working. Okay, This guy was
also maintaining very loose monetary policy. It

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finally occurred to Carter that he needed
to change course, so he brought Vulker

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in and obviously that was a beginning. It was Reagan who benefited from that,

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but you know, Carter did have
the ability to do it. At

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one point, Carter fired half of
his cabinet because there were problems in the

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economy. Okay, at one point, Carter, after years of not really

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caring about the military and military budgets, much like Joe Biden, by the

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end of the year he was so
concerned about the Soviets invasion of Afghanistan and

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what was going on there, he
decided to bulk up military budgets. Joe

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Biden has never reversed himself in his
life. And we know this that he's

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a that's partly a character aspect of
Biden. He's he's a bit arrogant.

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He thinks he's the smartest guy in
the room. Okay, but part of

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it is because he's not willing to
buck his party on anything, and he

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likes the fact that we're in this
situation. He wants the Fed to keep

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easy money policy because he wants to
spend more as well too. And you

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know, when when the Fed is
raising interest rates, it's harder for the

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federal government to borrow as well.
Energy is a really interesting part as well.

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Obviously, people remember the energy malaise
to borrow that word in particular from

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the Carter years and now the Biden
years. It's a very obvious parallel too,

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but Biden has sort of just gone
all in in ways like there's supply

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differences between then and now where he's
just like tanking American supply. Um,

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can you explain that, flesh out
those parallels? Sure, because it's another

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great comparer, but also contrast.
All right. The easy comparison to Maya

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is to say, oh, Jimmy
Carter, gas prices were high, gas

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lines, Joe Biden. You know, gas prices are high. But obviously

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two very different reasons. Again,
Jimmy Carter inherited a global oil shock,

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all right. We also didn't have
a country in the United States that had

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much of a domestic oil and gas
industry. And curiously, people forget this,

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I mean, well, Jimmy Carter
liked a micromanage industry overall in terms

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of health and safety, etc.
He and his party actually deregulated some of

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the more hugely regulated industries, including
the first steps towards deregulating the oil and

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gas markets, which ended up becoming
like a straight line to kind of the

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fracking revolution we had and the dominance
we saw. Joe Biden took a magnificent

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energy market one of the first times
that we had actually, I mean,

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we had become the dominant supplier across
the world and in really important swing producer,

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which means the ability to kind of
influence prices. And because he's in

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hock too crazy progressive climate policies,
he is systematically destroying that dominance that we

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had, and that is a huge
difference between him and Carter. Carter would

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have killed to have had that kind
of energy sector, and he would have

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He was not against oile, he
was not against gas, he was not

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against coal. He was for American
independence. He just didn't have that option

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at the time. You alluded to
this just a moment ago, but you

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make the case that Joe Biden is
not a leader, that this is something

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that's sort of baked into the character
of Joe Biden, and I wanted to

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ask that in the context of this
broader question about why the Democratic Party.

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You know somebody who is seen as
I guess maybe fairly progressive in some important

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ways, but then sort of conservative
in different ways, Jimmy Carter for his

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time, and now you have Joe
Biden, who was the moderate candidate in

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twenty twenty, who governing from behind
the progressives. Essentially he's letting them totally

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like lead the way. What does
it tell us about today's Democratic Party that

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even their moderate president from the center
of their party is not grateful to have

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so much American oil supply, is
going on these insane economic policies, spending

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like a Bandit Isn't that just doesn't
it tell something very very sad and scary

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about the left right now? Absolutely, And if you look at both of

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these men, Carter and Biden,
another interesting parallel. They both ran as

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these more moderate versions of their party
in the primary. Okay, Carter did

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it as well. The differences.
Carter actually was in many ways. You

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know, he was a very kind
of curious persons. As you said,

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he spread the gamut, spanned the
gamut in terms of political views. In

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some ways he was very liberal,
in other ways he was more conservative.

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Sometimes he twists in the wind because
of pressure from different constituency groups that it

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was out there. But you know, to the extent that Carter had very

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few friends in Congress, it's because
he did sort of go all over the

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place, and he didn't always just
fall in line with one side of what

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was at that point a very very
Democratic Party. Now we have a Joe

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Biden, who claimed to be the
centrist when he ran in the primaries,

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who very much was rescued by voters
in the South from what was otherwise likely

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to be a Bernie Sanders nomination,
and then upon winning the nomination, instantly

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turns around and decides he needs to
have a unity agenda with Bernie Sanders,

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which essentially involved adopting all of Sanders
platform for himself. And he's been unwilling,

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utterly unwilling to confront any aspect of
that part of his party or to

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come to the aid and rescue at
any time of those key centrists who Democrats

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need to be reelected in the House
and Senate, they're going to maintain their

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majorities. And that's why one reason, by the way, why Republicans are

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in control in the House right now
is because Biden policies were just too left

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for many of these districts where Democratic
Centrists are increasingly becoming an endangered species.

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You also read about Iran, which
it's somewhat interesting that Iran factors into both

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presidencies in the way that it does, you know, is there And also,

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by the way, just this weekend, we've gotten reports the morality pieces

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sort of back on the streets in
Iran. You know, things could be

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that could be a really big pressure
cooker in the second half of Biden's presidency.

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What are we looking at in terms
of those parallels. Yeah, you

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know, Russia factors into both presidencies, Afghanistan factors into both, Iran factors

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into bold, China factors into both. Look, Jimmy Carter's presidency essentially ended

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with his failed Iranian hostage rescue attempt
Joe Biden, but this was also a

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problem of Jimmy Carter's own making,
because he just hadn't been tough enough and

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strong enough on the question of Iran. It's very concerning to me that we

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have an Iran that Joe Biden was
vice president for eight years under an administration

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that insisted that if we just got
to a deal with Iran that it would

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give up its nuclear ambitions. Here
we are, you know, going on

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twenty years after those promises were still
made, and we have an Iran that's

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doubled down on its desire to do
this, and to the extent that it

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hasn't so far is not because of
any reason having to do with the Obama

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deal or now Biden's efforts to stop
that, but increasingly because Israel has been

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much more engaged in attempting to undermine
any progress that Iran is making. But

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this is kind of a simmering thing. It's been overshadowed by what's going on

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in Ukraine and our attentions with China, but it is something that is no

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less of a threat than it has
been for the last few decades, and

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a lot of people on the left, I can just imagine, would object

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to Well, let me start with
this. There is, like you said,

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this like pretty blatant clear lesson of
the Carter years in the Reagan years,

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especially on economic policy. And I
wonder, I mean, what I've

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seen as an argument from the left
when it comes to Biden deciding to spend

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m just crazy amounts of money in
the economy that he inherited. Why do

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you think it is that, you
know, their best defense for that is,

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you know, to some extent true
that their corporation said, well,

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we're going to raise some uh,
we're going to raise some prices because of

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that. But that's like their best
defense that you know, which which could

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maybe account for some levels of inflation, but overall nothing, you know,

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like the amount of spending that Biden, you know, the crazy spending route

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that he went down. So why
is it that the left, including you

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know, the centrist president himself,
has basically no defense um for this sending

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that he went on in light of
the fact that they have this like glaring

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example of the Carter legacy of the
Reagan years in front of them. Look,

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anybody who is sensible understands why we're
having inflation at the moment. Okay,

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it's because they threw money at the
economy and because that kept interest rates

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too low for too long. And
you mentioned Larry Summers. Okay, I

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mean there are plenty of very good
economists who will acknowledge this. They might

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have disagreements about the degree of inflation
that caused, but everyone understands. I

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mean, this is one thing that
came out of the nineteen seventies is when

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Jimmy Carter took his job, everybody
we had this great inflation across the world.

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Nobody entirely understood what had caused it. Okay, we were still a

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few years away between we had before
we had Milton Friedman and others really explaining

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better supply side and demand side economics
and how this all comes to be.

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So you had world leaders everywhere that
we're confused about this and just blindly falling

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Kanesian policy. We know that we
know the problems about that now, right,

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And we also had eight years of
Reagan explaining how this worked to us

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with supply side policies, So no
one can claim otherwise anymore. I think

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the reason that the best they can
say they don't really have an offense is

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this is an administration that's very good
at pointing fingers and trying to blame others.

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And remember, don't forget, we've
spent the last two years with Biden

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claiming this was Putin's price hych.
It's completely bogus. Okay, Putin isn't

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raising the cost of milk in America. It's even bogus on the energy price

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front. Gas prices were going up
in this country well before Putin's invasion of

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Ukraine. This isn't happening instead because
of Biden energy policies. And it's remarkable

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to me that they don't have a
better answer to it. Their argument is

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to say, well, how many
jobs there are, But that is not

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an answer to the people that can't
afford to go buy the chicken. They

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need to pay, you know,
to feed their children at night, and

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a lot of those areas of goods
too. Quite aside from the overall level

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of inflation, pockets of it are
still exceptionally high, and they happen to

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be things that people have to pay
on a regular basis from a week to

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week in their paychecks. So while
inflation is nominally going down, it's not.

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For many people in America, they
do not feel that it is.

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It's interesting because, as you write, the Carter years really paved the way

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for the kind of Reagan revolution to
finally win out the argument and the Republican

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Party. And so you know,
if you're sitting somewhere like the Federalist or

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the Heritage Foundation or the Law Street
Journal right now, you're looking and you're

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saying, Hey, this is quite
an opportunity for Republicans. And that's sort

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of the second part of what you
do in the book. You write,

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just as democrats would be, why
to absorb the lessons of Carter, Republicans

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need to remember Reagan. Now,
we just saw basically the entire field save

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Donald Trump. In conversation with Zucker, Carlson, and Iowa Friday getting pressed

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on a bunch of different things.
Is there anyone you think is most well

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positioned? I'm sure you're going to
get this question all the time in your

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press tour for this book, But
is most well positioned to be the Reagan

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in twenty twenty four? Well,
right now, none of them, Which

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is what my concern is. Just
look, the thing about Reagan that people

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forget. Why it's so important people
remember this now, is Jimmy Carter created

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a huge backlash in the country with
his policies and with his mismanagement and with

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his lack of leadership, and that
really bubbled and bubbled, and there always

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was likely to be an inclination to
vote for a Republican. But Ronald Reagan

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didn't just win that election, Okay, he wanted in a blowout, all

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right, And then he went on
to win an even bigger blowout four years

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later. And that was because he
fundamentally capitalized on what had become a shift,

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all right. This is why we
ended up with Reagan Democrats. A

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lot of people who felt as though
the Democratic Party no longer represented them.

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Jimmy Carter and his party had become
too liberal. And those Reagan Democrats,

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you know what we call them today, We call them the base, okay

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of the Republican Party. So this
was a guy, Ronald Reagan, who

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didn't just win an election, he
changed politics in the country for a generation

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and beyond. This is the opportunity
that is open to Republicans today. Joe

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Biden is so unpopular, his policies
are so out of keeping with how many

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Americans think about things. But it's
going to take a leader who has optimism,

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who has a vision, who has
a little humor and a smile,

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who can say, hey, like, we might not as a Republican party

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be everything you want, but we're
a lot closer to what you care about

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than Democrats at the moment. And
I think if the party is going to

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completely run on very polarizing cultural issues
entirely and not talk a little bit more

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about an economic agenda, a bright
and shiny future, etc. That's going

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to be squandering an opportunity. And
you write about this, I mean,

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this is a lot of people I
imagine are going to read a sentence like

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this. You write years of liberal
norm breaking, bogus FBI investigation, secret

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impeachment, proceeding, stripped committee assignments, calls to end the filibuster, and

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attempting Republicans to focus on investigations and
retribution rather than the business of governance.

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And you have covered all of that
stuff fantastically. A lot of people will

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read that and say, well,
why not focus on the investigations and retribution?

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Or they'll say why not do both? Is it impossible actually to do

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both? To sort of be the
forward looking optimists and also sort of get

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bogged down in the Trump investigations?
Talking about that is are those things mutually

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exclusive? Can you do both?
What's the right way to handle all that?

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Yeah, not at all. They
are not mutually exclusive at all.

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Call out the abuses. But by
the way, tell the nation that you're

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going to be the antidote to that. Okay, you're going to be the

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leader again, and we are not
going to tolerate or normalize the kind of

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behavior that we have seen going on. Okay, and yet, and I

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know there's going to be a lot
of people who call for retribution. All

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right, but one of my concerns
is, like we as conservad let's just

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give an example. Okay, that
first impeachment that happened to Donald Trump absolutely

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outrageous. It was conducted in a
basement. You know, we didn't even

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know who the whistleblower was. Adams
Ship. Whenever he opens his mouth,

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it's unlikely any truth is coming out
of it. Okay, there was a

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lot of problems with that impeachment,
but I think that that's because, by

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the way, impeachments need to be
very very rare. They need to be

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saved for the most horrible of circumstances. They also need to be saved for

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the moment in which you have such
evidence of wrongdoing that you've convinced eighty ninety

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percent of the country that this person
can no longer stay in office. I'm

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not quite sure that's the standard that
we now hear from any Republicans who are

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demanding that there be an impeachment of
Joe Biden. They've certainly not convinced eighty

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or ninety percent of the public that
that's the case. So we need a

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leader who can talk about this a
little bit more, but who also promises

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is going to be that person who
wants to reinforce some of these norms and

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bring people together. It doesn't mean
that you can't call out the abuses of

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the past. In fact, you
need to, and you need to talk

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about the radicalism on the other side
as you bring people together there. But

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there's a lot that Republicans can be
talking about that is optimistic. I fear

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very much that everyone feels that the
ticket to the nomination is to show that

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you are angrier than the other person
about what's going on. And you know

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that wasn't Reagan's way. Reagan,
you know, he showed indignation about the

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mismanagement of the country, but he
also was just so optimistic about the future

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of the nation too. And you
know, I'm a huge fan of things

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like the child tax credit. But
a lot of Republicans seem to think in

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order to win, like it's it's
politically, the way to win people to

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your side is is to sort of
go the Democrat route, use hands the

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right, which you know, I
guess has been successful for Democrats to some

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extent. But Ronald Reagan, for
instance, won the youth vote. He

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won, as you actually point this
out in the book, basically every income

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cop cohort except for the very lowest, although he won forty six percent of

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that, so a huge chunk of
those voters, um was had good relationships

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with unions, etc. On a
you know, Milton Friedman free market type

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economic agenda. How should candidates be
talking about that right now, especially when

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so many of their own voters have
suffered, you know, from from decades

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in some cases of malaise in their
own communities, offshoring the way it's hit

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different pockets of the country in different
ways. How should Republicans be having those

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conversations? You know, one thing
I always love Grover Northwest always called the

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Reagan Coalition the leave us alone coalition, um, you know, and it's

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what held together in particular economic libertarians, but also social conservatives as well too,

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because you know, Reagan really made
the case. He's like, we're

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never going to attack you and your
but we also you want your community.

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We want so much of what is
good and is happening in America to be

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happening through our institutions outside of government, through your churches, through your community

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centers, etc. And this was
something that held everything together. I think

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Republicans need to be making a similar
case at the moment. You know.

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Instead, as you say, there's
a populist element that is waiting in democrat

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light, as it were you know, we'll give you more tax breaks than

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they give you, but we'll do
it for the policies we like instead of

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the policies they like. You know, we'll have regulation that's more enlightened.

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I mean. One of the things
that kind of bothered me recently, you

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know, when House Republicans were running, and they did when the majority in

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the House, but they had all
these policies saying, you know, we're

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going to have a national parent Bill
of Rights. You know, No,

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how about we just get rid of
the Department of Education, which is the

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thing that is forcing all of this
policy on local schools with the threat of

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not sending along federal tax dollars unless
schools adopt Biden's transgender policies, etc.

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So, instead of trying to retroactively
help everybody at the back end from these

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kind of horrible policies that are happening
out of Washington, with a parental national

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parental Bill of Rights and the Department
of Education take some of the money to

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how to give it to the state's
first voucher programs and then let the governors

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get on with dealing like as you
know, Rhonda Santists did in Florida with

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dealing because schools should be a state
and local issue anyway, Like why is

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the federal government even involved in this
policy. That's what I'd like to see

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more coming out of candidates is instead
of again chasing after Democrats and try to,

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you know, retroactively give guarantees that
fix problems they've made, how about

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we get the government out of our
life and then we were not going to

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need those protections in the first place. Yes, it's amazing with the fact

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Ramaswamy taking a real new right l
as I've said, come out in favor

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of ethanol. It just like small
government populism is actually probably the morally and

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politically palatable version of populism, not
the ethanol subsidies populism. Many times you

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pay for ethanol, You pay for
it like three times, and it doesn't

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even do anything. It does nothing. All you do is pay. It's

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just like a big rip off ethanol. I could talk for hours on ethanol.

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So, speaking of the big rip
off, I was talking to the

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author of a book called The Big
rip Off, Tim Carney about ethanol the

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other day, and he was mentioning
how it just destroys all his small engines

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in addition to being horrible, it's
absolutely horrible for everything you own. And

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it's entirely this legacy of let's just
say it's a farm subsidy, okay,

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And it was tenuous when we came
up with it if there was an environmental

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but if there's absolutely no provement benefit
now and all it does is transfer money

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from one group of trans taxpayers to
Kansas, then and as my colleague Tristan

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Justice wrote last week, Ted Cruz
one Iowa without coming out in favor of

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ethan all subsidies, So you can
do it. It can be done well.

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And on that note, I just
I want to talk as we're wrapping

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up here about those cultural questions.
You mentioned that Reagan didn't lead with culture

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issues but had a pretty you know, he would say bold, bold collars,

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not pale pastels when it came to
culture, probably would be how he'd

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describe it. And I'm wondering about
something like DeSantis, a six week abortion

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band, which a lot of pundits
have looked at and said he signed it,

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you know, late on a Friday
night. He definitely hasn't led with

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it. He did sign it though, as opposed to the sort of fifteen

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week question that a lot of people
are debating here in Washington, DC.

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And that's not just when it comes
to abortion. I mean, obviously DeSantis's

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foot forward has been culture issues,
has been he says he's going to take

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out the Department of Education. He's
passed legislation. Some of it people think

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is weaponizing government. Some people on
the right have disagreements with it. So

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what is the balance? You know, if you are the person the architect

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of a DeSantis campaign or Nicky Haley
campaign, or even a Donald Trump campaign,

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how would you advise them to talk
about these issues? So I would

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start again from the Reagan perspective of
first of all, guaranteeing that if you

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were to become president, that you're
going to make sure that government isn't weaponized

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against those who are against those who
are different than you. From a social

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perspective, right, I mean,
look at the attacks that the Obama administration

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has has waged on like Little Sisters
of the Poor over contraception, etc.

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Look at the pushback that we've had
against the High Amendment in recent uh in

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this recent administration and attempts to to
get rid of that limit on taxpayer funds

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to pay for abortions. Look at
the Apartment of Defense at the moment,

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very ostentatiously going around the High Amendment
to pay for women to ablem places,

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which somebody is deeply offensive. So
I'd start by guaranteeing something that hasn't been

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necessarily a case, which is to
say that I'm not going to let the

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federal government come after you for your
religious rights and because you have different views.

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And that was my point about the
Department of Education. If the Department

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of Education is attacking parents of views, then let's get rid of the Department

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of Education, right, So that
would be the first thing I would do.

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And then, you know, I
think that people want to know that

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their leaders have the views that they
have. I do not believe that a

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six week ban is necessarily the you
know, as controversialist. Some had said.

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Kemp signed one in Georgia and was
reelected. Ohio signed one. Dwine

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was reelected. You know, but
you have to make the case. And

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this is where I think Republicans have
also gotten wrong, is that they're not

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doing a good enough job of explaining
why it's the other sides that is extremists.

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Okay, the vast majority of America
believe that abortion should be legal,

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but with restrictions on it somewhere.
Okay, that's where seventy or eighty percent

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of the country are. The crazy
people are those on the other side who

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don't think that there should be any
restrictions on it at any point. And

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the GOP is going to have to
do a better job. And that's a

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uniting view, right when you get
into these hot button issues. If you

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want to pull more people into your
party, into your movement, you have

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to talk about what unites us,
all right, And that's a little worry

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I think I have right now at
the field, as everyone's attitude is,

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if you're not right where I am
on abortion, then you must be a

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00:29:41,920 --> 00:29:48,480
bad person. And I don't think
any future leader the conservative movement can afford

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to alienate people that way on these
issues. There's a lot more that unites

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00:29:52,519 --> 00:29:56,279
us in this country than divides us. Kim Strausso is the author of the

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00:29:56,319 --> 00:30:00,440
Biden Malaise, how America bounce us
back from Joe Aiden's dismal repeat of the

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Jimmy Carter years, and of course
a member of the editorial board over at

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the Wall Street Journal, Kim,
We'll have to do another podcast at some

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point about ethanol. Yes, let's
do an anthanol, saying that I would

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love that. Well, thank you
so much for joining us. We really

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appreciate it. Thank you, thanks
for having me. Of course you've been

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listening to another edition of The Federalist
Radio Hour. I'm Emily Joshinsky, culture

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00:30:22,119 --> 00:30:25,039
editor here at The Federalist. We'll
be back soon with more. Until then,

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00:30:25,160 --> 00:30:26,559
be lovers of freedom and anxious for
the frame
