WEBVTT

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New Eastern Europe podcasts. After the
rigged presidential elections in Belarus and August ninth,

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twenty twenty, the European Union stopped
recognizing Alexander Lukashenko as the legal president

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of the country. As Joseph Barrell, Head of European Diplomacy is set in

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the European Parliament, the European Union
has firmly rejected the fancified results of the

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ninth of August presidential elections, and
we have clearly said that Alexander Lukashenko lacks

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any democratic residuus. We say about
him the worst thing that one can say

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about someone who wants to go in
the country. You lack democratic legitimacy.

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For doing so, we don't recognize
you as the legitimately president of businessman nation.

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No recognition from the West does not
give Alexander Lukashenko stepless nights. During

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twenty six years of rule, he
built a strong structure of power. Fat

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Rostas to address the doctor politician Belarussian
political scientist, doctor of political science Bardo

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Rogue Centralizovan. This is an authoritarian
consolidated regime, which means that this authoritarianism

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has built on a very extensive but
centralized state and political structures. There is

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a presidential division, which means that
all administrative functions are subordinated to the president

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and he appoints plant directors, Chairman
of regions appoints mayors, that is,

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mayors of large and smaller cities.
Besides all the so called elected structures that

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is parliament, local councils, they
are completely controlled and people who are to

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end up in these chambers of parliament
or local councils are not checked in detail.

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People who are not trusted cannot appear
there, let alone members of the

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opposition. Apart from that, there
are administrative and ideological structures ideological divisions,

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as was the case in the Soviet
Union, ideologists representatives of the Communist Party.

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They were at all premises, in
all institutions and at universities, and

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they guarded the ideological loyalty. Besides, there were pro state and there are

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pro state non governmental organizations such as
the Belarusian Republican Youth Alliance, whose membership

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actually is necessary or obligatory. Over
five hundred thousand pupils or students belonged to

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it. In addition, the system
of counterfeiting was so developed that it was

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enough to change or influence the result
of voting or the result of how the

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votes were counted. Neither the observers
were able to keep an eye on how

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the votes were counted, and even
the representatives of civil society could not get

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into the electoral commissions. I'm not
even talking about the national level. Even

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at the local level there were always
selected people who signed or counted the votes

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as needed. I am no longer
talking about the secret services, about the

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preventative activities of the case AB,
which simply destroyed any activity. In fact,

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the opposition as such and the NGOs
were fragmented, demotivated and could not

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influence the political process in any way. So in general, this political structure,

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if it was strictly about politics and
the exercise of power, it could

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largely be described as semi totalitarian.
So no one could just walk into this

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structure. They were supposed to be
loyal to this person and carry out all

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orders. So no one could just
walk into this structure. They were supposed

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to be loyal to this person and
carry out all orders. You checked the

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structure to some extent even during the
crisis, as we can see, regardless

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of such a strong protest, social
opposition. This structure still exists, which

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means it has not collapsed. Although
there were indicators that something was happening there,

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that people were leaving the administration,
secret services and these organizations protests,

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but we still see that the system
itself is soldiering on. It is still

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very much mobilized. He carried out
repression on a large scale and to a

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large extent. In this repression,
this process of terror actually involved quite a

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few people who are simply ready to
serve this system to the very end.

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Fiftystem. The system is still running, but there are exceptions and the breaches.

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And Riastapovic was an officer an employee
of the so called power ministries.

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He decided that he could no longer
be a part of the repression mechanism.

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I worked in the structure of the
Ministry of the Interior for ten years.

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For two thousand and fifteen or two
August twenty twenty, I was a senior

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investigator in Minsk. Generally I worked
with heavy crimes such as beatings, murders

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and raps. Everyone has their own
motivation. For someone it is a life

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situation and a chance. For someone
else it is a family tradition and for

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yet another person. Work in the
militia or an investigatives committee is a vocation.

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Russian films and series, the heroization
and romanticization of the image of a

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policemen are also of great importance.
I saw it very often in girls who

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came to work for us on the
county. They had been striving for it

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all their lives. They started working
with great enthusiasm, and you could see

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the enthusiasm in their eyes. But
after a short time this enthusiasm quickly faded.

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It's not like in the movies the
criminal. However, as a boggy

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quagmire. Often it is also a
chance for people with an education in humanities,

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those who graduated, for example,
in law. Everyone knows that lawyers

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or notaries have average earnings. Working
in the power structures gives them that much

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more so, education really means a
lot. As for arm on, the

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situation is different. People who have
no idea for themselves often go to it.

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If someone understands that he is basically
a murderer and a bone breaker,

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I have two options, either to
work in the field and spread the manure

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with a pitchfork in the field,
or to enter official structures and mock people

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on the streets at the same time
and regularly receiving a salary and living in

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the city not in the countryside.
Of course, we cannot say that only

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fools. Some people without a life
chance work this is overkilled. Please remember

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that the army is a bublice,
and if a young man gets a taste

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for it and accept such a lifestyle, then at the end of his service,

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I can get an offer in the
army and stay in similar structures.

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I'm not saying that they are just
bad people. Often it can be simply

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attractive to someone. It may be
in line with their nature, physical development

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and brotherhood. After compulsory military service, you are fit, you know how

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to handle weapons, and here they
offer you a stable job where you really

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have to do what you can.
That is why various special units recruit their

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officers and officers from amongst such young
people in the army. It is often

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the case that someone just likes it
as a sport. There's nothing wrong with

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it. After all, some of
these people also go to anti terrorist formations

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and really want a defender state and
nation against various threats. Therefore, the

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situation is not black and white.
Unfortunately, what the authorities are doing now

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is also a shame for the secret
services themselves. This destroy and disgraces the

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motivations and experience that are really important
for every society to work in the services,

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that is, special units, especially
for people who gain this experience in

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combat conditions in different parts of the
world. The situation in terms of earnings

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in the power structures is similar,
but certain requirements must be met in different

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units. In the committee it is
intellectual and mental predispositions that are acquired over

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a long time, while in onmon
and special groups it is physical preparation.

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You have to take into account the
potential risk to your health. This is

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a life threatening job. Sometimes onmon
men have a slightly higher salary, but

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only a little Such an average salary
is about one thousand rubles. I earned

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a maximum of one thousand, four
hundred, but only after ten years of

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work experience. Of course, there
are also benefits in the form of,

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for example, an apartment allowance if
you work in an another city. In

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my case, a senior investigator who
works with heavy crime is around six hundred

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dollars in Belarus. It is an
average salary, not too much but not

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too little. Factory workers sometimes get
similar wages, sometimes more for mince.

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However, it is not remarkably.
Hid in a store, you can earn

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about one thousand, two hundred roubles. Not all investigators get that much,

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however, I can talk about what
only concerns the investigative committee. The workload

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has increased significantly, and the pressure
from the leadership by political affairs has also

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increased. I have already mentioned stress. Therefore, much more work was done

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there, but the salary was not
raised. As for the armond men,

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I haven't had a chance to talk
to any of them recently. Therefore I

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cannot confirm that their salaries have increased. In two thousand and ten, I

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was seventeen years old and I was
still under age, but adult fellow trainees

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were with the officers on protest actions
only as meals, and they spent all

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the time on buses. The older
students, on the other hand, between

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the second and the fifth year,
were formerly already rank and file officers.

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They pacified their actions. I know
about broken noses and ribs. They were

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in the front line of fire,
which means that they got baptized during their

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studies. As a minor, we
were not allowed to participate in the actions

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by law. I remember when we
were gathered in the halls and a Belorussian

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television and propaganda about what was happening
in Mince was playing all the time.

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Then things went quiet for a bit. Basically, no one explains the situation

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to you. During your studies.
Access to information is really limited only Belorussian

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television, propaganda and indoctrination. But
at this age young boys are not interested

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in politics, but in other matters. The elections in twenty fifteen years,

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you remember, were relatively quiet.
If we go back to the beginning of

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the year, everyone thought it was
going to be quiet. Nothing extraordinary will

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happen. It'll be like twenty fifteen. Once these inadequate moves and government mistakes

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regarding the COVID crisis appeared, we
read that something could happen, but that

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it would be like what is happening
now. No one could imagine that.

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When new candidates started to appear,
I started to hope for some change.

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I cannot vouch for the entire system. I'm speaking for myself. When the

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arrests of alternative candidates started, all
this social mobilization, those kilometers long queues

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to sign the list of one of
the candidates. People began to understand that

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something was going to happen. There
was also a fear that it would be

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not as quiet as for example,
five years ago, when the servicemen came

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together for Ziharalski's candidacy, we knew
that blood could be spilled. Intensive preparations

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took about four months before the elect
We assumed that there would be a quick

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pacification, demonstrations would be quickly suppressed, and by mid August everything will calm

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down, but that it will be
as we can see now. No one

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assumed that at all. The problem
began after brutal pacifications when people were not

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only beaten but also tortured and injured. One thing, when a stunt grenade

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is thrown over the demonstrators, everyone
will get scared, people will scatter,

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and that's it. Another thing is
when grenades are thrown into the crowd and

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people are chased court and beaten with
truncheons. When a frightened demonstrator is caught

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in a dark alley and tortured by
five brutes from the service, then they

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started shooting at the crowd, perhaps
not with live ammunition, but only at

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the very beginning. There were over
one thousand injured civilians in minced until August

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sixteenth. I formerly walked in the
investigative committee. Then I started showing aggression.

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Such internal aggression absolute internal intolerance to
the behavior of the authorities and other

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services when tormenting peaceful demonstrators. In
addition to such normal human disagreement with brutal

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methods, there is shame and disapproval
as the power structures that are there to

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defend the nation begin to disgrace themselves. When the authority of your organization drops

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at an exponential rate, when the
actions of specific individuals disgrace the name and

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the entire structure in which you work, then you don't want to deal with

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that. After the brutal passification stopped
a bit after August thirteenth, the authorities

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also took care of us, that
is, the brains from the services.

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Attempts were made to conceal evidence of
Suloviki crimes, delete recordings of beatings,

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and so on and so on.
When I went to their action to write

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down the protocols, I saw a
full picture of the abuses committed. Then

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I realized that if I stayed there, the system would suck me up for

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good. It wasn't just about losing
authority, but knowing that being inside the

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system, I kind of contributed to
it all. I didn't want to do

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this, and I made a decision. Enough, guys, I'm leaving.

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Even when you can clearly see that
something is wrong, some people need more

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time to see the full picture.
There will be more and more disagreements among

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the officers. I think a new
wave of redundancies will begin. People have

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already started to leave. I have
prepared a report on all the breaches and

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abuses that I have come across.
The report was very thorough and detailed,

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with a list of officials related to
the violations. So I formerly did what

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the law requires of me, but
of course I understood what it could mean

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for me. I was curious about
the reaction of the management of various departments

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to my report. On August sixteenth, I resigned naturally. I understood that

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you can't just let everyone go after
that. Later went to Moscow. Literally

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the next day. I found out
that the leadership of the ministry was angry

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and that I was wanted by the
Belarussian services. Later, the persecution of

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the Russian services began because ours must
have issued an arrest warrant. I try

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to leave Russia, but I have
stopped by non Russian services that were already

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in contact with the Belarusian ones.
During my extradition to Belarus, I managed

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to lose the tale of our secret
services and secretly escaped through fields and forests

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into Poland. I managed to lose
the tale of our secret services and secretly

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escaped through fields and forests to Poland. There are people who are still working

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in the structures. Being in the
power ministries you get soaked in it,

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and after you leave it's very hard
to find any desired job outside the structures.

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There is also fear because we are
served by former employees, and we

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are also persecuted, especially if someone
marks their departure just like me, but

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the motivations are different. Let us
not judge the entire system through the prism

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of a dozen or so degenerates,
although it must be admitted that because of

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them, the entire Belarusian services lost
their authority. However, more and more

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officers understand that even when they are
faithful and remain their service, they in

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a way contribute to all the lawlessness, and therefore they leave. The situation

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is tragic because really experienced officers leave
who have some honor, can think and

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have a chance for another job.
Only half wits are left who are capable

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of beating and punishing citizens. The
atmosphere has changed a lot. There are

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a lot of dissatisfied people inside the
services. The tension is in the air.

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Maybe also because you can't trust anyone. Even when they go to the

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smoking room. People think about what, how and with whom they talk.

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Someone can screen you. They can
only fire you, but it could end

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up being worse. You can lose
everything. There is also an element of

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revenge. We know that officers,
even these brutes who later refuse to obey

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orders, are also arrested, but
they are often treated much worse than civilian

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demonstrators because the power structures are traitors, and traitors are not forgiven. There

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is also a social and environmental problem. Suppose there is a unit of three

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thousand officers for the whole country.
There are units within such a unit that

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brutally beaten torture demonstrators. There are
let's say five hundred, but they dishonor

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the entire unit. Everyone understands that
after the change of power, such an

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individual will have a reputation as a
torturer, and no one will mention people

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who performs their work normally and reliably. You will have to prove your innocence.

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And now such an internal rat race
begins when former colleagues begin to silently

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gather various pieces of evidence on each
other. Now there's a huge division inside.

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Some deal with civil and administrative matters, others with what we see in

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the streets, and now those administrative
ones are gathering evidence for their innocence.

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Was the repression and brutality of the
authorities sparked an unrest not only among some

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of the officers of the services suppressing
the demonstrators, some journalists on which the

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propaganda mechanism is based also protested.
As the journalist Hannelubakova says, there's a

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choice of strike. I was in
Minsk when the strikes of journalists government media,

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in other words, government television started, and when I saw the strikes,

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I talked to journalists who were working
who had to leave because they were

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either fined or they just didn't see
the possibility of saying in this work.

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They also said that they had a
lot of questions for each other. Before

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the there had never been such a
level of repression. Never had there been

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such a level of brutality before,
and only now they felt that they could

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no longer reconcile themselves to the situation. They could no longer agree to this

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kind of compromise, and they left
or were fired. They just joined the

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strike. However, now the situation
is stabilized a bit because the media works

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with the help of Russian journalists and
workers from Russian general or the strike has

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been suppressed. However, this idea
that images propagated by government media and television

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will divide the nation, this is
simply a lie, which of course all

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happened before. But it's all the
more cynical because people died, people were

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tortured, people were severely beaten,
as if it happened all the time.

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In my opinion, the people who
have remained in their positions, who were

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still participating in this propaganda, in
my opinion, are doing it consciously,

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and that's what makes it all the
more cynical. Despite the resignation of individual

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officers, journalists or officials associated with
the government, the regime continues. The

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most important key positions are occupied by
people who are absolutely faithful to Alexander Lukashenko,

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including his sons, The family and
its surroundings play a fairly important role.

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First, his elder son, Victor
is the Deputy Secretary of the National

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Security Council. Here is Lukashenka's security
advisor. He actually controls and watches over

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all these power structures. He also
understands that if the Lukashenka clan loses power,

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he's in for a hard time.
Besides the whole higher political structure,

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First of all, the representatives of
the power structures are completely devoted to Lukashenka

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because they have both economic and political
preferences, and so on and so forth.

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My own the second son, Dmitri
Lukashenka, is the head of the

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State Gaming Commission, the lottery and
so on, things that are also related

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to money for money laundering. Yes, there is also a younger son,

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Nikolai, whom Lukashenka always drags with
him everywhere, and even with a Clashnakoff

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machine gun. He was running down
the street with his father down the Prespiet.

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Deep down, maybe not even deep
down, Lukashenka would like Nikolai to

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become his heir, prepare him for
this role. Politologist Pavo Ulsov explains what

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drives people who support or at least
function in the system created by Alexander Lukashenko.

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Absolutely. First, there is appsolutely
no rational understanding of what is happening.

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I call it a consciousness skew.
So people just believe that what Lukashenka

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is doing is correct. The irrationalism
is simply unconvincing. No facts about the

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forgery, about the repression, about
the killings. It does not affect these

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people. They believe that those who
come out to protest are either drug addicts

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or some marginalized people bribed by the
West, That the West wants to destabilize

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the situation, that Lukashenka is defending
the state, that Lukashenka was elected by

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the majority, that this is all
manipulation, and so on and so forth.

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Yes, and this counts for most
people, not only in the state

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division, not only in state structures, but also among ordinary citizens. Secondly,

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what we have is modern slavery.
This means that people have loans,

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they receive state preferences, some relief, They defend their own good because this

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system has created for them at least
good, comfortable living conditions. And when

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they have a choice of political morality
or political good, social good, and

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their own good. They obviously choose
their own good because they have served this

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system sporadically and faithfully during all these
years. Third, how to put it

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as a kind of moral corruption.
Judges, policemen, prosecutors, they have

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already participated in political crimes, that
is, forgery, in incorrect political sentences

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against the opposition during these twenty six
years. Most of the citizens do not

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know it. For example, I
meet such slogans quite often, how is

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it possible, after all, where
it comes from, this rape, these

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falsehoods? I answer, well,
it was for twenty six years. The

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point is, most of the society
that is protesting now has woken up.

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The society of ninety four fell into
a lethargy, and for them, this

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tradition and the historical that took place
during all these twenty six years simply do

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not exist. They do not know
about the killed representatives of the opposition in

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ninety nine, nor do they know
about the repressions. They do not know

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that people have been imprisoned for several
years for their political views, that they

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have been tortured, that they have
been fired. And when you talk about

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it with those citizens who are now
protesting against Lukashenka. They say impossible.

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I did not know about it.
I am not interested in it. People

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don't know, people don't understand.
They didn't have their own experience, they

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didn't confront the system. Suddenly they
were surprised that the system is so brutal.

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They are amazed that this system is
so brutal, although this brutality has

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always been present, has always existed, and it is in this system that

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the class that participated in the forgery
and repression has already hardened. But this

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is quite numerous people see them as
Nazis or as communists who are in post

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or Romania, who understand that if
Lukashenka lost power, a very unpleasant future

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awaits Bardo Bardo. The constant protests, but also the complicated international situation means

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that the regime of Alexander Lukashenko will
have to change. As sent by Pyotr

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Rotkovsky, director of the Bilarussian Institute
of Strategic Studies, probable the regime will

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try to imitate social dialogue and work
towards a constitutional reform that is to take

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place towards differentiation, greater differentiation in
the competencies of the president Parliament, local

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authorities and the government. Here,
in a sense, the reform will take

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place towards democratization. The authorities will
want it to be an imitation of democratization.

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While any imitation may get out of
hand, it often happens that it

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gets out of control. As for
the protest movement, there is so far

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an extraordinarily strong determination to manage Lukashenka's
dismissal to punish those responsible for violence against

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peaceful protesters. On the other hand, some will also try to act in

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this field, which will be allowed
by the authorities. Many criticize this,

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but I also think it is not
a bad idea. It is not a

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bad tactic entering their field in order
to achieve your goals by using the opportunities

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that are there to be offered.
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